The Postal Connection: Singapore and Thailand

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Postal Connection: Singapore and Thailand 10 | BEMUSE | Nº 21 MUSEINGS. | OCT – DEC 2012 | 11 THE POSTAL CONNECTION SINGAPORE AND THAILAND TEXT BY LUCILLE YAP singapore and thailand share close his- tion hub for states and countries in South- MODERNISING SIAM torical ties dating back to the 13th centu- east Asia. All written correspondence from Siam was known to be a great entrepot ry when Singapore was under the Malay countries in this region with the rest of the centre in the 17th century. However, its ef- sultanate. The opening of the Kingdom of world, and vice versa, was done via Singa- forts in diplomatic and commercial rela- Siam (now Kingdom of Thailand) to for- pore. Incoming and outgoing foreign mail tions with foreign and Western countries eign trade from 1855 drew Singapore closer to and from Southeast Asian countries were were put to a halt by Burmese invasion in to Siam via trade. collected in Singapore before being for- 1767. Although Burma did not retain con- Singapore received the first royal visit warded to their destinations. trol of Siam for long, Siam closed its door from the Kingdom of Siam when His Maj- Located at the crossroads of interna- to the outside world and spent more than esty King Chulalongkorn made his first tional shipping routes, Singapore’s unique a hundred years to restore and reunite the overseas visit as king to Singapore in 1871. geographical position placed it in a posi- country. It was during this period when Siam stud- tion to influence the postal arrangements Siam began to resume external contacts (Top): 2005 stamp commemorating a century of ied how Singapore, then a British colony, of neighbouring countries – many of which during the reign of His Majesty King Nang abolition of slavery in Thailand, which was part of His Majesty King Chulalongkorn’s reform. was administered, including its economic followed this British settlement’s post- Klao (Rama III 1824 - 1851). He reopened Outgoing letters sent from Bangkok to (Above): 1995, 120th anniversary of the Ministry and social affairs, as well as the postal sys- al system closely when introducing new relations with Western nations and estab- San Francisco and France via Singapore. of Foreign Affairs featuring His Majesty King tem. The advancement of the British postal postal systems and extending old ones. The lished trade with China. But it was during Source: Collection of Dr Prakob Chirakiti. His Majesty King Mongkut (Rama IV). Chulalongkorn. system in Singapore inspired the Kingdom Kingdom of Siam was no exception. the reign of His Majesty King Mongkut of Siam to introduce and develop the postal Singapore continued to serve as an im- (Rama IV 1851 - 1868) and later His Majesty system in Siam. The first post office and portant collecting and forwarding hub until King Chulalongkorn (Rama V 1868 - 1910) stamp issue for Siam was inaugurated on 4 late 1800s when its neighbouring countries that Siam underwent tremendous transfor- August 1883. became members of the Universal Postal mation. colonising states and countries around more than doubled, from 146 in 1850 to 302 sult, modern technology such as the con- Union (UPU). As members of the UPU, Siam, King Mongkut kept these Western in 1862. The total annual value of trade also struction of roads and bridges was brought SINGapore – A POSTAL HUB which was established in 1874, they were Diplomacy, Sovereignty powers at bay by signing treaties with sev- rose from about 5.6 million baht in 1850 to to Siam. Since its establishment as a trading post able to send and receive international mail and Modernisation eral European countries. United Kingdom about 10 million baht by 1868. During the start of the reign of King in 1819 by the British East India Company, directly to and from foreign countries with- Faced with the pressure and threat of was the first to succeed in signing a treaty Capitalising on the good relationship Chulalongkorn, the progress of Singapore, Singapore was a postal and communica- out having to route their mail to Singapore. Western imperialist powers’ advances in with Siam in 1855. Signed by King Mongkut with the Western powers, King Mongkut Java and India had deeply impressed the and Sir John Bowring, the Bowring Treaty studied their form of government, admin- young king. British and Dutch colonial in essence allowed foreigners to trade free- istration, as well as their social and eco- government and administration – not the ly in Bangkok without the heavy royal taxes nomic affairs. He undertook many social states in Europe – were his models. There » did you know? « imposed on trade. The constructive treaty and economic reforms to modernise Siam. are two main periods of reform during his put Siam’s foreign relations on a positive King Chulalongkorn continued his father’s reign: the first from 1873 to 1874; and the When did Siam change note at a time when resistance was met tradition of reform, abolishing slavery and second, after 1892. The reforms were re- its name to ‘Thailand’? with force. The Bowring Treaty set the tone improving the public welfare and adminis- lated to his travels to Singapore and Java The attempt to change the name of non-interference in Siamese affairs and trative systems. in 1871 and his subsequent visits to these ‘Siam’ to ‘Thailand’ began in 1939 respect for Thai independence, which was same places in 1896 and 1901. and again between 1945 and 1949. also observed by other Western powers. Singapore – An Inspiration to Siam In 1881, with a view to establish post It was only on 11 May 1949, through The Bowring Treaty resulted in an Singapore was the British centre in the offices in the kingdom, an officer was sent an official proclamation that the increasing volume of trade between Singa- region. There were many visits between to Singapore to gain insight into the post- name of the country was changed to pore and Siam. Rice exports formed the British and Siamese officials. In 1861, King al system. Siam hoped to establish direct ‘Thailand’. The word ‘Thai’ means biggest part of this trade. With the signing Mongkut sent Chao Phraya Sri Suriya- postal communication with the rest of the ‘Free’, and therefore ‘Thailand’ 1997 Singapore-Thailand Joint Stamp Issue from Singapore and Thailand. of more treaties with other foreign powers, wongse Juang Bunnag and Prince Krom- world, and there was no post office in the means ‘Land of the Free’. trade grew by leaps and bounds. For exam- mamun Vishnunarth Nibhadhorn to study kingdom at that time. ple, ships visiting Bangkok from Singapore how Singapore was administered. As a re- 12 | BEMUSE | Nº 21 MUSEINGS. | OCT – DEC 2012 | 13 INTRODUCTION OF POSTAL SYSTEM IN SIAM Code of Arms of British Consulate in Bangkok Post office at the British Consulate on British Consulate in Bangkok used as postal cancellation Charoenkrung Road. The signing of treaties between Siam and foreign countries allowed these countries to establish their consulates in Siam. The need to communicate via letters and corre- spondence with other consulates and with their home countries stressed the need for a postal system. At that time, there was no postal service in Siam. The people of Siam sent letters through messengers or friends who were travelling within or out of the country. Straits Settlements stamps overprinted with ‘B’ In 1867, the British Consulate was the used in Bangkok. first entity in Siam to introduce the system of post. With that, all international mailing services were provided by and dependent Straits Settlements Stamps younger brother, published a daily news- on the British Consulate. Overprinted with ‘B’ paper named ‘COURT’ or ‘Government In April 1882, the branch of the Singapore News’ with a group of the royal family’s Straits Settlements Stamps post office established in Bangkok was members. The newspaper was distribut- Used in Bangkok permitted by the United Kingdom to oper- ed by despatch to high ranking officials When the British Consulate Post Office ate postal services in the city, as sending and close members of the royal family, and was set up in Bangkok, Siam did not have messages was in great demand. The Straits Prince Bhanurangsi Sawangwongse issued its own stamp. British India stamps, which Settlements stamps were overprinted with a stamp as evidence of payment for the were also used in the Straits Settlements the Roman alphabet ‘B’, which stood for delivery service. This stamp, referred to as (Malacca, Penang and Singapore), were ‘Bangkok’, the place from where the letters ‘Local Stamp’, featured a portrait of Prince used by the British Consulate Post Office were mailed. Bhanurangsi Sawangwongse. They were until 1867 when they were replaced by After Siam started operating its own also used for letters sent to a specific area. Straits Settlements stamps. postal services in 1883 and became a mem- Following this, Prince Bhanurangsi During this early period, outbound mail ber country of the UPU on 1 July 1885, the issued another series of stamps printed in must be sent out from Bangkok to Singa- British postal services in Siam and the use England named ‘The Royal Family’. It was pore, and thereafter forwarded to other of the stamps printed with the letter ‘B’ used only by members of the royal family in countries. The letters and packages were were terminated. communicating government news. thus cancelled in Singapore with Singa- pore postmarks. This practice continued Local Stamps for Palace Use until 1 July 1885 when Siam joined the UPU In 1875, when the British Consulate was which coordinates the international postal still offering postal services in Siam, system, and started its own international His Royal Highness Prince Bhanurang- postal services. si Sawangwongse, King Chulalongkorn’s (Top): Letter dated 24 August 1859 written by His Majesty King Mongkut to Mr CHH Wilsone, Vice Consul of Denmark in Singapore.
Recommended publications
  • The Change from Traditional Nobleman to Modern Bureaucrat in Thailand: a Case Study of the Saeng-Xuto Family
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DSpace at Waseda University *UDGXDWH6FKRRORI$VLD3DFL¿F6WXGLHV:DVHGD8QLYHUVLW\ -RXUQDORIWKH*UDGXDWH6FKRRORI$VLD3DFL¿F6WXGLHV No.36 (2018.9) pp.1-13 The Change from Traditional Nobleman to Modern Bureaucrat in Thailand: A Case Study of the Saeng-Xuto Family Yaninie Phaithayawat* タイにおける伝統的貴族官僚から現代官僚への変容 ― セーン・シュートー・ファミリーの事例 ― パイタヤーワット ヤーニニー * Abstract The pre-modern state of Siam consisted of traditional bureaucracy and a decentralized political system without territorial boundaries. King Chulalongkorn began to reform the old bureaucracy by managing revenues in 1873 and founding the State and Privy Councils in 1874. The King reformed the central administration into twelve ministries of the modern bureaucracy in 1892. Previous academic works about the creation of modern state focused on the causes of reformation, processes of reforms and problems after the reforms. Those works analyzed the policies, the structure of state modernization, and the difficulties of reformation. This article aims to examine the reformation’s effects on Siamese noblemen during the creation of modern state. The modern bureaucracy reorganized the royal court, including the government’s budget and tax collection. The nobles in the traditional bureaucracy had major duties in the manpower control and tax collection and earned the economic benefits from their duties, as opposed to officials in the modern bureaucracy who were professional and only paid salaries. This article examines how noble families in the Bangkok period adapted to be bureaucrats. The case study focuses on the Saeng-Xuto family, which ascended during the reign of King Rama I.
    [Show full text]
  • The Siamese Government's Responses to Western Forces at the Time of King Mongkut
    UNIWERSYTET ZIELONOGÓRSKI IN GREMIUM 11/2017 Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką ISSN 1899-2722 ■ s. 67-92 Nguyen Tien Dung* THE SIAMESE GOVERNMENT’S RESPONSES TO WESTERN FORCES AT THE TIME OF KING MONGKUT (1851-1868) Amidst the strong wave of Western colonialist invasion in the East in the second half the 19th century, Siam was the only political entity in Southeast Asia which managed to avoid colonization. It is noteworthy that most Vietnamese and international scholars, while accounting for the success of Siam in the protection of its security and independ- ence, believe that Siam was able to maintain its sovereignty because it was located in a “buffer zone” between British and French forces and took advantage of conflicts and fights for influence between imperialist countries on the Sino-Indian peninsula1. * The author is now a Lecturer at Faculty of Cultural Studies, Hanoi University of Culture (HUC) and also a Doctoral candidate at Faculty of History, University of Social Sciences and Humanities (USSH), Vietnam National University, Hanoi (VNU). The author would like to give deeply thank to Advisors: Prof. Dr. Nguyen Van Kim, Prof. Vu Duong Ninh and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hoang Khac Nam at Vietnam National University, Hanoi and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bruce Lockhart at Department of History, National University of Singapore (NUS). His email contact is [email protected] or [email protected]. 1 On Siam’s foreign policies for Western colonialist forces in the second half of the 19th century in general and analyses of the “buffer zone” location of this country, please see: D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lost Territories: Thailand's History of National Humiliation
    Book Reviews 177 The Lost Territories: Thailand’s History of National Humiliation SHANE STRATE Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015, xii+253p. The notion of the winners being the ones who write history does not always ring true in the case of Thailand. In Thai historiography, loss and humiliation have also found their way into service as a predominant ideological foundation backing up various state strategies, from the preservation of certain political regimes, the creation of faces of the enemy, to the need to construct the nation’s identity. The Lost Territories: Thailand’s History of National Humiliation by Shane Strate discusses the pertinent topic of how national humiliation has been politically exploited, and thus became politically useful, in supporting ethnic chauvinism and military expansion, and in the modern day, ironically, the glorification of Thai monarchs, even when it distastefully reveals the vulnerabilities of the Thai state. In August 2015, the military government of General Prayuth Chan-ocha completed its mis- sion to resurrect the glorious days of Siam’s past kings. The “Rajapakdi Park” (Rajapakdi means “loyalty to the monarchy”) houses giant statues of seven Siamese kings from all four dynasties— Sukhothai, Ayutthaya, Thonburi, and Rattanakosin. This is a project eerily similar to that seen in the Myanmar capital of Naypyidaw, which showcases the three great kings of Burma—Anawratha, Bayinnaung, and Alaungpaya—supposedly serving to legitimize the then military government of General Than Shwe. Undoubtedly, the Rajapakdi Park is designed primarily for a similar purpose: injecting a sense of royal loyalty at the time when Thailand is once again in the custody of a military regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Sense of the Military Coup D'état in Thailand
    Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia The Iron Silk Road and the Iron Fist: Making Sense of the Military Coup D’État in Thailand Wolfram Schaffar ► Schaffar, W. (2018). The iron silk road and the iron fist: Making sense of the military coup d’état in Thailand. Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 11(1), 35-52. In May of 2014, the military of Thailand staged a coup and overthrew the democrati- cally elected government of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. The political divisions in Thailand, which culminated in the coup, as well as the course of events leading to the coup, are difficult to explain via Thai domestic policy and the power relations -be tween Thailand’s military, corporate, and civil entities. The divisions can be more clearly revealed when interpreted in the context of the large-scale Chinese project “One Belt, One Road”. This ambitious infrastructure project represents an important step in the rise of China to the position of the world’s biggest economic power and – drawing on world-systems theory – to the center of a new long accumulation cycle of the global econ- omy. Against this backdrop, it will be argued that developments in Thailand can be in- terpreted historically as an example of the upheavals in the periphery of China, the new center. The establishment of an autocratic system is, however, not directly attributable to the influence of China, but results from the interplay of internal factors in Thailand. Keywords: Belt-and-Road Initiative; Coup D’État; High-Speed Train; Thailand; World-Systems Theory THE RETURN OF AUTHORITARIANISM IN THAILAND On 22 May 2014, the military in Thailand staged a coup d’état and removed the elected government of Yingluck Shinawatra, the sister of the exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.1 This coup marked the climax of the politi- cal division of Thailand into two camps: the Yellow Shirts, which are close to www.seas.at doi 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2018.1-3 www.seas.at the monarchy and to the royalist-conservative elites, and the Red Shirts, who support Thaksin.
    [Show full text]
  • Life of Imperialism: Thailand, Territory and State Transformation
    Life of Imperialism: Thailand, territory and state transformation Abstract: The paper argues that in territorial disputes before international courts between states that were formerly under colonial rule and semicolonialism, respectively, international courts favour the former. I study two cases – semicolonial Siam in Cheek v Siam arbitration (1897) and postcolonial Thailand in the Temple of Preah Vihear case (1962) – in their historical context to prove this. The critique of formalism here operates on two levels. First, in actual disputes the production of colonial stationary – for example, maps, photographs, and communiqué as demonstrable proofs of evidence – benefits states formerly under colonial rule. Second, in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, the ICJ pits, as it were, the French colonial history in Cambodia against Siamese semicolonial past. Arguably, the Cheek v Siam episode demonstrates nineteenth century Siam’s successful attempts to deploy politico- legal strategy to remain politically independent. By contrast, the ICJ in the Temple case defeats Siamese conceptions of shared sovereignty to confirm the continuing hegemony of modern geography and colonial cartography. The Cheek and Temple cases, respectively, among other untribunalized arm- twisting episodes typify Siam’s tryst with both semicolonial and postcolonial international law. Siam offers both epistemological lessons on history, past, and knowledge production and the possibility of prefiguring postcolonial Asian imperialism. Table of Content I. Introduction II. Of historians and Lawyers III. Indochina, Britain and France in the nineteenth century A. The British Burma-Siam Boundary issue: 1824-1846 B. Siam, Cambodia and France: 1821-1909 IV. Unequal Treaties and semicolonial Siam A. Situating Cheek v Siam Arbitration (1897) B.
    [Show full text]
  • Anglo-Siamese Economic Relations:British Trade,Capital
    ANGLO-SIAMESE ECONOMIC RELATIONS:BRITISH TRADE,CAPITAL AND ENTERPRISE IN SIAM,1856-1914. PETER SEK WANNAMETHEE. Submitted for PhD. LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON. UMI Number: U615757 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615757 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T\4£S£S F 6GS2- x c5 MolS/37/ 1 Acknowledgement. I would like to express my gratitude to the following who have made it possible for me to complete the doctorial thesis.Firstly to my former supervisor,Prof.M.E.Falkus,who drew my attention to Thai economic history,assisted me in the structure of the thesis, and guided me throughout my research.Secondly,to the staff at the National Archives in Bangkok,for their patience and tolerance during my research.Thirdly,to the National Security Council,whose permission in consulting certain confidential files has been of value.Fourthly,to HM's Principal Private Secretary,M.L.Thavisan Ladawan,for the privilege he granted me in exploring the archive at the Royal Secretariat.The research undertaken in Bangkok was facilitated by the financial support awarded by the Central Research Fund.I would like to extend my appreciation to my tutor, D r .
    [Show full text]
  • This Treaty-Making Is a Difficult and Responsible Business Among Such a People. It Is Contrary to the Traditions, Notions
    THE MISSION OF SIR JOHN BOWRING TO SIAM _!lvicholas C(;a.rfing University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia "This treaty-making is a difficult and responsible business among such a people. It is contrary to the traditions, notions and habits of the masses to be in appearance surrendering rights to foreign powers, and especially western powers. It is contrary to the interest of the nobles to be opening for general competition a trade of which they now have the mo­ nopoly". William M. Wood, Faukwei. In 1853 the Aberdeen coalition government in London had decided against the deputation of a mission to the new king of Siam, despite (or perhaps because of) the undertaking of the previous ministry to Sir James Brooke.(l) In 1854, however, instructions were given to Sir John Bowring, Governor of Hong Kong and British I.)lcnipotentiary in China, to make commercial treaties if possible. with Japan, Siam and Cochin-China (i.e. Vietnam), providing for "British jurisdiction over British Subjects,- for the interpretation of the terms of the Treaty by the British Version,- for the power of revision at the expiration of a stated time,-- and for participation in all the benefits which now or hereafter may be conceded ... to foreign nations .... " He was to be "careful as to the terms in which you may engage ... to extend to the subjects of ... those States in the British dominions advantages equivalent to tl1ose granted in them to British Subjects. The form of stipulation in this respect should be that the subjects of those StAtes shall enjoy in the British domi­ nions the privileges granted in those dominions to the subjects of other Countries ...."(2) These instructions applied some of the les­ sons learned in the opening of China and illustrated the developing system of extraterritoriality.
    [Show full text]
  • Siam's Old Singapore Ties
    Siam’s Old Singapore Ties Vitthya Vejjajiva Introduction This article is an abridged and edited version of a longer article that was prepared for a commemorative publication for the inauguration of the new premises of the Thai Embassy in Singapore.1 It is by no means meant as an academic article— indeed, although I use the word “old”, I am referring to the ties, not Singapore itself, which has had certain “connections” with Siam under King Ramkhamhaeng and down the ages—but has been prepared as a “reminder” of Singapore’s continuous and close association with the kings and people of Siam for well over a century. It was thus envisioned as a non-scholarly and basically descriptive article. That said, I hope to remind readers that the advent of “old” Singapore, dating from 1819, proved to be a momentous event for Siam, for it had the effect of changing the traditional pattern of Siam’s trade, henceforth to be characterized by the fast-growing junk trade between Chinese merchants in Siam and their counterparts in Singapore. I. First contact The first Siamese-Singapore direct contact occurred in April 1821, barely two years after the founding of Singapore by Sir Stamford Raffles. A mission led by John Morgan, an English merchant resident in Singapore, was entrusted with a letter addressed to the King of Siam, in which Colonel William Farquhar, Resident of Singapore, informed the King of the “new Establishment the British Government has formed here” and expressed the hope for future commercial ties.2 The emissary was generally well received in Bangkok.
    [Show full text]
  • Control and Prosperity: the Teak Business in Siam 1880S–1932 Dissertation Zur Erlangung Des Grades Des Doktors Der Philosophie
    Control and Prosperity: The Teak Business in Siam 1880s–1932 Dissertation zur Erlangung des Grades des Doktors der Philosophie an der Fakultät Geisteswissenschaften der Universität Hamburg im Promotionsfach Geschichte Südostasiens (Southeast Asian History) vorgelegt von Amnuayvit Thitibordin aus Chiang Rai Hamburg, 2016 Gutachter Prof. Dr. Volker Grabowsky Gutachter Prof. Dr. Jan van der Putten Ort und Datum der Disputation: Hamburg, 13. Juli 2016 Table of Content Acknowledgement I Abstract III Zusammenfassung IV Abbreviations and Acronyms V Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Rationale 1 1.2 Literature Review 4 1.2.1 Teak as Political Interaction 5 1.2.2 Siam: Teak in the Economy and Nation-State of Southeast Asia 9 1.2.3 Northern Siam: Current Status of Knowledge 14 1.3 Research Concepts 16 1.3.1 Political Economy 16 1.3.2 Economic History and Business History 18 1.4 Source and Information 21 1.4.1 Thai Primary Sources 23 1.4.2 British Foreign Office Documents 23 1.4.2.1 Foreign Office Confidential Print 24 1.4.2.2 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and Finance 24 1.4.3 Business Documents 25 1.5 Structure of the Thesis 25 1.6 Thai Transcription System and Spelling Variations 29 Part I Control Chapter 2 Macro Economy and the Political Control of Teak 30 2.1 The Impact of the Bowring Treaty on the Siamese Economy 30 2.2 The Bowring Treaty and the Government’s Budget Problem 36 2.3 The Pak Nam Incident of 1893 and the Contestation of Northern Siam 41 2.4 Conclusion 52 Chapter 3 The Teak Business and the Integration of the Lan Na Principalities
    [Show full text]
  • Has Thailand Learnt Any Lessons from the Bowring Treaty and the Treaty of Amity?
    Athens Journal of Law - Volume 5, Issue 4 – Pages 405-418 Has Thailand learnt any Lessons from the Bowring Treaty and the Treaty of Amity? By Nucharee Nuchkoom Smith* & Robert Brian Smith‡ Thailand signed its first trade treaty with a European power with Portugal in 1516. Treaties with Spain, the Dutch followed. Arguably the two most significant treaties signed by Thailand in historical times were the Bowring Treaty signed with the British in 1855 and the Treaty of Amity and Commerce signed with the United States in 1833 and, following a number of replacements, the current version – the Treaty of Amity and Economic Relations was signed in 1966 and entered into force in 1968 at the height of the Vietnam War. The Bowring Treaty resulted in Thailand ceding its sovereignty over British subjects in Thailand to British law. This treaty lasted for 70 years. The Treaty of Amity originally provided more favourable benefits to United States enterprises than did the British under their earlier treaty of 1826. They were less favourable than those that were negotiated by the British in the Bowring Treaty. Thailand clearly ceded some of its sovereignty under these treaties and then sought to retrieve the situation over the following century. Since 1991 Thailand has been a party to negotiations for 30 Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with 13 having entered into force. At the same time Thailand has signed 40 Bilateral Investment Treaties of which 37 have entered into force. The paper analyses whether or not Thailand has learnt lessons from the obligations imposed under its past treaties and as a result has it been advantaged or disadvantaged again during its post 1990 treaty obligations.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand's Economic and Social Development in The
    Article Thailand’s Economic and Social Development in the Modern Period: from Open Door Policy to Good Governance Arpharatsami Namanee* The Institute of East Asian Studies, Thammasat University, Klong Luang, Pathum Thani, 12120, Thailand. Abstract Background: There are the distinct factors affected the economic and social development in Thailand in each period. The study of the historical background of the economic and social development in Thailand is important for understanding its evolution. Furthermore, it provides the data and lesson learned for the present and the future. Objective: The objectives of this study are to explain and demonstrate the economic and social development in Thailand from the King Rama IV period of reign that Thailand has opened the door for Capitalism to the present period. Results: The signif icant results elucidate the Thai economic and social development in the modern period is effective in some aspects such as the GDP growth, the Thai people’s quality of life, the public health care. In the other hand, there are many problems remain come together with the development process such as the illiterate democracy, the environment and natural resources have been depleted and the environment degraded, the increasing of the income gaps etc. Discussion and Conclusions: the sustainable development is necessary so we have to studies to propose the effective strategies for the economic and social development in Thailand. The rational choice development approach will be employed in the future. Keyword: Economic and Social Development, Good Governance, Public Policy Historical Background long under Burmese power. Even in 1767 The Ayuthian period of Siam, the name Phya Taksin and his followers were regaining of Thailand used before 1939’s history came control of parts of Siam, and by 1771 Phya to the end in 1767 (b.e.2310) when Autthaya, Taksin controllnearly all of Siam of the Ayuthian the capital city, was captured and sacked by period.
    [Show full text]
  • 19Th Century Early Rattanakosin Prices Based on “Wat Phra Chettuphon Wimon Mangkhlaram Ratchaworamahawihan” (Chetupol Temple Archives)1
    19th Century Early Rattanakosin Prices Based on “Wat Phra Chettuphon Wimon Mangkhlaram Ratchaworamahawihan” (Chetupol Temple 1 Archives) Introduction This paper is a preliminary development of data on Siamese history of wages and prices in the early 19th century; it adopts the usage of “chod-mai-het” or the earlier versions of Siamese archive records, prior to the introduction of western bureaucracy reforms during the dawn of the 20th century. Unlike later data that were recorded in official accounting books and white paper; earlier information were recorded in “Samud Thai” (Thai Books) through the charcoal etching method. They were commonly used by temple and village scribes, monks, and government officials as a mean to record significant daily operations and religious accounts. These earlier records on economic activities kept by the pre-modernised government were either assumed to be ‘lost’ or ‘non-existent’ prior to the recent preservation effort. Consequently, studies on Early Rattanakosin2 or 19th century market activities have been mainly reliant on foreign records and several surviving written observations. Recent development in the field of scripture preservation in Thailand has surfaced more data for analysis, and among them are accounting books from temple constructions in Bangkok which dates back to the capital establishment during the early 19th century. This does not count other black book records which are left in temples across other parts of Thailand, including the old capital in Ayutthaya Province. This paper will seek to explain a historical overview of the time, recording methods, the measurements, and finally, some price and wage data from the current primary source development will be compiled into a price index in future use.
    [Show full text]