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Singapore, July 2006
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Singapore, July 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: SINGAPORE July 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Singapore (English-language name). Also, in other official languages: Republik Singapura (Malay), Xinjiapo Gongheguo― 新加坡共和国 (Chinese), and Cingkappãr Kudiyarasu (Tamil) சி க யரச. Short Form: Singapore. Click to Enlarge Image Term for Citizen(s): Singaporean(s). Capital: Singapore. Major Cities: Singapore is a city-state. The city of Singapore is located on the south-central coast of the island of Singapore, but urbanization has taken over most of the territory of the island. Date of Independence: August 31, 1963, from Britain; August 9, 1965, from the Federation of Malaysia. National Public Holidays: New Year’s Day (January 1); Lunar New Year (movable date in January or February); Hari Raya Haji (Feast of the Sacrifice, movable date in February); Good Friday (movable date in March or April); Labour Day (May 1); Vesak Day (June 2); National Day or Independence Day (August 9); Deepavali (movable date in November); Hari Raya Puasa (end of Ramadan, movable date according to the Islamic lunar calendar); and Christmas (December 25). Flag: Two equal horizontal bands of red (top) and white; a vertical white crescent (closed portion toward the hoist side), partially enclosing five white-point stars arranged in a circle, positioned near the hoist side of the red band. The red band symbolizes universal brotherhood and the equality of men; the white band, purity and virtue. The crescent moon represents Click to Enlarge Image a young nation on the rise, while the five stars stand for the ideals of democracy, peace, progress, justice, and equality. -
Singapore's Chinese-Speaking and Their Perspectives on Merger
Chinese Southern Diaspora Studies, Volume 5, 2011-12 南方華裔研究雜志, 第五卷, 2011-12 “Flesh and Bone Reunite as One Body”: Singapore’s Chinese- speaking and their Perspectives on Merger ©2012 Thum Ping Tjin* Abstract Singapore’s Chinese speakers played the determining role in Singapore’s merger with the Federation. Yet the historiography is silent on their perspectives, values, and assumptions. Using contemporary Chinese- language sources, this article argues that in approaching merger, the Chinese were chiefly concerned with livelihoods, education, and citizenship rights; saw themselves as deserving of an equal place in Malaya; conceived of a new, distinctive, multiethnic Malayan identity; and rejected communist ideology. Meanwhile, the leaders of UMNO were intent on preserving their electoral dominance and the special position of Malays in the Federation. Finally, the leaders of the PAP were desperate to retain power and needed the Federation to remove their political opponents. The interaction of these three factors explains the shape, structure, and timing of merger. This article also sheds light on the ambiguity inherent in the transfer of power and the difficulties of national identity formation in a multiethnic state. Keywords: Chinese-language politics in Singapore; History of Malaya; the merger of Singapore and the Federation of Malaya; Decolonisation Introduction Singapore’s merger with the Federation of Malaya is one of the most pivotal events in the country’s history. This process was determined by the ballot box – two general elections, two by-elections, and a referendum on merger in four years. The centrality of the vote to this process meant that Singapore’s Chinese-speaking1 residents, as the vast majority of the colony’s residents, played the determining role. -
Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
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THE YEAR AHEAD No One Living in Malaya Can Complain That 1956 Was a Dull Uneventful Year. on 1St January, 1956 the Tungku Sailed
1 THE YEAR AHEAD No one living in Malaya can complain that 1956 was a dull uneventful year. On 1st January, 1956 the Tungku sailed to London in quest for Merdeka. March, the Tungku returned to Malacca where he announced to a crowd of over 100,000 Malayans mostly Malays who had come from all parts of Malaya that the Federation would get Merdeka by 31st August, 1957. Ever since then, all political leaders in the Federation have been marking time, waiting for August, 1957, before they settle their differences of views and policy with the present leadership of UMNO and the Alliance. And this is true of political leaders both in and out of the Alliance. Compared to Singapore the Federation has had a quiet year. Over and above the usual "Emergency" news, the swift and firm flushout of the Chung Ling High School students was the only big local event, as against two riots in Singapore. On March 18th the Merdeka rally at Kallang Airport when the famous platform symbolically collapsed underneath David Marshall and sparked off the first. On October 24th, flush out of the Chinese High School and the Chung Cheng High School sparked off the second. But the failure of Singapore Merdeka talks in May did not spark off a riot, a tribute to the restraining influence of the leaders in Singapore. lky\1956\lky1200.doc 2 But it was the world-shaking events in Egypt and Hungary that will go down in history as the great events of last year. The brutal Anglo-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt shocked and angered the whole non-European world. -
One Party Dominance Survival: the Case of Singapore and Taiwan
One Party Dominance Survival: The Case of Singapore and Taiwan DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Lan Hu Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2011 Dissertation Committee: Professor R. William Liddle Professor Jeremy Wallace Professor Marcus Kurtz Copyrighted by Lan Hu 2011 Abstract Can a one-party-dominant authoritarian regime survive in a modernized society? Why is it that some survive while others fail? Singapore and Taiwan provide comparable cases to partially explain this puzzle. Both countries share many similar cultural and developmental backgrounds. One-party dominance in Taiwan failed in the 1980s when Taiwan became modern. But in Singapore, the one-party regime survived the opposition’s challenges in the 1960s and has remained stable since then. There are few comparative studies of these two countries. Through empirical studies of the two cases, I conclude that regime structure, i.e., clientelistic versus professional structure, affects the chances of authoritarian survival after the society becomes modern. This conclusion is derived from a two-country comparative study. Further research is necessary to test if the same conclusion can be applied to other cases. This research contributes to the understanding of one-party-dominant regimes in modernizing societies. ii Dedication Dedicated to the Lord, Jesus Christ. “Counsel and sound judgment are mine; I have insight, I have power. By Me kings reign and rulers issue decrees that are just; by Me princes govern, and nobles—all who rule on earth.” Proverbs 8:14-16 iii Acknowledgments I thank my committee members Professor R. -
Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1990 Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision Marcia Marie Lewandowski College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Lewandowski, Marcia Marie, "Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision" (1990). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625615. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-4w70-3c60 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BRITAIN'S LABOUR PARTY AND THE EEC DECISION A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Marcia Lewandowski 1990 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Marcia Marie Lewandowski Approved, May 1990 Alan J. Ward Donald J. B Clayton M. Clemens TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................. .............. iv ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. -
DM.009 Folio Title: Singapore Labour Front Content Description
Folio No: DM.009 Folio Title: Singapore Labour Front Content Description: Official and unofficial correspondence with and of Labour Front, radio broadcasts of Chief Minister, election messages to Cairnhill constituency. Includes copies of Singapore Labour Front Constitution, The Four-Year Programme of the Labour Front, Manifesto of the Labour Party of Malaya, David Marshall's [comments] on the Singapore Constitution, 1959. Also includes correspondence: with Francis Thomas on party re-organisation; Labour Party of Malaya prior to its formation. Also includes: news articles from various newspapers on the 1955 Elections and the Labour Government, congratulatory messages and advertisements in the local press ITEM DOCUMENT DIGITIZATION ACCESS DOCUMENT CONTENT NO DATE STATUS STATUS List of questions and answers relating to Labour Front's DM.9.001 Undated Digitized Open policies and plans (drafts and duplicates) Letter from HR Armstrong to Hugh Savage of the Singapore Standard, forwarding, on behalf of the Chief DM.9.002 13/4/1955 Digitized Open Minister, a list of questions and answers relating to the Labour Front platform (re: DM.9.1) Campaign flyer and manifesto of MPD Nair for the 2 Apr DM.9.003 28/2/1955 Digitized Open 1955 elections DM.9.004 Undated Constitution of the Singapore Labour Front Digitized Open Draft of a letter to a newspaper editor (unnamed) re: DM.9.005 Undated Digitized Open status of the Labour Front Editorial of the Malaya Merdeka weekly entitled 'Well DM.9.006 7/4/1955 done! Singapore Malays", re: the success of the -
The Conservatives in Crisis
garnett&l 8/8/03 12:14 PM Page 1 The Conservatives in crisis provides a timely and important analysis incrisis Conservatives The of the Conservative Party’s spell in Opposition following the 1997 general election. It includes chapters by leading academic experts The on the party and commentaries by three senior Conservative politicians: Lord Parkinson, Andrew Lansley MP and Ian Taylor MP. Having been the dominant force in British politics in the twentieth century, the Conservative Party suffered its heaviest general Conservatives election defeats in 1997 and 2001. This book explores the party’s current crisis and assesses the Conservatives’ failure to mount a political recovery under the leadership of William Hague. The Conservatives in crisis includes a detailed examination of the reform of the Conservative Party organisation, changes in ideology in crisis and policy, the party’s electoral fortunes, and Hague’s record as party leader. It also offers an innovative historical perspective on previous Conservative recoveries and a comparison with the revival of the US Republican Party. In the conclusions, the editors assess edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch the failures of the Hague period and examine the party’s performance under Iain Duncan Smith. The Conservatives in crisis will be essential reading for students of contemporary British politics. Mark Garnett is a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Politics at the University of Leicester. Philip Lynch is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Leicester. Lynch Garnett eds and In memory of Martin Lynch THE CONSERVATIVES IN CRISIS The Tories after 1997 edited by Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Copyright © Manchester University Press 2003 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors. -
The Contested Development of Nationalism in Colonial Malaya (1930 – 1955)
The Contested Development of Nationalism in Colonial Malaya (1930 – 1955) Winston Ghee Wei Toh Undergraduate Thesis Department of History Columbia University in the City of New York Word Count: 15,292 Seminar Advisor: Professor Elisheva Carlebach Second Reader: Professor Charles K. Armstrong Source: Map of South East Asia from the University of Texas Libraries, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/southeast_asia_pol_2003.jpg (accessed 6 Feb 2017) Toh,1 Acknowledgements One cannot speak of Malayan national identity without evoking the related concept of forgetting, so prevalent in the rhetoric of its nationalist discourse. Forgetting, however, presumes something worth obscuring. Hence, the absence of James Puthucheary, Hedwig Aroozoo, Wang Gungwu, Lim Thean Soo and their colleagues from the University of Malaya; of Lim Boon Keng, Ong Song Siang, Tan Cheng Lock, Lim Cheng Ean, and other early nationalists from the national narrative, has its own presence in the gaps of collective memory. While vicariously living the lives of these forgotten heroes, I cannot help but to also pay tribute to my very own. This thesis would not have been without the patient stewardship and generous counsel of my thesis supervisor, Dr. Elisheva Carlebach, and Dr. Charles K. Armstrong at Columbia University. I am indebted to Dr. Ngoei Wen-Qing of Yale University, whose deep intellect I have retreated into for assurance and constructive criticism. Edmund (Ned) Brose, Joshua Jesudason, and Hygin P. Fernandez are amongst those I have spoken to at length about on this topic, which so thoroughly fascinates me, and will continue to do so. Finally, to mum and dad, whose interests lie elsewhere, but never showed it. -
SINGAPORE This File Contains Election Results for the Singapore
SINGAPORE This file contains election results for the Singapore Legislative Assembly in 1955, 1959, and 1963, and the Singapore Parliament in 1968, 1972, 1976, 1980, 1984, 1988, 1991, 1997, 2001, 2006, and 2011. YEAR Election Year CONST Constituency Name ELECTORS Number of Electors (Registered Voters) SEATS Constituency Magnitude (Number of Mandates) Votes by Party PAP People’s Action Party WP Workers’ Party PP Progressive Party DP Democratic Party LP Labour Party LSP Liberal Socialist Party SPA Singapore People’s Alliance SA Singapore Alliance UPP United People’s Party BS Barisan Sosialis PMIP Pan Malayan Islamic Party PRSSD Partai Rakyat, Singapore State Division SLF Singapore Labour Front KURA Katong United Residents Asssociation CP Citizens’ Party UDP United Democratic Party UNF United National Front PF People’s Front UF United Front SJP Singapore Justice Party RP The Reform Party SPP Singapore People’s Party SDP Singapore Democratic Party NSP National Solidarity Party SDA Singapore Democratic Alliance DPP Democratic Progressive Party PKMS Pertubohan Kebangsaan Melayu Singapura (Singapore Malay National Organization) JPS Justice Party Singapore AI Angkatan Islam UPF United People’s Front SUF Singapore United Front INDP1 First Independent Candidate INDP2 Second Independent Candidate INDP3 Third Independent Candidate INDP4 Fourth Independent Candidate Candidate Names C_PAP People’s Action Party C_LP Labour Party C_SLF Singapore Labour Front C_DP Democratic Party C_PP Progressive Party C_LSP Liberal Social Party C_SPA Singapore People’s -
Exploring Political Change Thatcherism and the Remaking of the Labour Party 1979-1997
EXPLORING POLITICAL CHANGE THATCHERISM AND THE REMAKING OF THE LABOUR PARTY 1979-1997 RICHARD HEFFERNAN P hD THESIS LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON UMI Number: U61BB65 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613365 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ~L Z £ ^Saujouoog Abstract. The politics of Thatcherism reflects a political and economic project rooted in the ideology of the New Right. While subject to the interplay of opportunity and circumstance, chance and fortune, the Thatcher and Major governments of 1979-1997 did pursue and largely enact a coherent political agenda. Thatcherism is best understood as a process enacted over time. At its very heart was an anti-statist commitment to roll back the frontiers not of the state per se but of the pre existing ‘social democratic’ state. As a project simultaneously informed by an ideological doctrine and constrained by the dictates of statecraft, Thatcherism was an agent of political change, one which reconfigurated state and society at the same time it was responsive to political realities and electoral pressures. -
Electoral Politics in Singapore
Singapore: Yeo Lay Hwee Electoral Politics in Singapore Yeo Lay Hwee Introduction Elections are a necessary but not sufficient condition of democracy. Having a free and fair election is an important component of democracy because it is meant to provide the means for popular choice and control over government – popular choice being a key principle of democracy. Democracy, however, requires more than just elections. The degree of democracy can be measured by how far socio-political and economic structures are built and organized to realize the various principles of democracy. The definitions of these principles in most Western literature include ‘popular control’ and ‘political equality’. ‘Popular control’ implies that people have the right to a controlling influence over public decisions and decision-makers; and the meaning of ‘political equality’ is that people should be treated with equal respect and regarded as having equal worth in the context of such decisions. Singapore has never been fully accepted as a democratic country by Western liberal standards. It is often described as a model of ‘soft authoritarianism’, or a limited democracy at best. The electoral system in Singapore is sometimes also seen as flawed by political commentators, who point out the lack of options and the lack of an effective opposition. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) enjoyed parliamentary monopoly from 1966 to 1981, and in the last two decades, while conceding between two and four seats to the opposition, has continued to exert such political dominance that some see Singapore as virtually a one- party state. This chapter gives a historical account of the development of the electoral system in Singapore, outlines the major changes and provides an evaluation of its performance, noting how it has contributed to the democratic development of Singapore.