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The Bowring Treaty: Imperialism and the Indigenous Perspective

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The Bowring Treaty: Imperialism and the Indigenous Perspective THE BOWRING TREATY: IMPERIALISM AND THE INDIGENOUS PERSPECTIVE B.J. TERWIEL THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY When assessing the Bowring Treaty it is best to make only been long established, but which were held by the a distinction between the aspects of international relations on most influential nobles and the highest functionaries in the one hand and matters concerning the Thai economy on the State.2 the other. With regard to foreign relations historians agree In Bowring's account of the Thai revenue system he that the Thais made spectacular concessions to the British. Indeed, soon after the treaty was drafted in 1855 there were provides a concrete example of the type of practice the treaty several Thais who expressed concern at the thought that they was to eliminate: might have granted the British more than the Japanese and There are special taxes on sugar-plantations-on pep­ the Vietnamese had done in similar circumstances.1 As for per, tobacco, and all the principal articles of production; the treaty's effect on the Thai economy the standard view in and they had so grown in amount, and their collection history books is that it revolutionised the Siamese taxation had become so vexatious, as to lead to the abandon­ system and thus marked the beginning of a new era. ment of many agricultural enterprises. The new treaty In this paper the evidence upon which historians have provides that produce shall only pay one tax; which will based their statements on the Treaty's economic results is relieve the producer from the annoyances that have lately examined. It will be shown that all take their cue from so sorely and severely pressed upon his industry.3 Bowring's own words. Secondly it will be shown that Bow­ ring's remarks are not necessarily a reliable indicator. Hav­ Bowring avows to some pride at the thought that it was an ing shown grounds to doubt the wisdom of relying primarily Englishman who overthrew this system and who had made upon the chief British negotiator's personal prediction of the the king and court abandon these monopolies in favour of treaty's effects, the indigenous economic perspective is intro­ free trade. duced. Finally, a revised appraisal of the treaty's effect upon There can be little doubt but that Bowring felt pas­ the Thai economy is prepared. sionately about the abolition of taxes; as a proponent of the School of Philosophical Radicals he had long been committed Bowring's Own Words and Historians' to the principle of free trade. He apparently thought that he had succeeded in persuading the leading Thais to apply that Acceptance of Them principle and to abandon the custom of taxing goods more than once during various stages of production. He assumed The revolutionary effects that the treaty would have that the Thai leadership, by signing the treaty, would set in were confidently predicted by Bowring himself. With more process the abandonment of much pernicious taxation and than a hint of self-gratulation he wrote: would thus liberate the producers, who in turn would feel inclined and encouraged to produce more. .. .it was clear that my success involved a total revolu­ It is a matter for judgement whether Bowring really tion in all the financial machinery of the Government, thought that in the course of a few days of negotiations he -that it must bring about a total change in the whole had set into motion a process that would revolutionise the system of taxation,-that it took a large proportion of Thai economy, or whether his statements had better be read the existing sources of revenue,-that it uprooted a great as a declaration of hope. In any case, the diplomat and envoy number of privileges and monopolies which had not may be forgiven for a certain exaggeration in his claims as to the extent of the potential success of the treaty in changing the Thai system. What is remarkable, however, is the range An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ASAA, CAS, of historians who have blithely accepted Bowring's exagger­ !SEAS Conference, Singapore, 1-3 February 1989. ated claims at face value. THE BOWRING TREATY 41 Siffin assumes that the treaty eliminated Thai control rely upon advice from his senior administrators when mak­ over taxes on all of its trade commodities4 (while in actual fact ing decisions regarding the maintenance of then state's reve­ the treaty lists and specifies only a number of commodities nue collection.13 and an agreed specific tax on each). The treaty is described as displacing the "monopolies" as Bowring himself called the tax farm system.5 Riggs also accepted Bowring's description of a total revolution of the financial machinery, and wrote Bowring's Bias: A Striking Example that the system of royal monopolies and special privileges of many of the highest officials and nobles were undermined. Perusal of some of the private correspondence among This, he wrote, necessitated the creation of a new financial the British members of the delegation casts some doubt as to system, as well as a fundamental change in the system of the truthfulness and reliability of Bowring's account of the mission. In a letter from Parkes to Bowring, dated March 27, taxation and financial administration.6 1855, an awkward circumstance is mentioned concerning the Other historians have not only taken Bowring's exag­ presents accompanying the mission. Reporting on a conver­ gerated words, but proceeded to further enlarge upon them. sation with "Phya Monkri Suriwong"14 Parkes wrote: For example, Elliott has taken Bowring's "monopolies" to mean the royal monopolies, and from this (false) assumption he We have made no mention of presents as these would concluded that the treaty broke the king's export monopoly, draw down a host of troublesome enquiries and as it is henceforth enabling Thai farmers to sell to Chinese middle­ doubtful what state they may be in after having been so men who functioned as imperialist agents? In this way, Elliott long packed up- it is well perhaps to say little about believes that the treaty's commercial effects were "revolution­ them until we are assured of their good condition. ary".s Above all I would never wish them to know that they Already in 1969 Wyatt wrote that the Bowring Treaty are the same presents as those brought before by Sir James "had the effect of replacing an antiquated system of govern­ Brooke.15 ment export and import monopolies and exorbitantly high tariff duties with what was virtually a system of free trade; There is indeed good reason for Parkes's wish to con­ and these changes led ultimately to a revolutionary transfor­ ceal the latter information, for in the correspondence between Bowring and Mongkut prior to the mission's arrival in Bang­ mation of old Siam".9 In his recent book Wyatt appears to have also accepted without any questioning Bowring's claim kok the matter of presents had been raised, and the Thai that senior Thai officials sacrificed part of their personal in­ monarch had been happy to accept Bowring's offer of "astro­ nomical instruments" and had also indicated his interest in come for the ideals of free trade. According to Wyatt those who stood to lose most by these changes were Suriyawong receiving specific other gifts, "in the shape of arms such as guns and pistols of the newest inventions".16 From Parkes's and Thiphakorawong10 and their faction, for most of the mo­ remarks it may be assumed that Bowring had not only omit­ nopolies were under their control.11 Wyatt went further and "reconstructed" the method that may have been employed by ted to purchase the agreed-upon gifts, but that presents that and had been stored these self-sacrificing chief officials: had been intended for the previous king for some four years were to be used againY They must have been able to promise the government Parkes's remark on his anxiety on the state they may compensatory revenues from other sources to make up have been in after having been packed for so long must cer­ for those sacrificed in the interests of national secu­ tainly be read as an understatement. Almost four weeks rity.12 earlier, on March 1, 1855, Parkes had witnessed how the small boat transporting the presents to the Auckland, had met with However, both the idea that Chuang and Kham a gale, filled up with water and had sunk. With much effort Bunnak promised "the government" compensation for future thirty-six out of forty-five packages had been recovered, but losses, and also the thought that, in view of a perceived ex­ with the exception of three packages, the contents were com­ ternal threat "the government" agreed to take this risk, rest pletely saturated and spoiled. About two thousand pounds' upon false assumptions. Such a depiction of negotiation be­ worth of property had been lost.18 tween government and treaty negotiators is reminiscent of In this emergency the British envoys decided to hand twentieth-century negotiating procedures, but it does not re­ over the few items that were in good shape, as well as some flect the Thai political realities of the 1850s. The treaty ne­ of the ones that clearly showed the effects of water damage. gotiators were themselves the state's most senior and experi­ King Mongkut was duly informed19 that by far the larger enced administrators, who in 1851 had moved decisively to portion of philosophical apparatus, illustrative of astronomy, put King Mongkut on the throne. Chuang and Kham Bunnak electricity and optics, were irretrievably damaged in the un­ (Sisuriyawong and the future Thiphakorawong) were them­ fortunate accident.20 selves among the government's chief executives, and not, as King Mongkut, probably under the impression that Wyatt suggests, a party that had to negotiate with the gov­ Parkes would be held responsible for this loss, magnanimously ernment.
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