Mayor De San Andres University School of Humanities and Education Sciences Department of Linguistics and Languages

MAYOR DE SAN ANDRES UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND EDUCATION SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS AND LANGUAGES

THESIS

LINGUISTIC RESOURCES EMPLOYED BY THE POLITICAL PARTY M.A.S. AS A STRATEGY IN VERBAL GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA TO BRING FORWARD A DOMINANT DISCURSIVE IDEOLOGY IN THE BOLIVIAN SOCIETY

A thesis presented for the requirements of Licenciatura Degree

SUBMITTED BY: Eugenio Walter Ajoruro Alanoca

SUPERVISOR: Elizabeth Rojas Candia, Ph.D.

LA PAZ – BOLIVIA 2020

MAYOR DE SAN ANDRES UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES AND EDUCATION SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS AND LANGUAGES

THESIS

LINGUISTIC RESOURCES EMPLOYED BY THE POLITICAL PARTY M.A.S. AS A STRATEGY IN VERBAL GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA TO BRING FORWARD A DOMINANT DISCURSIVE IDEOLOGY IN THE BOLIVIAN SOCIETY

A thesis presented for the requirements of Licenciatura Degree.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………

Head of Department: Lic. Maria Virginia Ferrufino Loza

Supervisor: Elizabeth Rojas Candia Ph.D.

Committee: Lic. Maria Virginia Coronado Conde

Committee: M.Sc. Roberto Quina Mamani

Date………………………………………... / 2020

ABSTRACT

This research aims to examine five government propaganda developed by the Ministry of Communication in July and August 2017 in Bolivia. The analysis is focused on Fairclough’s (1995) model of Critical Discourse Analysis, contending that there is a close link across text, discourse practice, and socio-cultural practice. It also employs Walton´s (1997) observation of Propaganda by using Discourse Analysis as a method which claims that propaganda is an art of persuasion and re-education of the audience, even of manipulating the social attitude encouraged by specific objectives. Likewise, the research analysis takes van Dijk´s (1998) ideological structures, which, according to him, are being developed to legitimate power or social inequality.

The main objective of this study is to analyze linguistic resources in propaganda employed by the government party Movimiento Al Socialismo (MAS) as a strategy to raise dominant discursive ideology in the Bolivian society. Thus, the present study applies the theory and method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine the ideological components of government propaganda reflected in language. Furthermore, the study is carried out based on a qualitative method to understand how linguistic forms contribute to expand ideology.

As a result of the analysis of linguistic resources employed by the government in propaganda, it was found out that the social persuasion is carried out through lexicalization and transitivity and the use of rhetorical devices. In addition, the sign of authority is confirmed by the structure of modality, active and passive voice. Also, social acceptance is performed through the elements of tone and expressive discourse. Manipulation and intimation are supported by nominalization and ambiguity. Further, the dominant ideology is expressed by means of thematic structure and word references. Likewise, the identity of dominant society is reflected through the use of different headlines in TV spots. Finally, the imposition of the propagandist’s ideology is legitimized through the use of pronouns we, ours. These findings also reflect the constant misinformation of the reality. The thesis concludes that propaganda as a political discourse achieves social persuasion and power legitimation through the use of linguistic resources.

Key words: government propaganda, linguistic resources, critical discourse analysis.

DEDICATORY

I dedicate this thesis to my mother, Concepción Alanoca who consistently reminded that knowledge is power. You inspired this research. To my cousins who are special members in my life.

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AKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, praises and thanks to the God, the immense, for his showers of blessings throughout my research work to complete the present thesis successfully. I experienced so much during this process, not only form the academic aspect but also from aspect of personality,

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis supervisor, Professor Elizabeth Rojas Candia for her guidance, understanding, and patience, as well as the most importantly, she has provided positive encouragement and a warm spirit to end up the present thesis. It has been a great pleasure and honor to have her as my supervisor.

I also want to extend my gratitude to the Mayor de San Andres University, especially to the Department of Linguistics and members because their wise advices and their enjoyable classes have contributed to fulfill my academic work. Likewise, I want to range my thankfulness to my committee member and my friends for their encouragement and help.

Finally, my deepest gratitude goes to all of my family, it would not be possible to accomplish the present thesis without the support from them. I would like to thank my dearest mother Concepción Alanoca who generously has gone along with me during this journey; she has been the greatest source of strength. Also, I would sincerely like to thank all my beloved cousins and friends who were with me and support me through their encouragement and knowledge.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... i AKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix LIST OF TABLES ...... x

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION 1.1. STATEMENT OF PROBLEM ...... 3

1.1.2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 6

1.2. OBJECTIVES ...... 6

1.2.1. GENERAL OBJECTIVE ...... 6

1.2.2. SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES ...... 6

1.3. JUSTIFICATION ...... 7

1.3.1. THEORETICAL JUSTIFICATION ...... 7

1.3.2. METHODOLOGICAL JUSTIFICATION ...... 8

1.3.3. SOCIAL JUSTIFICATION ...... 8

1.3.4. PRACTICAL JUSTIFICATION ...... 9

1.4. IDENTIFICATION AND CONCEPTUAL DEFINITION OF VARIABLES ...... 10

1.5. LIMITATION OF THE STUDY ...... 12

1.5.1. THEMATIC LIMITATION ...... 12

1.5.2. TEMPORAL LIMITATION...... 13

1.5.3. SPATIAL LIMITATION ...... 13

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. RELATED RESEARCH: STATE OF THE ART ...... 14

2.2. THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS ...... 16

2.2.1. PROPAGANDA ...... 17

2.2.1.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF PROPAGANDA ...... 18

2.2.1.2. FORMS OF PROPAGANDA ...... 20

2.2.1.3. THE THEORY OF POLITICAL PROPAGANDA ...... 21

2.2.1.4. PERSUASION AND SOCIAL INFLUENCE ...... 22

2.2.1.5. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA AS A FORM OF MARKETING POLICY ...... 25

2.2.1.6. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA IN BOLIVIA ...... 27

2.2.1.7. TELEVISION AS PROPAGANDA ...... 30

2.2.1.8. POWER OF THE IMAGE ...... 31

2.2.1.9. LANGUAGE OF POLITICIANS ...... 32

2.2.2. POLITICAL COMMUNICATION ...... 33

2.2.3. LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PROPAGANDA ...... 34

2.2.3.1. LINGUISTIC FEATURES ...... 34

2.2.3.2. LEXICAL FEATURES ...... 34

2.2.3.3. LEXICO-SEMANTIC FEATURES ...... 35

2.2.3.4. SYNTACTIC FEATURES ...... 36

2.2.3.5. LINGUISTIC MANIPULATION ...... 38

2.2.4. POPULISM- ...... 39

2.2.4.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF POPULISM MOVEMENT ...... 42

2.2.4.2. PEOPLE AND THE DISCURSIVE PRODUCTION OF EMPTINESS ...... 46

2.2.4.3. EMERGING POWER OF POPULISM IN BOLIVIA ...... 47

2.3. METHODOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS ...... 51

2.3.1. DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (DA) ...... 52

2.3.1.1.DISCOURSE THEORY ...... 53

2.3.1.2. CHARACTEISTICS OF DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ...... 54

2.3.1.2. DISCOURSE AND POWER ...... 57

2.3.2. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (CDA) ...... 59

2.3.2.1. A CDA PERSPECTIVE ...... 63

2.3.2.2. KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT IN CDA ...... 64

2.3.2.3. CRITICAL LINGUISTICS ...... 66

2.3.2. 4. DOMINANT DISCOURSIVE IDEOLOGY ...... 67

2.3.2.5. CRITICAL IDEOLOGY ...... 69

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH DESIGN

3.1. RESEARCH TYPE ...... 72

3.2.1. CRITERIA FOR THE SELECTION OF PROPAGANDA: CORPUS ...... 73

3.2.2. SAMPLE SELECTION ...... 74

3.3. RESEARCH TECHNIQUES ...... 78

3.3.1. DOCUMENTATION ...... 78

3.3.2. SUMMARY OF PROPAGANDA FUNDAMENTALS ...... 79

3.4. PROCEDURE OF PROPAGANDA ANALYSIS ...... 81

3.5. DATA ORGANIZATION ...... 83

CHAPTER IV

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1. CONTEXT OF THE EVENTS ...... 84

4.1.1. THE BIGGEST SWINDLE (FONDO INDIGENA) ...... 85

4.1.2. REFERENDUM, FEBRUARY 21st 2016 ...... 86

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4.1.3. SOCIAL DISAGREEMENT ...... 87

4.1.4. BOLIVIAN COMMUNICATION MINISTRY ...... 87

4.2. DATA ANALYSIS ...... 88

4.2.1. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY I (LINGUISTIC CHOICES) ...... 88

4.2.1.1. LEXICALIZATION AS A STRATEGY USED IN PROPAGANDA ...... 89

4.2.1.2. PATTERNS OF TRANSITIVITY ...... 91

4.2.1.3. ACTIVE AND PASSIVE VOICE ...... 92

4.2.1.4. NOMINALIZATION ...... 93

4.2.1.5. MOOD ...... 94

4.2.1.6. MODALITY OR POLARITY ...... 96

4.2.1.7. THEMATIC STRUCTURE ...... 96

4.2.1.8. INFORMATION FOCUS ...... 97

4.2.1.9. COHESIVE DEVICES ...... 98

4.2.2. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY II (RHETORICAL DEVICES) ...... 103

4.2.2.1. METAPHORS ...... 103

4.2.2.2. COMPARISONS ...... 104

4.2.2.3. HYPERBOLE ...... 104

4.2.2.4. SYNECDOCHE ...... 106

4.2.2.5. PARALLELISM ...... 106

4.2.3. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY III (ADDITIONAL DISCURSIVE STRATEGIES) ...... 107

4.2.3.1. NON-VERBAL STRATEGIES: VISUAL IMAGE AND TEXT RELEVANCE ...... 107

4.2.3.2. LEGITIMATION STRATEGIES ...... 108

4.2.3.3. PERSUATION STRATEGIES ...... 109

4.3. EVIDENCE OF PROPAGANDA USE ...... 110

4.3.1. EXECUTIVE ORDERS OF PROPAGANDA USE ...... 112

4.4. MAJOR FINDINGS ...... 114

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4.4.1. SUMMARY OF DATA ANALYSIS ...... 120

4.4.2. CAUSE CONDITION ...... 120

4.4.3. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA ...... 120

4.4.4. LINGUISTIC CHOICES ...... 120

4.4.5. RHETORICAL DEVICES ...... 120

4.4.6. ADDITIONAL RESOURCES ...... 120

4.4.7. RISING RESULTS ...... 121

4.6. RELIABILITY AND VALIDY OF THE STUDY ...... 122

4.6.1. RELIABILITY ...... 122

4.6.2. VALIDITY ...... 123

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

5.1. CONCLUSIONS ...... 124

5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 128

REFERENCES ...... 129

ANNEXES ...... 138

ANNEX A ...... 139

ANNEX B ...... 145

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.3. Procedure of propaganda analysis ...... 82 Figure 2.3. Organization of Categories ...... 84 Figure 3.4. Context of social events ...... 84 Figure 4.4. Topics of five government propaganda in the context study ...... 88 Figure 5.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript C ...... 95 Figure 6.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript C...... 101

Figure 7.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript D and C...... 107 LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.4. Main findings of Category I...... 114 Table 2.4. Main findings of Category II...... 115 Table 3.4. Main findings of Category III...... 115

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The use of propaganda as a means to influence people in order to fulfill an agenda has always been present in the society and it has particularly been used by governments, companies, activists and others to legitimate their ideology. The development of propaganda use by politicians is increasing more and more because of the technology breakthrough. Therefore, propaganda could be an efficient tool to reflect an appropriate image of politicians and to achieve good response in society.

In the 21st century, propaganda has become a practical method used to spread people´s ideology with a positive or negative purpose through language; in other words, it is a majestic tool to influence someone supported by a specific aim. Actually, the term propaganda was put into practice by Pope Gregory XV in 1622 with its positive connotation related to persuasion of the truth of the church; in the same way of positive connotation of social benefits, propaganda was used to enhance the popular educational goal of communist party in the USSR. In 1945, during World War II, propaganda was an effective tool to count on social or mass support during the regime of Adolf Hitler because he used Nazi propaganda as a perfect strategy to talk into with repetitive messages through communication media according to the research The Effective of Nazi Propaganda during World War II (Stout, 2011). Thus, in the past, the use of propaganda was an efficient means to count on social support based on appropriate use of linguistic resources, but currently the use of propaganda is more efficient than in the past because technological enhancement and modern social thinking has changed considerably.

In the study by Lasswell (1927) quoted by American Political Science Association (2012), propaganda is a supervision of collective attitudes through the handling of significant signs. The main purpose here is to deal with social attitude, and to act according to certain patterns of assessment. Political propaganda is used along with noticeable images to attract social view as an argument, but it is a counterfeit evidence because the population expects to apply the statement even it is fake detail.

According to Carey (1997, p. 2) propaganda in the corporate world is defined as “Communications where the form and content is selected with the single-minded purpose of bringing some target audience to adopt attitudes and beliefs chosen in advance by the sponsors of the communication”. Then, the responsible of the message needs to develop the communicative content to the population in a rational way, which means when or whom to address the message.

Also, Noam Chomsky (1992, p. 9), in his introduction to Carey´s collection of essays, stated that Carey believed that “the twentieth century has originated three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy”. However, in the corporate world, Carey (1997) defines propaganda as:

Commercial advertising and public relations are the forms of propaganda activity common to a democracy… It is arguable that the success of business propaganda in persuading us, for so long, that we are free from propaganda is one the most significant propaganda achievements of the twentieth century. (Carey, 1997, p. 4).

Therefore, the development of propaganda was associated with commercial advertising activities, which includes social persuasion as a main objective in the success of business in democracy. However, in current democracy, propaganda has still been useful in Latin America mainly in the political context, and it is associated with the development of new power of political parties. Bolivia as part of the Latin community has had a so called “socialist” government since 2006. Therefore, it becomes worth discovering the main elements conveyed by propaganda developed by government party Movimiento Al Socialismo MAS.

In political context, the use of propaganda is a strategy for different objectives such as social persuasion that we can see in the term of Evo Morales` government. In addition, persuasion was accomplished due to overwhelming of corruption scandals and social disagreement in Bolivia. The Communication Ministry developed strategic propaganda spots in order to persuade social disagreement, but the power of true was there, it was difficult to continue hiding because corruption scandals were conspicuous. Furthermore, the use of propaganda was

2 established in order to hide all corruption scandals committed in 2016 by leaders of government party MAS such as “Fondo Indigena”1, and it was also focused on the marketing image of the government to avoid social criticism.

In the government of Evo Morales, the use of propaganda was the major priority in the context of social influence. Also, the higher investment of money in the performance of each propaganda spot was clear. Moreover, the use of propaganda has increased since the government party MAS won the election in 2006. According to the information of the government, the Communication Ministry was created to achieve a better communicative objective between citizens and government. In other words, the governments persuasive purpose was implicit.

The present research aims at studying political propaganda, particularly it studies and analyses propaganda used by the political party MAS in July and August 2017 so as to find out the strategic linguistic resources employed to extend their ideology.

On the whole, the purpose of the present research is twofold: first, it intends to describe the linguistic resources used strategically in the current government´s MAS propaganda; second, it attempts to uncover the hidden ideology displayed in television propaganda spots.

1.1. STATEMENT OF PROBLEM In the early 2011, from the creation of the Communication Ministry, the government´s propaganda use has increased more and more as a new “populism”2 policy in Bolivia. In order to clarify the meaning of the term Laclau (2005, p.312) supports that “populism” emerges from vanish of real socialism development, this new phenomenon attempts to overcome some obstacles such as theories of classic Marxism, class struggles, dictatorship of proletariat, and the purpose of this social issue along with totalitarian ideology is to establish an to substantiate the policy through radical democracy. The author argues that this type of social group can

1 FONDO INDIGENA: Money conquered by indigenous people, money for improvement of farmers’ food production in rural areas, created by government of Evo Morales. 2 POPULIS M is a multiclass movement; it probably defies any comprehensive definition. Populism usually includes contrasting components such as a claim for equality of political rights and universal participation for the common people, but fused with some sort of authoritarianism often under charismatic leadership.

3 include great crowds of rejected citizens in the political field. Likewise, being part to this type of political issue the government party MAS had a great support of native citizens, and these neglected groups were becoming more and more dominant in Bolivia because of the use of strategic propaganda spots.

The situation in Bolivia is somehow similar to other populist socialist governments which widely used propaganda to escort power in citizens. In the months of July and August 2017 the high enhancement of political propaganda was conspicuous in Bolivia for the reason that the government party encountered issues of corruption scandals. Some important leaders of MAS party were involved in the events. For instance, the famous “Fondo Indigena” (money for indigenous development) was created to support projects in favor of trade unions and farmers, and it has become the highest case of corruption since Evo Morales took office in 2006, In addition to this news, at present in Bolivia more than 200 people are being processed, and many others were arrested of an alleged corruption (Carrasco, 2015). Most of them were important leaders of union officials, prior authorities of executive and senators of the official party.

The Bolivian Main Prosecutor investigates the destiny of 6, 8 million dollars of 49 projects of “Fondo Indigena”. The authorities mentioned that economical resources were forwarded to an unknown address, and also, they are investigating the destination of 14 million of dollars, information reported by CNN, Carrasco (2015) published the complete list of 1100 projects financed by Fondo Indigena, immersed institution with many corruption reports like “phantom works” and fund misappropriations. In those reported project lists, the name of Ms. Felipa Huanca is mentioned who was the main leader of Bartolinas of La Paz, and who was the candidate of the govern ship in 2010, mentioned in the report. In one report by ERBOL (2015), they informed that she received 99 thousand of Bolivian pesos for a project called Ayni Productivo Bartolina Sisa.

These details were just one part of a lot of information related to corruption and scandals in the government of Evo Morales, but the press did not state in a clear way those improper actions. Only a few newspapers reported the real aspects of the governments’ scandals. There were some television programs that talked over Bolivian corruption and the government scandals, and those programs currently were shut off which means that implicit dominance over Bolivian

4 press is eminent. Alvares (2016) published a brochure called “Fondo Indigena: La Gran Estafa” he wrote many clear details about the government acts which were mentioned previously. Alvares stated that indigenous people have the right to be in the government, but they do not have the right to steal. The author mentioned that almost the majority of people believed in his indigenous government he called a myth “reserva moral”3 ethical reservation based on someone who could not be corruptive.

As criticism from the population started, the government party MAS decided to develop strategic propaganda spots in TV in order to convince and persuade that nothing bad was happening. Particularly, people of the government party were involved in these social events. The population expected to the explanation about facts because many people relied on their government who could not be involved in such major acts.

The Communication Ministry of the Bolivian government developed propaganda in an efficient and influential way with the most strategic phrases used in its content; in the propaganda spots observed for the present research, the most noticeable phrases were: “la estabilidad económica”, (financial stability), “El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos” (careful management of Bolivian economic resources), “El gobierno trabaja por el bienestar de las familias Bolivianas” (Government works in favor of the well-being of Bolivian families), and a boy in one of five propaganda spots said that “Evo Morales es el mejor president del mundo” (Evo Morales is the best president around the world).

As a matter of fact, the government along with those ideological strategies seems to look for social acceptance as an essential purpose and to promote the image of populism government. Thus, the overwhelming practice of propaganda apparently constructs a dominant identity of a social institution. It deals with economic power to conduct propaganda spots frequently through different media.

In fact, apparently the propaganda used by the political party MAS worked well, and it has been spreading information effectively as many citizens are convinced that there is economic stability (Estabilidad económica) and that sources are carefully invested and managed. (Manejo

3 Ethical reservation is that, indigenous had not been in the government for 500 years which means persons without negative background; incorruptible people are at the government.

5 cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos). By the use of those noun phrases in propaganda many Bolivian people, citizens were obviously convinced and persuaded. Nonetheless, a critical stand would allow us to see the reality; therefore, the following research questions guide the present study.

1.1.2. RESEARCH QUESTIONS • What linguistic resources did the government party MAS use in verbal government propaganda as a strategy to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in the Bolivian society in July and August 2017? • How did these linguistic resources used in verbal government propaganda reflect a dominant ideology? • What was the role of the government’s propaganda in July and August 2017 in Bolivia?

1.2. OBJECTIVES

1.2.1. GENERAL OBJECTIVE ➢ To analyze the linguistic resources employed by the government party MAS as a strategy in verbal propaganda (television spots) to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in Bolivian society.

1.2.2. SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES ➢ To identify the linguistic resources used in verbal propaganda as a strategy by government party in July and August 2017. ➢ To examine how the government propaganda shapes its content regarding actions and roles to characterize its political party. ➢ To analyze the role of propaganda employed during July and August 2017.

1.3. JUSTIFICATION The present research goal is to explain how some social groups implicitly or explicitly spread their dominant ideologies because it is clear that the egocentrism4 and sociocentrism5 take place as a powerful inequality. The present research is justified theoretically, methodologically and practically.

1.3.1. THEORETICAL JUSTIFICATION The present study is concerned with social issues related to language use, and ideology as means to expect power in communication. We take into account theory related to study of language as a social action. In other words, studying language and ideology, in particular, we take as the central theory Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In addition, CDA as form of critical and social science adjusts to clarifying the problems which people are confronted with by particular forms of social life, and to contributing resources which people may be able to appeal in facing and overcoming those problems (Fairclough, 2001). Thus, the present study uses the theory of CDA to elucidate and to support how the government party MAS applies the persuasive language through propaganda arranged by the Communication Ministry.

Also, Fairclough (1989) focused on some contributions regarding social theory which have explored the language role in the context of exercise, maintenance and change of power. Fairclough made a reference to three important contributions. The first one is concerned with the theory of ideology as a main mechanism of power in modern society. The second one is related to the significant performance of, who pointed out a central role to discourse in the development of notion in relation to the modern forms of power (Foucault 1982). And the third one is associated with important presentation of whose theory is focused on communicative action (Habermas, 1984). In fact, those three assumptions promote the clear relationship between language use and power in society.

4 Egocentrism is a tendency to view everything in relationship to oneself; to confuse immediate perception (how things seem) with reality. 5 Sociocentrism is the assumption that one's own social group is inherently and self-evidently superior to all others (Critical Thinking Glossary) of (Linda Elder & Richard Paul, 2004).

1.3.2. METHODOLOGICAL JUSTIFICATION This study addresses a social problem which is related to propaganda use by the government party MAS, emphasized in July and August 2017. CDA is a major academic field of study regarding social problems, for instance, performance of power relations between social differences, forms of social practice based on establishment of discourse, ideology and manipulation unfolded in the political environment, and other forms of social inequality. The study of propaganda use by the Bolivian government uses CDA as a research method in order to analyze and to interpret different meanings of linguistic resources used in propaganda spots. Particularly, the methodology adopted in the present research is based on the following assumptions:

First, the main attribution of functions and fundamental methodological basics is explained to carry out the present research in the accomplishment of its objectives. For this purpose it is taken into account the ideas of Chen and Dhar (1990) who state the relevant aspects of qualitative research and its importance in the social sciences, also they attribute the importance of broad understanding of a particular phenomenon, but at the same time regarding all the themes that are involved in the government propaganda procedures to fulfill appropriate discourse analysis.

Second, the classification and contextualization of the development of new theory is based on CDA as a pertinent method of the research. This stage deals with the explanation of propaganda use and its performance: the course of action definition, the collection of pertinent material for analysis following the criteria of accurate depiction and specific tools of analysis that let us develop the appropriate results. As a matter of fact, it is essential to look for the new challenges to generate innovative methods and instruments for the improvement of a qualitative approach based on theory and methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis.

1.3.3. SOCIAL JUSTIFICATION This study contributes to an understanding of social issues related to language use, ideological performance as a main mechanism of power dominance, and the communicative need of the society. Along with these important indicators of social performance it is expected to accomplish new information as an advantage to extend and to share what lies behind the

8 discourse of propaganda and how persuasion is applied in Bolivia. Likewise, the use of technology also contributes to the social institutions, such as the government party in Bolivian society as it is a powerful tool to allocate an appropriate communication.

In terms of Blommaert (2005), discourse is actual instances of communicative action through language use, and in the same way, propaganda is a form of communication that attempts to achieve a response that promotes the desired intent of the propagandist (O’Donnell, 2012). In other words, language use throughout different types of communication as propaganda is based on social needs to achieve different goals.

In Bolivia, political propaganda is used to communicate a need as a strategy to gain social support. The need is applied in favor of one social group. This group is the government party MAS of Evo Morales. The government party counts on economic power because of high and frequent use of propaganda. Not only implies the high use of propaganda spots in marketing of the government image, but also it means something else as social manipulating in the context of overwhelming sign of corruption.

In fact, this research contributes to the social knowledge, which deals with communication of social political background to discover the message and purpose of frequent use of the government propaganda through media. Thus, the study of propaganda used in July and August, 2017, which contributes to understand social events and acts as persuasion and manipulation in order to confirm dominant sign through the different functions of linguistic resources in Bolivian society.

1.3.4. PRACTICAL JUSTIFICATION The present research contributes to the area of linguistics (pragmatics and semantics) as well as to applied linguistics.

First, the study affords to the area of linguistics and studies language as a social action, that is to say, it approaches the study of language in a critical way. New literature related to linguistics addresses a current theory “critical linguistics”. In the present study about linguistic resources employed strategically, the researcher attempts to uncover the hidden ideology through the study of form. In other words, we study how form (linguistic resources) is used in Discourse.

Second, the present study benefits applied linguistics, in particular, to language teaching because it evidences the importance of reading critically and the necessity to develop critical thinking in order to interpret meaning so as to find out the hidden messages in written or spoken discourse. In addition, critical reading contributes6 to dialogical process of learners to understand the meaning of message and to figure out what the author intends to say in a particular subject.

1.4. IDENTIFICATION AND CONCEPTUAL DEFINITION OF VARIABLES The purpose of this section is to present characterization of each term or variable stated in the guiding research questions.

Linguistic resource: according to Meteer (1990, p. 64), linguistic resources is the natural language production or generation in deliberate performance of text to support communicative goals concerning three major activities: first, selecting the information in communication goal, second, selecting suitable order on elements of information content to be expressed related to structure of language, and last is, determining what wording and syntactic elements to use. In other words, linguistic resources are the careful use of semantic and syntactic elements at the time of communicating something in a meaningful way. In short, linguistic resources are all the syntactic structures, words and grammatical features accessible in the context of language use.

Government Party: in the present research it is Evo Morales´ government and his political party Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS).

Strategy: in the research it is the use of different linguistic resources based on single-minded purpose in propaganda to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in the Bolivian society. The term according to Nickols (2016, p. 1) “Strategy is a term that comes from the Greek strategia, meaning “generalship”. In other words, strategy is the way of using the sources for a specific duty to accomplish the main objective.

6 Dialogical process is related to close reading of any text. It is concerned with reading for a purpose, considering the author´s purpose, developing a “map” of knowledge. The art of reading of Dr. Richard Paul and Dr. Linda Elder (2004).

According to Mintzberg, 1994, cited by Nickols (2016) people use strategy in several different ways, the most common being these four words as following: strategy is a plan, a pattern in actions over time; strategy is position that reflects decision; strategy is perspective, that is focused on vision and direction. In short, strategy in political context is position based on plans and perspectives emphasized on vision and direction of particular purpose.

Propaganda: in the present research it is a type of communication, which spread the message for influencing the emotional attitudes. “Propaganda is the form of communication that attempts to achieve the desired intent of the propagandist” (O’Donnell, 2012, p.1). As noted by the author, a model of propaganda interprets how basics of informative and persuasive communication may be part of propagandistic communication. Nonetheless, there is a difference between political and government propaganda. Vides (2016, p. 15) in his research affirmed that the political propaganda means a political group that develops propaganda activities only in the period of election governments, but the government propaganda, being at the government management displays its propaganda with different objectives in the term of the government.

Discourse: in this research it is the use of different linguistic resources in the discourse of propaganda in political context. The term according to van Dijk (1998) stated that discourse is understood as a particular form of language use, as well as a form of social interaction that can be defined as a communicative event in social context. Some terms the author gives are: interviews, conversations, meetings, letters, diaries, propaganda, discussions, laws, contracts, political discourses, songs, poetry, news, and some other social interactions.

On the other hand, Fairclough (1992) underlined the notion of discourse as a form of social practice based on language use, as the author points out, is then a practice not just of representing the world, but on signifying the world, in that sense, supporting and constructing the world in meaning. In essence, discourse in this research is the language use in the context of communicating the political purposes, to transmit the need of manipulating social mind and behavior through language as an important tool to accomplish the expected outcomes.

Ideology: it is the outlook of the propagandist based on single-minded purpose of persuading and manipulating the population. In other words, ideologies are arranged sets of fundamental and often attempting to establish ideas and attitudes concerned on aspects of social truth shared by members or a group, society or culture. Those aspects are used to enclose, legitimate, or validate point of views and actions in the sphere of influence to which they are pertinent. Particularly, ideologies manage how people plan and figure out their social practices, as well as their language use. In detail, ideologies endure over sense nature is proposed as plenty enlightenment of their existence (Bloomaert Verschueren 1998; Fairclough 1989; Hodge Kress, 1993; Van Dijk, 1999).

1.5. LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

1.5.1. THEMATIC LIMITATION The study is concerned with the contents (discourse) of Bolivian television propaganda spots, where the main spots are related to the five-government propaganda developed by the Communication Ministry of the government party MAS. Consequently, the present study takes into account propaganda broadcast applied as a result of following important events. One propaganda spot was focused on the corruption scandal of Fondo Indigena, where the economic damage was more than 71 million of Bolivianos (Alvares, 2016).

The other propaganda had to see with a scandal when Gabriela Zapata was involved. The local news media reported that Mr. Morales, had a romantic relationship with Ms. Zapata, 31, an executive at the Chinese – Owned Construction Company that received large government contracts, she was tried and sentenced in 2017 for influence peddling Credit (AFP, 2016). The last propaganda was related to the referendum on February 21st 2016. Bolivian citizens were appealed to decide on whether to amend of the Article 1687 in the constitution referring to the

7 Bolivian Constitution of the State: Section II, Article 168, said that at least five years immediately prior to the election. This means that Evo Morales cannot be the candidacy for the next election of government.

12 number of times the President and Vice President of the country may be re-elected, or they may be limited to the two consecutive five year of terms (AFP, 2016).

Thus, the result of referendum event was ignored by the government party because the outcomes were reflected by the vast majority of Bolivian population who expressed a clear rejection about the government facts. As a consequence, the government applied propaganda spots through all kinds of media along with appropriate linguistic resources as a response to the social disagreement of the Bolivian economic misuse.

1.5.2. TEMPORAL LIMITATION The present research is focused on all information regarding the main propaganda displayed in a high performance in July and August 2017 in television media, because the government of Evo Morales confronted some problems such as corruption scandals, and the negative results of referendum in the previous year. In those months, propaganda of the government enhanced more and more in order to avoid the social divergence.

1.5.3. SPATIAL LIMITATION The research is developed in La Paz city, at the Bolivian government seat because the main institution in charge of spot development is in the La Paz city. Besides, the diffusion of the government propaganda was applied in all around the country through all media. However, the present research takes into account the television spots related to the government propaganda. In the analysis, we take into account the five television spots developed by the Communication Ministry of Evo Morales´ government.

CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW

PRESENTATION

The structure of this chapter is divided in three main parts. The first part introduces the related research of the present study. The second part explores the theoretical foundations concerned with characteristics of propaganda and implications of populism. The last part explains the methodological foundations in relation to the study of language use as a social action where ideology plays an important role.

2.1. RELATED RESEARCH: STATE OF THE ART Taking into account the studies about different social issues construct the significant knowledge basement in order to contribute to the present research process. Thus, the present research is associated with Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Discourse Analysis (DA) concerned with linguistic analysis. We found four important studies that become our referential studies, which are the following:

Michael Stout in 20118, in his study examined the overall effectiveness of Nazi propaganda during Adolf Hitler´s rise to the power in the 1930s from beginning to end of World War II in 1945. He affirmed that the main contribution to the study was the use of diaries of Joseph Goebbels the Nazi Propaganda Minister who was responsible of smart propaganda performance, thus the relevance of the study turned up three important elements which were: indoctrination, anti-Soviet propaganda, and the intense media deification of Hitler regime that was acknowledged as the Hitler myth. It seems that, the media idealization was an important actor to carry out the manipulation machine which was the famous propaganda. The author stated that the arrangement of propaganda was carefully developed, because each of them was different and it was created for a specific purpose; at the end, confirmed that propaganda was

8 Stout, Michael. The Effectiveness of Nazi Propaganda during World War II: This thesis examines overall effectiveness of Nazi propaganda during Adolf Hitler´s rise to power in the 1930s through the end of World War II in 1945. Thesis, History and Philosophy Department, Eastern Michigan University, 2011.

14 to encourage soldiers in the war, and to count on social support to overcome the expected success.

As a matter of fact, in the Bolivian context, propaganda is not used only to rely on social support and to put into practice a marketing of government image, but also it is used to extend the government term, and to try to hide uncertain actions, which involves influential content of propaganda which we expect to confirm at the end.

Esteban Rojas in 20149, in his research provided the use of language and how it is used in the world of politicians in the context of discourse of Evo Morales. We have noticed that the research study is based on the description and explanation of a phenomenon that has taken place in Bolivia, which is related to rules of political propaganda and government propaganda, and its different characteristics in phenomenological approach. Moreover, the author reveals the perspectives of data collection as unremarkable because the study is focused on written transcription sources, in order to verify the authenticity of the data that he pointed out some available ways in all mass media.

Juan Tancara in 201310, pointed out that discourse of written media reflects values and characteristics of society all the time related to his research of the events of Pando, Bolivian context, in 2008. He evidently demonstrates that written media supports the maintenance and interest of powerful groups, and adopts the identity of critical position based on environment of CDA supported by Jurgen (1981), related to characterize the social actors of Pando events in the research.

Jhonny Chuquimia in 201611, in his study describes that political propaganda during national election process and also, he explains the differences between political propaganda and government propaganda. The author in his study suggests putting into practice the rule of

9 Rojas, Esteban. “What lies behind the Political Discourse of the M.A.S. - Political Party which is now in Power in Bolivia”. Discourse has been analyzed in the political field where it is used at its highest level in the early 2000. Thesis, La Paz, Linguistic Department, UMSA University, 2014. 10 Tancara, Juan. Critical Discourse Analysis: Ideological Discursive strategies employed by written media to characterize the social actors in the Pando events, September 2008. Thesis, La Paz, Linguistic Department, UMSA University, 2013. 11 Chuquimia Jhonny. Propaganda Estatal durante el Proceso de Elecciones Generales. Thesis, La Paz, Political Science Department, UMSA University 2016.

Electoral regime to restrict the government propaganda during national election process. The research is focused on qualitative type and the methodology is related to non-experimental where it observes the phenomenon in its natural context. In fact, the author concludes that it is important to regulate the government propaganda spots through executive norms in order to be equal for all political parties to access to the right of political marketing in the process of national elections.

As a result, these studies were concerned with different social problems and all of them were involved in language use in diverse sorts of contexts. Then, it encourages us to look for another social issue, this time; we find the type of social communication as propaganda use based on specific purpose in the term of the populism government and all its different implication in society. We discovered interesting logical relationship of implication, and consequence of propaganda use in the political context in democracy. Therefore, those studies encourage us to contribute to immerse in real controversial social issues through critical discourse analysis, and it clarifies advantages in the way of communication policy in the future research.

2.2. THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS This section considers the theoretical bases of the research: first, the theoretical perspectives and logical relation to the main characteristics of propaganda is clarified; second, discourse analysis and critical discourse analysis are explained based on language study. To achieve a better comprehension of discourse analysis van Dijk (1998, p. 194) suggests understanding the theoretical applications in relation to the notion of discourse as social and cultural analysis, which requires analysis of the assumptions about the character of this notion. It helps to ground this notion in general perspective of social science; last, characteristics of linguistic resources of the government propaganda and populism theories are elucidated in the present research.

The major assumption on the notion of discourse in van Dijk´s theory is the meaning of “communicative event”. He claims that a “communicative event” is phenomenon not only of a textual character, but it is realized in society between social agents in the form of communication. In addition, understanding the context of study we take into account the elements of thought of Critical Thinking (CT) of Linda Elder and Richard Paul (2004) who

16 stated that reasoning is an important element related to human being of rational action based on purpose. Particularly, the essence of reasoning contributes to accomplish the logic of study in discourse analysis in the present research.

2.2.1. PROPAGANDA Megan and Gill (2012), define the essence of propaganda as an appropriate strategy to influence and sway public opinion with totalitarian system identity of certain politicians to expand dominance in the society. Therefore, the government party MAS is closely related to the totalitarian system because it uses propaganda in order to influence public opinion in Bolivia. The logic of using propaganda is not new; its internship has been used for many years. Thus, the government party MAS is using propaganda similar to Adolf Hitler in 1930s. The Nazi Propaganda Ministry in charge of arranging deliberate and influential propaganda arranged the tactical propaganda (Stout, 2011). Likewise, the Bolivian government created the Communication Ministry to develop influential propaganda.

Initially, the term of propaganda was related to the Roman Catholic Church. The word was given to a group of church officials known as the Congregation to propaganda (Fide Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith) (Walton, 1997). The name of the group maintained as the name given to the previous meetings of Pope Gregory XV with three cardinals in 1572 – 1582 which had the objective of resisting the Reformation. Then, the term was used from this neutral application by Catholics. According to the author, the term did not have negative meaning. Later, the term became in negative connotations because Protestants who were aware in relation to the catholic objectives. The intention of Catholics was to have in mind the purpose of church´s doctrine, which is clear that how the term propaganda acquired a negative connotation little by little.

In particular, the first institution related to political advertisement was established in 1622 AD by a committee Cardinals of Roman Catholic Church, it was called faith propagation community based on direction of Pope Gregory XV to manage the missionary activities for foreign propaganda Asadi (1992) quoted by Javadi (2017). Pratkanis and Turner (1996) defined the function of propaganda as attempts to move a recipient to a predetermined point of view by using simple images and slogans that truncate thought by playing on prejudices and emotions.

They separated propaganda from persuasion according to the type of deliberation used to plan messages. They stated that persuasion is based on debate, discussion, and careful consideration of options to discover the better solutions for complex problems. Then, propaganda became as an act of manipulation of society by elite. These definitions vary from the broad to the specific, sometimes including values judgments, sometimes folding propaganda into persuasion, but nearly always recognizing propaganda as a form of communication. In other words, the term was still used in a positive way because it contains a careful planed message and in a communicative purpose.

Nowadays, we are surrounded by many kinds of communication where the aim is to persuade rather to convince, to manipulate rather than to reason, and we are also being constantly manipulated into forming beliefs or attitudes (Halls, 2016). In addition, the type of communication as propaganda takes place in political context because of persuasive action along with technological development. In the era of technology, propaganda has become more and more sophisticated tool of persuasion to politicians in particular to the government party MAS to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in Bolivia.

2.2.1.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF PROPAGANDA For a better understanding the characteristics and roles of propaganda concept are taken into account some important theories in the study of Cliford and Real (2006). The author stated that eight characteristics of propaganda as follow:

▪ Propaganda is always related to industrialized societies in which the technique (or the quest for ever more efficiency through technology) replaces social interaction. ▪ Propaganda is not a set of tricks but it is an ongoing, ever- present, interconnected system of methods, technologies, or “techniques” which is part of modern society. ▪ Propaganda inevitably occurs in societies in which people are depersonalized and unknowingly enforced into groups or masses while being isolated as individuals. They derive their identity from the mass, which is combined through propaganda. ▪ The main aim of modern propaganda is not to disturb the masses to action but it is to integrate them into society. This is done throughout peer pressure, social norms, and collective standards, which is usually expressed by a leader.

▪ International propaganda tends to come from “propaganda blocs” such as the United States, China the Arab States, the Israelis, and the Third World. Propaganda is intended for internal consumption to calm, not agitate, the masses can come from governments, corporations, political parties, or religious groups. ▪ Propaganda in a highly technological society is totalitarian. Everything is imbedded with some element of a propagandistic message. Totalitarian propaganda also infuses our social interactions. ▪ Contemporary propaganda isolates the individual, stereotype public opinion, an offers simplistic answers to complex social questions. ▪ The term of propaganda is everywhere. Our art and music (even antipatriotic and nonpolitical art and music) identify our cultural values and beliefs. (Clifford and Real, 2006, p. 83).

Specially, these characteristics of propaganda are also associated with social groups as political parties. It replaces social interactions, and it is usually expressed by leaders in the highest technological society, which is considered totalitarian. Then, we can notice that manipulation through propaganda is implicit and meaningful at the time of specific purpose achievement. In Bolivian context, according to those characteristics, the use of propaganda would be totalitarian because of technological improvement, emphasis on powerful dominance and social control. Propaganda along with technological development is used by politicians to persuade population to expand their ideology and to avoid social criticism.

Brown (1963) identified several prerequisites for propaganda and the stages through which propaganda passes; he stated that the propaganda as deceit and brainwashing approaches. The author asserted that, to be truly successful propaganda one has to tell not lies but the truth which makes an effective propaganda, and he quoted an official of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) commenting on British propaganda in World War II:

Do not say anything which you do not believe to correspond with the facts as known to you; and do not say anything to one country, or audience, which is or looks inconsistent with what you are saying to any other country or audience. (Brown, 1963, p. 94).

According to the author paragraph makes a perfect sense in terms of someone’s credibility. He argues that, if someone uses lies and it is discovered, the person destroys his or her credibility. However, if someone interprets the truth to his or her own advantage, only her or his interpretation can be questioned, but it was known that during World War II many people in occupied Europe and even in Germany listened to the BBC because it was the most credible source of news. There was a Nazi news service, but it had been discovered lying in a conspicuous way, and the public distrusted it. Particularly, in Bolivia, many people had entrusted Evo Morales until he became a government and corruption scandals appeared and he did not say anything in the context, then, the government´s credibility decreased more and more.

In 2000, Bertrand Taithe and Tim Thorton see propaganda as part of historical tradition of persuading and manipulating society. Besides, it is considered as a form of political language, and they also assert that propaganda promotes the ways of the community as well as defining them. However, Baran and Davis (2006, p. 73) echoes this view as: “… Propaganda violates the most basic rules of fair democratic political communication. Propaganda freely uses lies and deception to persuade. If people could be taught to critically evaluate propaganda messages, they could learn to reject them as unfair and false”. Then, propaganda is political language to persuade and manipulate society based on particular objective in current society.

2.2.1.2. FORMS OF PROPAGANDA There are some types of propaganda that is pointed out their characteristics in this stage. Some propaganda is provocative, trying to incite an audience to certain ends and usually resulting in significant change; sometimes it is integrative, trying to make an audience passive, accepting, and nonchallenging (Szanto, 1978, p. 10). Besides, propaganda is also described as white, gray, or black, in relationship to an acknowledgment of its source and its accuracy of information by O’Donnell (2012). These forms are decribed as follow:

White propaganda comes from a source that is identified correctly, and the formation in the message tends to be accurate. The better source of propaganda develops, the more accurate information reflects to the audience. In other words, it looks for credibility with receiver.

Black propaganda is when the source is hidden, and it spreads lies, fabrications, and deceptions. According to the author, it includes all types of creative deceit, and this type of propaganda gets

20 the most attention when it is revealed. In Bolivian context, this type of propaganda is used by the government of Morales in order to resist the social criticism.

Gray propaganda is somewhere between white and black propaganda. The source may or may not be correctly identified, and accuracy of the information is uncertain. As noted by the author, gray propaganda is generalized, additionally, she illustrates that companies distort statistics on annual report, advertising suggests a product will achieve results, etc. in short, this type of propaganda could be described as disinformation. Additionally, Victoria O´Donnell (2012) asserts that one can see in both models that the propagandist´s objective is to obscure the authenticity the message creator, thus creating a high degree of reliability for both message and apparent source.

2.2.1.3. THE THEORY OF POLITICAL PROPAGANDA The strategy of propaganda as management of collective attitude has been expressed in cultural terms, which can be described with pleasure in the context of language of stimulus-response (Lasswell, 2012). Propagandists may be concerned with the manipulations of arguments of stimuli which are the best calculated to expect to the desired responses such as social support in order to be a powerful social group. In particular, language of stimulus-response works in an appropriate way in the course of propaganda used by the government party of Evo Morales. The desired responses are achieved even scandals of corruptions, because it is important to use appropriate linguistic resources to manipulate social attitude as the author stated previously.

Additionally, the author asserted that propaganda increased briefly in the past whenever a social system was broken by an oppressor, but in the ever-present the function of propaganda is in large measure assignable to the social disorganization, which has been precipitated by high technological improvements. As a result, the function of propaganda is increasing more and more in the modern society because of ongoing improvement of technology.

“… a form of communication that attempts to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist” (O´Donnell, 2012, p.15). The term of propaganda is used as a communicative aim to spread political or any kind of social group response to accomplish the results of social attitude´s manipulation. Specifically, the author underlined the three principles of propaganda. First, the idea or opinion to be extended it must connect with something the

21 target context already stands strongly and use different methods in order to appeal different levels of feeling, which further shapes and develops an expected social attitude. Second, the optimistic response of an idea is reinforced in the course of manipulation, for instance, being mentioned frequently in the media and broadcasted as important news. Third, the propaganda is hidden and used as an explanation, and the population believes it without manipulated feeling.

In fact, those important principals of propaganda show a clear advantage of social power to achieve manipulation, and dominance without causing negative attitude. Moreover, the message content of propaganda is seen as important news or information by society and the message in a repetitive way achieves suitable result, which is seen every day in television channels in the period of Evo Morales government.

2.2.1.4. PERSUASION AND SOCIAL INFLUENCE The important aspects are taken into account in relation to the change of attitudes as well as persuasion and influence in this stage. In the persuasion paradigm, the influence appeals naturally in argumentative emphasis which is associated with social interaction. In its usual context, social influence appeals informational concern associated with the source´s position, but this is delivered in high complex social settings that may take account of interaction among participants, because of the noticeable continuities in a deep analysis of research (Petty, 1998). Additionally, the author demonstrated that coordinated messages and a deep exploration of it is enhanced based on persuasion.

In the political context, concrete arguments are carefully arranged in order to achieve the meaningful objectives before publishing a message. Through television screen, it is seen the spots, which talks positively about the government and the message is carried out appropriately to achieve social persuasion. In addition, a well development of propaganda causes a positive effect in the society, for instance, on the propaganda spots of Evo Morales, it is seen that some details, such as, a farmer with appropriate machine “harvester”, paved roads, and school buildings. These contents of propaganda are carried out in order to attract the social attention in Bolivia.

In a social context, persuasion occurs with the use of propaganda particularly in the political context. Stone (1992) stated that an effective propaganda is based on emotional feeling and it appeals to social feelings in order to produce an authentic emotional pressure, for example, Hitler did not get that Germany became in an anti-Semitic country because the first step was already done. It was not a guilt feeling for war loss it was latent among Germany citizens; for that reason, it is essential to connect multitude emotional feelings. In particular, propaganda is effective when it is focused on social emotional feelings in order to harvest appropriate results in political context.

For Norman Stone, all propaganda could be popular, and adopt intellectual level to receptive capacity concerned with less intelligent persons in whom it is directed. Therefore, the author affirmed that receptive capacity of crowds is limited and their comprehension is scarce; moreover, multitudes in an easy way fall down in forgetfulness; the efficient propaganda is limited because the message is concrete and it does not count with arguments.

The author emphasized that the message had to be concise as a solid element because the crowd could not be interested in details of propaganda; they see the superficial content of message as we seen in television screen the emotive message, the colorful content as farmers with Luxor harvester. Those superficial and emotive messages persuade and change multitude’s attitude. In contrast, the persuasive message could be used in a positive way in our society. Particularly, our children need to be fun of reading and studying many carriers in the universities in order to work out alcoholism, drug addiction, and other social problems. Besides, there is money to use in social advantage, instead of wasting it in maintaining the positive image of the government and persuading the population in the government´s advantage.

Bogart (1995, p. 195-196), in his study related to the U.S. Information Agency (USIA) focused on the propagandist as a sender of message, and propaganda is denominated as an art requiring special talent, which is not considered as mechanical and scientific work. Furthermore, influencing attitudes demands experience, knowledge, and instinctive “judgment of what is the best argument for the audience” there is no manual can guide propagandist. The author states that propagandist must have “a good mind, genius sensitivity, and knowledge of how that audience thinks and reacts”.

In Bolivian context, the Communication Ministry as a main creature of propaganda is working in an appropriate way of influencing social attitude. However, people in charge of influencing message may not have sophisticated experience and knowledge in propaganda, but they join forces with technology and television screen as important tools to achieve suitable results in society.

In the context of totalitarian and dictatorial regimes, to make the manipulation course consists in two phases: obscuring the informational benchmarks and inducing the manipulating opinions (Motei, 2008 and Ionescu, 2013). They confirmed that obscuring the information references occur by suppressing the message that could create a genuine reference system, which would enable the comparison and critical sense. In the lack of the possibility to associate reality and on a background of informational emptiness, each inducing opinion is a manipulative outlook. Consequently, the totalitarian regimes are havens of propaganda and manipulation in the new political power in order to extend the ideology of populism.

In democracy, political manipulation received the most vehement retort (Riker, 1986; Jacobs and Saphiro, 2000). For instance, Eco (1993), ironically states about political manipulation, but realistically, makes the some commandments in relation to political manipulation by television: to comment the political event that is expected or must be made known; it is not needed to clarify the favorable information, which must only be competent by appropriate tittles and by the ability of contrast relations; to comprehend the implicit or silence management.

Additionally, Umberto Eco states that the information is incompatibly omitted; clumsy news must be transmitted when there is a guarantee that no-one else watches it; understanding information can be avoided, by sophisticated language use as jargons in different areas like (commercial, political, economic, sociological context). Therefore, manipulation seems to be more powerful tool than the use of force at the time of solving some unpleasant situations when politicians face up as seen the government party in Bolivia.

Some definitions related to propaganda as an appropriate tool of communication, the manipulation goal is achieved in an easy and sophisticated way in favor of powerful social groups especially when it is used through television. In particular, the government party does

24 use propaganda to maintain the positive image and to manipulate the population in context of high criticism.

Emphasizing the main perspective of influential techniques, it is understood that persuasive strategies include the use of warrants, which are laws that attach the main elements as arguments to the conclusion or claims. In addition, one persuasive strategy includes the speaker or writer appealing to authorities, experts of celebrities who hold up his or her outlook (Ellece, 2011). In fact, the persuasion and power dominance in social context always be and will be a controversial issue based on language use for communication purpose.

2.2.1.5. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA AS A FORM OF MARKETING POLICY Firstly, the meaning of marketing policy based on the government propaganda is a group of theories and methods, which can be useful for political organizations to achieve objectives as programs, plans to influence citizens´ behavior (Vides, 2016).

Taking this into account, in the study by Lopez (1999), cited by Vides (2016), the political marketing is a process through that:

a) Political marketing is obtained and measured according to needs and characteristics of electoral market stated as objective reality of population and their context, related to political activities, competitiveness of political context, social group behavior, and elements of mental state which manipulates political electoral decisions. b) Based on all those needs it could be regarded in a short time to set up electoral proposal and program of party. c) Strategies and campaigns are designed to promote political agenda and candidate who represents to support through political propaganda. (Lopez, 1999, p. 22 ).

Besides, the author stated that concept of political marketing has started to be popular in Latin America in the last decades. He is optimistic about electoral campaign enhancement and it will be familiar soon in the future. Certainly, this assumption promotes the social manipulation in favor of political groups to achieve their interests based on social support, and the term of

25 marketing policy influences social perception and opinions through sophisticated resource of communication, mainly, by means of media in Bolivia.

In Bolivia we have the laws or compulsory norms that force citizens to be part of those electoral events. Moreover, it is related to the power of dominant groups based on important indicators such as laws, rules, norms, habits, and even in the higher agreement among population, and with those important arguments we construct “hegemony” the famous term emphasized by Gramsci (1971). In Bolivian context, political hegemony is denominated where politicians have rules, laws and other tools to manipulate society and this event is called “democratic practice” the euphemism identity to characterize dominant society, which is seen from the field of CDA.

According to Lopez (1999), the marketing policy needs four elements which are mentioned as following:

• Study of political market. • Electoral program determination. • Strategy of political product selling. • Political propaganda.

In daily term, marketing policy seeks vote by means of technology, but the strategy changed little by little. The traditional politicians used to take vote through two basic techniques: personalized knowledge of their population and deep knowledge of population. Therefore, it may take some important advantages at the time of discourse performance. Particularly, a politician who really knows his public development, and knows how to use his speech in the appropriate context, the results could be accepted with high motivation. Likewise, the elements of communication are techniques of persuasion and high knowledge of population´s behavior at the time of obtaining the vote and social support (Lopez, 1999).

Additionally, the author states that hard working on taking the appropriate information helps us to draw an outlook about our audience and politician. The author also underlines the importance to know the use of persuasion techniques. Similarly, the use of appropriate words in a speech acts is a pertinent strategy, such as Evo Morales uses the word “hermanos” in order to attract the attention of population because it reflects friendly sign.

According to Lopez (1999), the personalized knowledge of politician is achieved through techniques of opinion survey, and analysis of them; the political communication is fulfilled throughout strategies based on candidate´s objective along with communication media as main tool for expanding message in the society. In addition, techniques of opinion survey build up the awareness of social needs as an important indicator for politicians. Then, this information allows politicians to arrange the structure of propaganda in order to construct the management of social persuasion.

2.2.1.6. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA IN BOLIVIA The meaning of propaganda provides the following implication: “Propaganda is systematic diffusion of an ideology because it causes a doctrine in a social system” (Lopez, 1999, p. 134). In this regard, the government propaganda is in charge of the government policy´s diffusion around the country. Additionally, the government propaganda is also used as a marketing image in order to have a positive social acceptance in the political issue (Vides, 2016).

Jhony Vides also stated that the marketing image of the government is the intermediate period stage where politicians are carried out along with all marketing tools trough collective events. In electoral campaign, the objective is vote, but in government propaganda the purpose is to support the positive image of the government and social persuasion in the study by Vides (2016).

Lopez (1999, p.310) harder explained that the important aspect is to analyze main resources of image in order to add or restate elements in the government conveyance and he named the government propaganda as “a manipulation, molding of opinion, indoctrination, conviction, agreement or consensus applied in political context by the government party”. Consequently, the elements of indoctrination and manipulation are applied through the use of the linguistic resources in the content of the government propaganda in Bolivia.

In the Bolivian political context those theories mentioned previously fit logically in the scope of MAS government. The government propaganda is applied all the time through television without any kind of control. Nevertheless, those marketing images of the government cause unpleasant situation in the society since it shows unreal and annoying information. However, our society, our children need real news about our country they need meaningful news for their

27 knowledge enhancement, and they need encouragement in increasing comprehension about culture of reading. From the government, the propaganda can be promoted in a positive way such as the marketing image of children´s knowledge suggesting them in reading culture, which could be a positive propaganda in the Bolivian society.

According to the Communication Ministry, only 9.7% related to all government propaganda is delivered by this institution 16.380 estimated seconds in one month about 168.630 seconds in entire government propaganda. The rest 90% is delivered by other ministries, the state companies and other contractor of publicity in television media, such as, the Bolivian Oil Sites (YPFB), National Agency of Hydrocarbons (ANH), National Company of Telecommunications (ENTEL), National Taxes, and Customs deliver more than the Communication Ministry.

The government propaganda is the most abundant use in the historical democracy in Bolivia based on that information. Furthermore, the government propaganda can be estimated entire of the government (including autonomous companies) expend amount of 690 million of bolivianos each year by the Communication Ministry (Peñaranda, 2013). According to El Diario12, in its report of Friday 28th, 2015, the Communication Ministry wasted money about 1 million Bs in propaganda publication every day. This news report stated that the ministry of communication of Bolivia, Marianela Paco confirmed that the budget assigned for the government information regarding broadcast in 2014 was 649.693.297 Bs.

According to the report, the Communication Ministry wastes more than one million Bs on propaganda publication. Furthermore, this money could be used in a positive way in favor of our society instead of marketing of the government image. The government does not need marketing of image because values such as patriotism and being Bolivian must encourage to work for Bolivians and those true values must be appreciated by the society.

The marketing campaign of the government image is expensive in Bolivia during the government of Evo Morales. Similarly, the written media “La Razón” takes money between 1, 1 and 1, 6 millions of dollar for government publicity each year, and it can be carried out an

12 El Diario, is the Bolivian written media.

28 assessment about incomes of television media such as ATB13 and PAT14 about the government propaganda; the cost of publicity of the television channels differ depending on their rating aspects (Peñaranda, 2013). Then, the investment of money in propaganda is massive in the term of Evo Morales` government in Bolivia.

The government propaganda spots were supported by high investment of money. Nevertheless, Bolivia has a lot of social problems. Economical resource could be used in order to work out the priority of social needs such as education, health, unemployment, and poverty. Furthermore, it is time to stop with those fake messages of the government propaganda because of high evident of misinformation. Besides, in one of propaganda, a boy said that Evo Morales is the best president around the world, and another said that careful management of Bolivian economic resources. As a result, someone who is involved in corruption scandals, someone who looks for impunity, and someone seeks the way of extending his government term, could be a person with those characteristics? In that context, could careful management of Bolivian economic resources be possible?

Nonetheless, investing money on propaganda spots even obstacles is possible because accessing to the media and money are advantages of the government. CDA contributes to uncover the identity of social strength along with high economical accessibility, which encourages social manipulation in a higher degree. CDA naturally studies how context features (for instance properties of language users of power groups) manipulate the ways members of dominated groups define the communicative context in preferred context models (Martin Rojo and van Dijk, 1997).

In the current time, the term of propaganda has acquired a strong negative connotation, and it is frequently used to define negative attributes because it is associated with lies and misleading information as it is seen in the propaganda use of the government of MAS, which is confirmed at the end of the study. Additionally, the creation of successful propaganda mainly depends on

13 Red ATB (Asociación Teledifusora Boliviana) is a television channel in Bolivia, belonging to Brisa Group, SA National Broadcasting System. 14 Red PAT Periodistas Asociados de Televisión which is related to a television channel in Bolivia.

29 the development of a successful image. ALP, (2016) identified these three key elements as follow:

1. Preparation of a simple theme or message for the targeted audience, in order words message composition, 2. Dissemination of this message to all communication channels so that the message becomes salient and dominant among competing images, in other words to increase its quality and feature of standing out strongly and distinctly, 3. Surrounding the message with trappings of credibility in a manner to be accepted by the targeted audience, in other words to ensure the credibility of the message (ALP, 2016, p. 14).

In the present study, these elements take place as pertinent characteristics in propaganda, but some additional elements could be added some additional elements, for instance, sounds, colors, voice over, and linguistic resources in order to be an appropriate material for persuading the society.

2.2.1.7. TELEVISION AS PROPAGANDA This section contributes to underline the role of television media in propaganda diffusion which is the central interest in the present research. According to O’Donnell (2012, p. 146), television does have a major propaganda function in the area of news reporting. She highlights that powerful visual images are presented to the television viewers in broadcasts that seldom have enough time to develop the stories to provide adequate explanation. As noted by the author, the “shorthand” nature of television news lends itself to such distortion, thus creating a form of indirect propaganda changing our perception and shaping our attitudes toward a wide variety of issues. In addition, we learn to rely on the news media for information, and repeated frequently enough, these images become fixed beliefs, shaping our comprehension of the world around us.

In other words, television was an important medium on reporting news in trustful context, but it changed along with political implication as propaganda diffusion. Propaganda diffusion deteriorates the transmission of television because the political parties use the media to propagandize favorably on their behalf. For political parties, the important thing is to cause the

30 attention of the population in order to have social support. Particularly, it is going to be seen in the analysis of linguistic resources employed in propaganda in the present research.

In conclusion, television has become a crucial media, and it will continue without being replaced. If the replacement happens, it will be by internet (Sartori, 2003). Therefore, TV is the best means of communication that takes place higher position in relation to visual use of message than other media does. TV not only shows visual content but also verbal message. In fact, it becomes a pertinent tool of communication in political context, specifically, in propaganda diffusion.

2.2.1.8. POWER OF THE IMAGE The source for the visual image, vision itself, is biological and universal across cultures. In addition, the vast majority of human beings process the visual image and they see and experience the world visually, which implies that the eyes and the brain work together (Dauber, 2014). The author underlines the process where the structure of the eye, and the way it responds to light and to movement during the process of interpreting images to a great extent. Cori Dauber also highlights that humans process images more quickly than text, making images more emotionally intuitive and responses to images frequently more immediate and powerful than responses to text. Then, it means that images used in the spots attract and influence the viewer even it is not real. According to these statements, the more use of TV spots the better results can be achieved in the persuasion purpose of the propagandist.

The stage contributes to the comprehension about the power of image in TV spots. In the study of Dauber, the viewers focus on visual information because they see images as credible records, allowing them to witness news events even though they themselves were not physically present. Additionally, images also draw attention since the viewers process the complex visual details of images simultaneously, rather than engage in the more challenging, sequential approach needed to process verbal information. According to the author, visual images attract viewer’s attention because they stimulate emotional responses. Thus, it implies that TV is more effective than other media in relation to the persuasion aim of politicians.

2.2.1.9. LANGUAGE OF POLITICIANS In the context of political language, it is known that lexical knowledge is related to the linguistic area which appropriately reflects the social reality. It is frequently modified according to social events, such as: the words become rapidly less useful because of its habitual lack mental representation (García J. A., 2007)15. Then, vocabulary of language represents the pertinent evidence to be taken into account in the context of communication development.

From Aristotle, the political language is the key explanation that human beings see a zoon politikon, in other words, a political animal. Historically, many evidences are close related to the origin between language and politician in the study of Tovar (1985), cited by García (2007). In contrast, if all professionals have own attribution of vocabulary, the logic is that politicians also have own manner of expressions. According to Pérez (2003, p. 13-18), the political language is a “particular type of speaking with specific features”, and Coseriu (1987) suggests differentiating the political vocabulary as terms related to the notions of political institutions, such as: democracy, legislative body, constitution, government, state, socialism…

However, it also happens, although a word does not belong to the political vocabulary at the beginning, latter it can be completely added, but in a specific context. It is concerned with the major connotative words as seen in Spanish transition, such as: modernization, solidarity, reform, change, and the word transition, etc. Nonetheless, the author asserts that, while the first terms persist, the seconds disappear and appear. Political terms regularly are polysemy, because the addressee of concepts is interpreted from different ideological position (Lagunilla, 1999, p. 169). In Bolivian context, the terms change, reforms are persistently used in propaganda spots.

In the same book, the author underlines some examples associated with different political expressive language, for instance: “cuarto de punto del PIB” and development of phrases (sin ton ni son), and metaphorical expressions as “poner bombas de relojería en el camino”. In

15 García José. “Propaganda política y promoción del cambio social en España” the study is related to the political communication in order to improve the better comprehension about the way of influence accepted in society. Thesis, Madrid- Spain, Political sciences and Sociological Department, UNED University, 2007.

32 addition, the use of nominalizations in order to avoid responsibilities: “la reforma del Mercado de trabajo”, instead of el “gobierno reformará el Mercado de trabajo”.

Additionally, in electoral campaign of political discourse, Baudrillard (1974, p. 179), cited by García (2007), there are two groups: one is based on formality and objectivity as “technical vocabulary from political context and the economy and the right”, another is connotative and valorative where the effectivity is important in the emotional impact. The last one contributes to the meaning of political language because all political terms are associeted with ideological effect. In fact, the ideological effect in a political discourse is pertinent in order to achieve a social persuasion.

2.2.2. POLITICAL COMMUNICATION Historically, the concept of political communication appears after propaganda. It maintains the objective of communication activities such as production and diffusion of political system from its origin (García, 2007). According to the author, the term is controversial and ambiguous because it is used indifferently by creative politicians, advertisers, and operators of media related to massive diffusion. Under the same term, each of them is understood in different way. According to Rospir (1990), the concept of political communication is interdisciplinary which comes into center media in relation to the study of political context. Therefore, this definition excludes the process of political communication which does not relate to the diffusion of media because it can be produced among people, institutions and public administrations.

Canel (1999) defines that the political communication is the context of study related to specific activities of people, institutions where sharing information develops ideas, attitudes about politicians, signs and class of symbols among society. The definition includes all options related to the content of message and emission. However, political communication is also defined as the context of politology, because it is concerned with the type of particular information and messages that disseminates the condition of its activity from development of demands to conversion and responses in the context of political system (Panebianco, 1982). This pertinent condition demonstrates its minimal content in the strict specific sense.

On the whole of political communication, the political propaganda would be one form along with specific intention of senders’ persuasion as a communicative purpose (García, 2007).

Then, although the government propaganda pursues social persuasion, it belongs to one characteristics of political communication. It is also important to analyze the content of message in political context because in the structure of communication there is an objective strategically addressed by politicians and institutions.

2.2.3. LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF PROPAGANDA This section provides the main features that support propaganda structure as a main tool of the government of MAS in order to promote the power development in Bolivia.

2.2.3.1. LINGUISTIC FEATURES According to Verdonk (2002) the style in language means a set of conscious or unconscious choices of expression, inspired or induced by particular context. It is related to use of linguistic features which consist of lexical features and syntactic characteristics in context of propaganda use, such as hyperbole, weasel words, imperative statements and long noun phrases.

2.2.3.2. LEXICAL FEATURES The use of propaganda includes lexical characteristics to convey appropriate information of propagandist and causes pertinent effect in social behavior. There are ten lexical features emphasized on Grey´s (2008) theory. Those features are hyperbole, neologism, weasel word, familiar language, repetition, euphemism, humor, glamorization, and potency.

1. Hyperbole: The feature is used to vary the expression of personal feelings and opinion. As noted by Leech (1972) hyperbole is associated with personal values and feelings. It is used to exaggerate the meaning of a piece of information. In addition, hyperbole is defined as a figure of speech which contains an exaggeration for emphasis purpose (Cuddon, 1999). In Bolivian context, this lexical feature is used in a vast majority in the propaganda spots of the government party MAS. 2. Neologism: It is an expression related to new word creation to attract society. 3. Weasel word: The author states that weasel word suggests a meaning without being specific, 4. for instance, enriched, worth, tested, guaranteed, and scientific.

5. Familiar language: The propagandists usually use the pronoun you because propagandists want to be friendly with audience. The author explains that pronoun “you” promotes a friendly attitude between propagandist and receiver. 6. Vocabulary: The author suggests that the language of propaganda must be simple, brief, and clear to make the message comprehensive. The simple vocabulary should be attractive to cause appropriate effect in the society. 7. Repetition: Concerning with repetition of message or certain phrase is common in the context of propaganda use. Based on Grey´s theory, repetition has three types, such as, alliteration, rhyme, and rhythm. First, alliteration is the repetition of the initial consonant sound or a word to provide rhythmical and musical effect to attract society. Second, rhyme is a pattern of identity of sound between words extending from the end to the last fully accented vowel. Third, rhythm is a regular pattern produced by varying the stressed and unstressed syllables of the words in a message of propaganda. 8. Euphemism: The author explains that euphemism is a type of figurative language which endows connotative meaning. It expresses appropriate word meaning instead of unpleasant words. 9. Humor: This linguistic feature is used to attract the audience. It is another strategy to achieve attention of the society. 10. Glamorization: The author points out the use of adjectives for describing things to provide positive or negative connotations in the content of propaganda message. 11. Potency: According to Grey the potential words are able to give new value of influencing population. In this context the author identifies the words free, now, how to, suddenly, announcing, introducing, it is here, just arrived, important development, improvement, amazing, sensational, remarkable, revolutionary startling, miracle, magic, and others. Those linguistic features offer potential meaning in social interaction.

2.2.3.3. LEXICO-SEMANTIC FEATURES This section highlights the use of words along with emotional or cultural element. Language has content, but the content will depend on the nature of the culture or sub-culture in which the language exists (Reah, 1998). This means that attitude of any given culture will be reflected in

35 a context where language provides ideas, concepts and beliefs. This additional relationship between language and attitude is detailed as following:

• Rhetoric: Platt (1992) defines rhetoric as an art or talent by which discourse is adapted to its ends. It is related to the study and practice of effective communication, which achieves the art of persuasion. As noted by the author politicians endear themselves to the audience´s heart through different rhetorical skills for instance repetitions, bible citation, rhetorical questions, colloquialism, promise, use of pidgin, word coinage etc. • Biblical citations: politicians in some religious countries have recourse to citing references from Holy Bible to force the electorate to vote for their political parties. • Promises: it is the common use of politicians. Promises represent a great deal with rhetorical devices in the language of political context. • Colloquialisms: the aim of this type of language employed by politicians is to show solidarity with audience, particularly the masses. • Word coinages: it is related to word inventions to suit in the discourse context. • Pidgin: according to Richard Platt it is an appropriate resource when politicians want to address the people in rural areas or the masses. • Metaphor: this figure of speech suggests the essence of the first object by identifying in with certain qualities of the second object. Metaphor expressions are used to grasp social attention in the propaganda message. • Metonymy: it is related to the expressions which denote a thing by naming something associated with it such as church means religion (Brinton, 2000).

2.2.3.4. SYNTACTIC FEATURES According to Grey (2008) syntactic features of propaganda are based on emergence of similar grammatical structure in the phrase formation. Syntactic features deal with categories of words which have the same grammatical properties. The author stated details in relation to sentences as following:

• Short sentence: in propaganda the use of short sentence promotes the attention of audience. Short sentence achieves a better understanding. The government

propaganda of Evo Morales uses short split reports to convey easy comprehension to gain social conscious. • Long Noun Phrase: propaganda spot uses a long noun phrase in three or more words to catch the attention of population. The Bolivian propaganda uses many long noun phrases as Estabilidad económica, la administración responsable which conveys to society positive impression. It is important to highlight that nominalization permits hiding the real habits in the context of power relations between propagandist and audience (Fowler, 1991). In other words, it means hiding the power identity in social context. • Ambiguity: a phrase or a sentence provides more than one cognitive meaning. According to Leech (1972), there is contradiction between lexical ambiguity and grammatical ambiguity. However, Grey explains that homonymy and polysemy are associated with both grammatical and lexical ambiguity. An ambiguity maybe syntactic or semantic pun to convey information. Ambiguity is used to make a phrase memorable. • Use of imperative: in propaganda the use of imperative phrase is common because it encourages and suggests audience to act or do something, like believing on ideology of politicians. • Simple and Colloquial Language: these types of expressions do not convey meaning normally as they have, and it is used in informal sentence to address memorable context. • Present tense: the use of present tense in propaganda is to make the information looks real whenever the audience sees or hears. It is the common speech acts of politicians in order to achieve social support. • Syntactic parallelism: it is used to emphasize information to cause social interest. The author emphasizes that parallelism is related to repetition of formal patterns of two or more similar ideas in the same structural forms. • Ellipsis: it describes omission of word in a sentence structure. The purpose of ellipsis is to create the sense of informality and to make the message more interesting and simpler (Cook, 1996).

• Incomplete sentence: in the theory of Grey (2008) sometimes, the audience does not pay attention carefully to the sentence of propaganda. The author claims that an incomplete sentence is one kind of linguistic feature to make society focused on information. • Transitivity: transitivity involves looking at the language used to describe: “what happens, who the participants are (both those who do something and those affected by what is done) and what the circumstances are” (Beard, 2000, p. 30). It describes all social events from different angles to construct variety of ideological viewpoint. • Active and passive voice: in transforming a sentence into the passive the actor becomes less prominent and the person or thing affected by the action is focused (Fowler, 1991). • Modality: a recurrent use of modal expressions enhances the sense of subjectivity; it gives the effect of illusion of a person with a voice and opinions (Fowler, 1991). This linguistic feature allows propagandist to present information and speculations that might be interpreted as actual facts by the audience.

2.2.3.5. LINGUISTIC MANIPULATION According to Asya (2013)16 the theory of speech acts emphasizes influence exercised upon society or a group of people through speech and nonverbal means by the speaker to achieve definite aims, such as, to change behavior of listener, his mental set, intentions, perceptions, evaluations, etc. the author explains that awareness of linguistic actions provide intentional and non-intentional manipulation. In intentional, the subject aims at a specific result. Non- intentional is carried out involuntary, as the subject does not aim results from the audience. Therefore, the author highlights that the type of linguistic can be:

• Social (daily interactions as greetings, oaths, prayers). • Volitional (interactions of requests, refusals, advise, etc.).

16 Dr. Akopova Asya. Linguistic Manipulation: Definition and types. (IJCRSEE) International Journal of Cognitive Research in science, engineering and education Vol. 1. N° 2. 2013. Department of the English Language of the Humanitarian Faculties, South Federal University. Russia, Rostov-on-Don.

• Informational and estimative (speech acts as public moral, legal interpersonal emotional relations, such as, reprobation, praise, accusation, insult, threat).

Akopova Asya also emphases the perlocutionary criterion, which addresses reaction, and the basic elements of linguistic manipulations are:

• Evaluative (interpretation of connotative meaning of the object for the subject). • Emotional (related to mood). • Rational (related to categories and structures of language based on conscience).

To conclude, the author suggests taking into account the cognitive aspects about language functions and use, and he claims that the update communication is not an easy task. Thus, in daily life manipulative forms are predominant. These linguistic characteristics support the structure of propaganda to be meaningful message or information to cause an appropriate social response. Some authors call propaganda as an art because it uses appropriate linguistic features to cause the change of social behavior.

2.2.4. POPULISM In terms of Laclau (2005), the environment of post Marxist implied about the reason of writing the book On Populist Reason which supports the new emerging political power in Bolivia and other South American countries. He considers populism to be a theory of contempt where he attempts to change it to a theory of emancipation in order to point out populism the best solution in Latin-America based on deepening democracy. The author claims that populism is a genuinely democratic issue in the field of political context which is able to gather a great mass of margined population in Latin-American societies. Similarly, the government party MAS is identified as the same as the Laclau´s claim which gathers a great number of margined societies to extend its government term.

According to Panizza (2005), there is little principle in attempting to summarize the many studies focused on populism in the already vast academic literature. As noted by the author it is essential to differentiate three ways of approaching the populism term, which are significant internal variations, and those three broad categories are the following: a) empirical generalization; b) historicist accounts; and c) symptomatic readings.

The first, empiricist approach looks at an assumed case of populism in an attempt to take out a set of positive characteristics that could afford a distinctive group of attribution to distinguish the phenomenon. Second approach means the populism in relation to historical period, social formation, historical process or set of historical contexts. The identity of historical reading is the vast literature on Latin American populism that restricts the term to the golden period of populist parties. It is concerned with the economic crisis in the 1930s to the end of Important- Substitution-Industrialization (ISI) model of development in the late 1960s. This approach was related to charismatic leaders of populist parties, for instance, Juan Doming Perón in Argentina, Getúlio Vargas in Brazil and Lázaro Cárdenas in Mexico in the strategical development strategy of “ISI”. The last approach identifies populism as empirical and historical approach, but its conclusion is justified in the terms of analytical core based on the constitution of people as the main political actor.

Furthermore, Canovan (1999) emphasizes the term of populism with the claim of Worsley, Shils and Laclau which constitution of popular identity is the heart of the populist application. In the modern democratic societies, populism “is the best seen as an appeal” to people against both the established structure of power and the dominant ideas and values of society.

On the other hand, the populist practices emerged from the failure of existing social and political institutions to confine and regulate political subjects into a relatively stable social order (Laclau, 2005). According to the author, populism itself tends to deny any identification with the right or left dichotomy because it is called a multiclass movement. Although not all multiclass movements may be considered populist, populism probably defies any comprehensive definition. Also, populism usually includes contrasting elements such as a claim for equality of political rights and universal participation for the common people, but it is characterized by some kind of authoritarianism often under charismatic leadership.

A political petition that looks for changing the terms of political discourse through generating new social relations, redefining political frontiers and representing new identities as a new current political power around the world (Panizza, 2005). Then, these assumptions regarding populism are related to the Bolivian political context because the current term reflects clearly the identity with characteristics mentioned previously.

As a result, this new social generation takes place in our context consolidating a new political power, but this current power does not work in favor of such great number of societies. It works for its own interests neglecting who helped in election to be main representative of society, many citizens trusted in the new leader in order to vanish such unpleasant corruption of former politicians, but it was a total misconception (Alvares, 2016). Considering those statements, this new political power is similar to the previous ones or the worst one in Bolivian history.

Particularly, we found some important theories about populism from another author. Canovan (1981), cited by Laclau (2005) who stated that a list of concepts related to populism, from which we highlighted some important ones:

• The socialism which [emerges] in backward peasant countries facing the problems of modernization. • Basically, the ideology of small rural people threatened by encroaching industrial and financial capital. • Populism proclaims that the will of the people as such is supreme over every other standard. • Basically … a rural movement seeking to realize traditional values in a changing society. • The belief that the majority opinion of the people is checked by an elitist minority. • Any creed or movement based on the following major premise: virtue resides in the simple people, who are the overwhelming majority, and in their collective traditions. • A political movement which enjoys the support of the mass of the urban working class and / or peasantry but which does not result from the autonomous organizational power of either of these two sectors. (Laclau, 2005, p. 5).

In fact, those characteristics stated by the author definitely supports the identity of new emerging political dominance in Bolivia and other countries as famous populism phenomenon. Besides, this type of political party counts on economic power even it is part of the government in a county.

2.2.4.1. CHARACTERISTICS OF POPULISM MOVEMENT Populism is a modern, complex and diversified phenomenon in political context. Thus, it cannot be simply put into a classic understanding without contemporary socioeconomic and sociocultural reality because it is getting a more and more powerful and popular social domain in South America, particularly in Bolivia. In this research of CDA the main social actors are the new emerging political party which is MAS, the government party along with the main leader of Evo Morales. Meanwhile, in 2009, Bryder´s17 study of populism provided some important analysis about three important aspects:

Firstly, we are going to take into account circumstances in which populism emerges. Secondly, the main features of populism, and finally what are the claims and demands upon which populism constructs its ideological dimension.

Circumstances of appearance: Populism is a phenomenon which can emerge in all forms in democracy. The clear influences are political systems which give knowledge about institutional evolution. For instance, the success of Forza Italia, the party of Silvio Berlusconi, being the best example, “Voice People 2006”, was a global opinion poll. 79 percent of people agree that democracy is the best form of government. In contrast, only one third agree that voice of people is heard and followed by authorities of their countries (Krastev, 2008, p. 5).

The context implies deep disappointment about traditional parties of government elites and it is an appropriate advantage of populism improvement. Not only is there a disagreement in those countries about this current social power, but also it is part of identity of MAS party. According to overwhelming news of foreign media, it is fully aware that corruption is a noticeable disagreement about social group emergence in South America as we can see in Brazil, in Argentina, and also in our country, but this is a democracy for populism parties. As noted by the former author, democracy is the best outward appearance of government.

Emergence of populism parties depends on social factors as well. Population is forced significantly to adapt to a new situation where unemployment, vulnerability, precariousness is an everyday reality, and where crisis identity and social exclusion are spreading (Gilly, 2005).

17 Lecturer: Tom Bryder, explaned and described in his study about Populism – a threat or a challenge for the democratic system? University of Copenhagen, Faculty of Social Science. Department of Political Science, 2009.

From perspectives of CDA social power dominance is part of this type of social phenomenon because manipulation of social attitude is conspicuous. In other words, this is the characteristic of populism where Laclau (2005) in his book On Populism Reason stated that democracy is a perfect environment to put into practice the ideology as unique and main solution in Latin America.

Particularly, one can blame two central reasons, one globalization, and another post- modernization for exasperation of this atmosphere. Furthermore, intensified integration of global markets, competitive pressure from Third World countries with large pools of human labor, seduction in demand of semi-skilled workers and large immigration from the undeveloped countries are giving rise to the feelings of uncertainty, fear and despair among Europeans.

This situation is being taken as an advantage by populism parties which assure popular longings for security and certainty (Betz, 2018). Around the world, these two central reasons are not only the cause of Europeans, but also a perfect advantage of populism development based on ideological democracy where any kind of discrimination is not part of this phenomenon.

However, in the media some television programs are talking over against the government and immediately they are criticized and quieted. In a short, this is implicit thought discrimination and this is a clear argument of power dominance of populism in Bolivia. At the end of this explanation about populism emergence, we want to point out a quote developed by Margaret Canovan “tension […] provides the stimulus to the populist mobilization that follows democracy like a shadow” (Canovan, 1999). To conclude, we summarize that populism emergence and success is naturally connected with crisis of democratic system.

Main features: Knowledge about the most important features of populism movement can help to construct better understanding of rapid development in current times. The finest summary of populism characteristics was promoted by Paul Taggart18. He includes six features that describe

18 Paul Taggart tries to clarify the meaning of people for populism, instead of using term “the people”, the use “heartland”. It is a place “in which, in the populist imagination, a virtuous and unified population resides” This concept illustrates that people in populist propaganda are not real, but mythical. (Taggart, in Meny and Surel, 2002).

43 the core of populism movement: first, hostility to represent democracy; second, “the people” as heartland – center of populism ideology; third, lack of core values; fourth, tendency to be highly changeable, fifth, emergence as a reaction to sense of extreme crisis and; finally, self-limiting quality of populism (Meny and Surel 2002). They state that, populists are heading special kind of voters because of need to use specific language.

In that case, they take into account the difference between them and bureaucratic politicians’ jargon, which can be scarcely understood by commonplace people. Populists love transparency; they contrast in secret deals and commitment, as well as complex legislative procedures. Besides, their voters are usually people feeling isolated politically and alienated by society. In other words, people neglected by previous political parties are part of populist context. Neither cultural people are members nor religious people, professional organizations, people who have difficulties in finding their place in capitalistic, post-modernistic reality, so-called “losers of globalization” (Bryder, 2009). “Populists love transparency” can be understood as a fake identity especially in our context because of such overpowering of uncertain acts in the government of populism, and it is true that a great number of population belong to this party, especially population of rural areas who were neglected by former politicians (Laclau, 2005).

In terms of Canovan (1999), three appeals can be noticed to the “people” in populism discourse: united people, meaning a nation or country in opposition to fractions and parties that divide it; our people, contrasted with the “others”, who do not belong to the group, for example, immigrants and commonplace people, who are mobilized against highly educated, as cosmopolitan elite. As we can see, people are not only citizens and workers who have the same rights and duties, but most of them are identified upon sharing the same “blood”, or inhabiting the same territory. As a result, the policy of this powerful society is differentiated and divided in citizens who have the same rights in a country based on ideology of deep practice of democracy which nowadays is not seen as a real democracy, especially in Bolivian society.

Totally associated with populist definition of “the people” is a type of leadership recognized in populist parties. Populist leaders, like Berlusconi or Haider, are charismatic personalities, which while remaining one of the people (one of us), supervise to enter the sphere of politics in attempt to save the democracy. Besides, he or she combines and articulates people and exactly whom

44 they want to be their real representative. Leader is known as someone of destiny who can provide simple understandable solutions of ordinary citizens (Albertazzi and McDonnel, 2008).

For the authors a leader is concerned with extending ideology through propaganda, and he represents the meaning of power in society. Moreover, resolving social problems in a real context is not a big deal in our country. In the media, news is seen neglecting social needs and this is a main result of social disagreement because the different treatment by the government is highly noticeable in our country.

Promise and demands: Populism Supporters do not want to abolish democratic system, on the contrary, they want to restore and reform it in such a way that will bring back the fundamental principal of its existence – direct rule of sovereign will of people. They take into account people and their role in a political decision-making process. In the populism view, those in charge betrayed people trust by taking care of their own interests and goals, forgetting about what objective they were elected and who they were supposed to represent.

Elites need to be replaced by a charismatic populist leader, who claims to understand directly and represents the will of population. Populist are impatient with complicate democratic procedures. They are only interested in direct and useful democracy, for instance, referendum or elections are seen as appropriate tools to promote democracy (Crick, 2005). As we know that referendum events are pertinent tools of this type of parties where society is compelled to participate in these democratic events as they call but it is implicitly an act of dominance and social manipulation in Bolivian.

In the context of populism, the main actors can promise some more general things like: security, prosperity, identity, and return to the scepter of democracy to its rightful owners among others. Finally, they promise “to make the people, once more, masters in their own homes, in the widest sense of the term” (Albertazzi and McDonnel, 2008). In our context, the government party uses propaganda as an appropriate tool to carry out the marketing image of its party promoting the best management taking into account unknown arguments. Fake statements that attract common place citizens and their humble context that follows to populism party, their conditions are taken as an appropriate advantage for populists that we saw described in detail in the former stages.

2.2.4.2. PEOPLE AND THE DISCURSIVE PRODUCTION OF EMPTINESS In the study of Laclau (2005), we emphasized an important possible way of approaching populism related to connotation of pejorative labels. The author stated two pejorative propositions, the first one refers that populism is vague and lack of precise in its discourse to the audience; the last one, populism is mere rhetoric. These two opposed different possibilities show that vagueness and indeterminacy are not inadequacy of a discourse in the social reality, but in some circumstances, concerned with social reality as rhetoric is not secondary consequence of self-contained conceptual structure. The author affirmed three sets of categories in order to achieve conceptualization of populism:

First, populism is understood as a type of movement – identifiable with either a special social base or a particular ideological orientation – but it is a political logic. All attempts found what is idiosyncratic in populism such as a peasant or small-ownership constituency, or resistance to economic modernization, or manipulation by marginalized elites are, as we have seen, essentially imperfect: they will be always overwhelmed by an avalanche of exceptions. What do we understand by political logic? According to the author, social logic as involving a complex system of statements is a system of rules drawing a horizon within some representative objects while others are excluded.

In this sense, social logic consists in ruling the following while political logic has something specific that is important to stress. It is related to the social institution and this institution is not an arbitrary fiat, but precedes social demands which in sense of inherent to any process of social change. This change takes place through the variable articulation of equivalence and difference, and the equivalent context presupposes the constitution of a global political subject promoting together a plurality of social demands.

Second, there are two aspects from former discussion which are related to conceptual characterization of populism: it is focused on naming and affect. Naming involves two consequences. 1. The moment of unity of popular subjects is given at the nominal, not at the conceptual level which supports singularities. 2. Precisely, a noun is not conceptually (sartorially) grounded, the limits between demands and subjected to permanent contestation. In that sense, affect means radical discontinuity between an object and the one next to it, and this

46 discontinuity can be conceived only in terms of a differential motive. Pure harmony would not be compatible with affect.

Finally, equivalence reflecting is the tension between its two poles. The essential point is, since the dislocation at the root of the populist experience requires an equivalent inscription, any emerging people, whatever its character, is going to present two sides: one of rupture with an existing order; the other introducing order of basic dislocation.

In fact, this assumption carried out by Ernesto Laclau about populism let us understand the way how it is constructed based on heterogeneous identities with high capacity to achieve internal transformation without neglecting social unity. Also, this change would let many changing circumstances in order to overcome alleged “irrationality”, “vagueness”, “indetermination”, and “manipulation” of populist discourse which causes social confrontation. According to the author, the social disagreement is able to give an account of phenomena which escape from political rationality based on classical perspectives of theory of policy and its ontological tools in the context of populism. As a matter of fact, manipulation is a main characteristic of this political party and it is seen through the everyday government propaganda in order to maintain and manage populist policy as we saw in preceding details in populism context.

2.2.4.3. EMERGING POWER OF POPULISM IN BOLIVIA In Bolivia, the populism emerges along with the government of Evo Morales because the characteristics stated by Laclau, Canovan, and others reflect a representation for the populism means, such as gathering people from different social issues, even political members, workers of rural areas. Likewise, the discourse of Evo Morales also characterizes populism.

Regarding this new emerging political issue, Margaret Canovan (1999) identifies three ideal types of the people to which populism typically appeals: the united people (rather than one divided by factions), our people (typically based on ethnicity or kinship), and the ordinary people (the non-elite). Actually, these Canovan´s three versions related to the term people refer to the issues of socialism and nationalism constructed in pure populism. Thus, the term of people or person employed in speech of Evo Morales and in propaganda use constructs the identity of populism in Bolivia.

The populism of Morales is far less explicit than one might expect; it is usually colored by other underlying ideologies (Ramirez, 2009). Additionally, Morales tends to construct the people to mean the indigenous and the elite to mean traditional political parties and their representatives in the government. On the other hand, the government applies the implicit power through ideology along with different linguistic resources employed in propaganda, which looks for social persuasion and maintaining the positive image of the government.

The populism in Bolivia underlines a significant overlap among populism and other ideologies in the term of Evo Morales with his political party MAS. According to Ramirez (2009), two of the most important ideologies are focused on the development of populism nationalism and socialism, which means that populism can be theoretically overlap with any number of ideologies, especially those that are community oriented. According to the author, the importance of overlapping ideologies appears to influence the types of moral arguments that Morales makes the way in which he constructs the crucial categories concerned with people and elite.

Socialism

The ideology of socialism is easily apparent in much of Morales’ rhetoric, the most especially in his apparently infinite references in relation to imperialism (Ramirez, 2009). She claims that Morales´ critiques of imperialism and the Empire are political on the surface, but the majorities are also economic.

According to Gaete (2003), cited by Ramirez (2009, p. 21), Evo Morales stated in response to a reporter´s question regarding the United States, “[the US] does not like democracies that are not servicing the Empire… the Bolivian people are tired of this savage capitalism, I remain convinced that capitalism is the greatest enemy of humanity and of the environment”. Therefore, although Empire can be understood in many different ways, Morales appears to interpret it associated with economic terms. As the same statement demonstrates, Morales often moves beyond references to imperialism to establish himself in opposition to neoliberalism and capitalism in favor of equal distribution of financial gains, land, and wealth.

Furthermore, Morales´ socialist arguments are directed against the international economic community, particularly against states and institutions that are perceived to have a strong affiliation with West. For example, he estates on November 2003 that “the day must come when the IMF and the World Bank pay for all that they have robbed from our people” (Elizalde, 2003 quoted in Ramirez, 2009, p.22). For Baspineiro (2005), the criticism of Evo Morales was also focused on these organizations in June 2005 as follow:

The poor people of this country are … risking our lives and bloking highways in order to open pathways of hope. We are not responsible for destabilization because those who attack Bolivian security are international organizations like the Interna Monetary Fund, the World Bank… [we can] no longer be dependent like beggars to Imperialist leftovers. (Baspineiro, 2005, p. 22)

Under those circumstances, Morales´ socialist ideology is quite apparent during his government and it affects the way he constructs populist argument. Besides, these types of ideologies of the government of Evo Morales are also applied in propaganda, which constructs the implicit power of egocentrism of the government party MAS.

Nationalism

Nationalism19 also plays an important role in Morales´ discourse, given not only his identification along with the poor, but also his heritage as an indigenous (Wimmer, 2002 cited in Ramirez, 2009). The nationalism of Evo Morales also becomes apparent when he preferences the indigenous community as the rightful owners of Bolivian territory. According to the author, Morales appears to identify first as an indigenous resident, second, as a member of the poor, and only then as a Bolivian; even when he attempts to be inclusive in his ideas and language, an undercurrent of ethnicity typically remains. According to Ramirez (2009), Morales stated during a national interview conducted in October 2002:

The indigenous people are achieving the recuperation of their land, their territory that was snateched from them more than 500 years ago … now we possess

19 In the populism context, nationalism will signify the construction of nationhood along ethnic lines, a definition related to ethnic variants of nationalism that appear in the work of Anthony D. Smith and Andreas Wimmer.

awareness and its impossible foe them to do away with us because we are daring to recuperate the political power that belongs to us, as it should be, we are the absolute owners of this noble earth. (Carrion, 2002, quoted in Ramirez, 2009, p. 25).

In essence, Morales´nationalism along with his socialism influences the way that he sees the world, and in turn, his populist discourse. In fact, the populism in Bolivia also was characteized by some important actions that did not agree all the Bolivian society. One aciton was social manipulation through propagada which is not considered as manipulation by Laclau because he states as formalization of social condition. The author inteded to avoid negative connotation of populism when he claims that the main aim of populism is emanicipation policy through radical democracy. In short, authoritarism, manipulation are structures of populism in an implicit way.

To sum up, this section has illustrated the theoretical bases of the research concerned with the main characteristics of propaganda and the implications of populism in the government of MAS. Indeed, the use of propaganda promotes and reflects the identity of populist government in Bolivia.

In the world of politics, propaganda is a type of communication because it endows persuasion. In modern society propaganda along with technology replaces social interactions and it is used as management of collective attitude so as to achieve persuasion. Also, propaganda spots are used to maintain a positive image of the government. During the term of Evo Morales, propaganda spots were supported by high economical investment. In addition, the use of propaganda spots imply the appropriate use of linguistic resources as well as visual image in order to achieve a better communication.

In the present research, we have concluded that populism implies democratic governments such as the government of Evo Morales. By Laclau Laclau (2005) populism is the best solution in Latin-America based on deepening democracy, but he did not say anything about corruption implications. According to the author populism tends to deny any identification with the right or left dichotomy because it identifies itself as a multiclas movement.

Populism is a phenomenon which emerges in democracy and it gathers high number of neglected of different social groups. In Bolivia, populism arises clearlly along with the MAS` government based on two important arguments nationalism and socialism (Ramirez, 2009). Socialism is constructed by Evo Morales`rhetoric because his ideology contrasts the reference of imperialism, capitalism, and neuliberalism related to the international economic community. On the other hand, nationalism also plays an important role in Morales`discourse, given not only his identification with the poorness, but his heritage as an indigenous Aymara. Morales`nationalism, much like his socialism, influence the way that he sees the world, and in turn, his populist discourse. In fact, my asseveraton in relation to populism of Morales`government is supported through two imoportant arguments based on theories by Albertazzi and McDonnel (2008), in addition, Ramirez (2008) and others: first, the main characteristics of racism, intolerance, xenophobia, and totalitarian legitimize the identity of Morales as a logical populist. A populist leader opposes the minority rights, the independece of key institutions and elite groups, such as other political parties. Second, the Morales`populist identity is confirmed through socialist and nationalist characteristic of ideology.

2.3. METHODOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS This research is qualitative in nature because it uses qualitative procedures and techniques to analyze data concerned with propaganda use, in order to understand and explain a social phenomenon. Certainly, this type of qualitative research is closely related to content analysis which focuses on language and linguistic feature meaning in context, and also it is systematic and veritable as the rules for analysis perspective in explicit, transparent and public at the time of establishing the research outcomes, which means a deep analysis of language sources in the content of propaganda (Mayring, 2014).

The research also takes into account CDA as a method to analyze the social discourse, and it will regard on following topic analysis: rhetorical use of language, cohesive use of text, semantic use, grammatical use, and pragmatic use of language in order to support the manipulation of social attitude through political propaganda by the government party in Bolivia. Moreover, the research is not only emphasized in qualitative approach, but also it is concerned with CDA as a method to uncover the hidden meaning of linguistic resources employed in

51 propaganda. Besides, political persuasion and dominant ideology can be confirmed through the methodological basis of CDA in the study.

In general, the purpose of qualitative research is to discern patterns which surface during deep observation and attentive analysis regarding the process of research issue (Maykut and Morehouse (1994); for that reason, a systematic description of data organization enhances credibility of the research, even when the argument is so small. In brief, through the qualitative procedure, the present research looks for analyzing linguistic resources employed by the government propaganda.

2.3.1. DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (DA) The main purpose of discourse analysis (DA) is to reveal the ontological and epistemological properties of language, which allows understanding and interpreting the statement as rational as meaningful (Pedersen, 2009). Likewise, through discourse analysis it is going to be achieved the understanding and interpretation of linguistic resources in propaganda as meaningful as possible in the present research. It is based on the knowledge concerned with the characteristics of language use in different social context. Also, the author states that DA is part of the social constructivist approach within the humanities and social sciences, which implies living in a historical and cultural context in the world of speech acts.

This understanding related to discourse and DA is closely connected to Michel Foucault and his publications from 1963 to 1971. According to Pedersen (2009), the history of language and how words or language were placed in relation to things (or what is observable) at a different period in the history during Foucault´s study. In addition, Ove Pedersen stated that Foucault was concerned with the fact of the mid-1800s, because the human sciences started to analyse language use in relation to human actions. Then, for Foucault, DA is not an isolated theory or method, but it is a way in which the humanity perceives the world, and he shows how language was turned into an empirical object for scientific studies. The view of DA as a historical specific manner in which the human sciences associete with reality. Thus, it is related to everyday social interaction along with language use.

According to Foucault (1972) the scientific interest in language is a historical event, which is related to the end of current period, where the scientific interest was the main focus as well as

52 language became the main object of study. In this context, the author introduces the concept of archives and archaeology in order to promote discourse as historically determined forms of knowledge along with other discourses. Moreover, it becomes a form of institutionalised rationality (an archive). Consequently, the archive is a historically determined horizon, a main entity for how ideas are produced and sustained, and for how knowledge is accepted. In addition, ideas are emerged from discursive events; next, –by historical analysis– and understanding event is added new positions to the archive in order to change already existing positions in it.

At the same time, the archaeology is the knowledge one possess about the history in relation to different forms of knowledge and possibilities and limiting when creating knowledge and generating ideas. In particular, this contributions to the study from Foucault in relation to the concepts of archieve and archaeology contribute to the present study.

At the beging of the present study, the position concerned with the use of linguistic resources in propaganda is placed, in the procedure, the position is changed based on the other evidences, such as background knowledge and it is accepted. Finally, from the procedure of analysis emerges new ideas and generates new theories in relation to the use of linguistic resources in propaganda. In short, it is an interpretation about the concepts of Foucault which is associeted with the present study based on language use.

2.3.1.1.DISCOURSE THEORY This stage illustrates the theory concerned with discourse. Discourse theory takes into account all social phenomena as discursive construction, and it assumes that all social phenomena can be studied by discourse analysis (Pedersen, 2009). In other words, if the discourse theory becomes part of social phenomena in the contex of language, language turns into the object of study for discourse analysis.

However, Laclau and Mouffe (1985) generated other new discourse theories. First, through the inspiration from structuralist linguistics, the smallest unit in a discourse is the sign and discourse becomes a system of signs along with every different charateristics of other signs. Second, through the inspiration from post-structuralism, signs inspire meaning through articulation while the content of signs is always dependent and never fixed. Finally, through the

53 encouragement from Neo-Marxism, the articulation is embedded in political process. Therefore, discourse is a system of signs which assign meaning through articulation.

On one hand, articualtion is understood as a conflict among persons whose aim is to achieve political status by imposing a particular taken-for-granted understanding of the world. On the other hand, discourse analysis is used to map a political process in the new development theory of Ernesto Laclau and and Chantal Mouffe. Thus, it is understood that discourse analysis looks for origin point which generates other signs of meaning in order to observe the process through its purpose and origin. They claimed that, in political theory, democracy is the origin point around which conflicts are constantly taking place. Then, in the present study, articulation could be understood as a conflict between society and the government whose aim is to establish the status of strenght by imposing ideology through propaganda.

It is also important to emhpasise Foucault´s discourse analysis regarding the concept of ideology as an important role in discourse theory (Pedersen, 2009). All discources are ideological content because they emerge as an objectivity, and it conceals alternative realities. In addition to Foucault, the concept of knowledge is not taken into acount in discourse theory. Particularly, Foucault can study how knowledge has become an archive with his archaeological approach besides discourse theoretical approach is analyzing how meaning is generated by politicians.

And finally, Foucault attributes institutions as supporting knowledge and therefore capable of having an independent status. In Foucault´s discourse theory, institutions are understood as dicursive constructions without any extra-dicursive status. In order words, institutions can be understood as social phenomena of discursive construction which were discribed at the beginnig of that theory.

2.3.1.2. CHARACTEISTICS OF DISCOURSE ANALYSIS The present study is associated with language use to enhance communication and discourse in human interaction because it permits the way on how speakers indicate their semantic intentions and how hearers interpret what they hear, based on cognitive abilities (Johnstone, 2008). From DA, the study is arranged in order to interpret and to understand language use of politicians, specifically linguistic resources employed by the government party MAS to influence and to

54 change social beliefs. In addition to analyze the main points in widest sense, DA is a research advance to be aware of social life in terms of language analysis: written and talk texts, images, symbols and so forth (Taylor, 2013).

Particularly, Fairclough (2003) stated that social practice is intrinsically reflexive because people interact, and the same time they represent to themselves and each other what they do (sometimes drawing upon representations of what they do which come from other practices, including governmental and expert practice). Understanding about society as a discursive construction whereby, in principle; all social phenomena can be analyzed using discourse analytical tools.

Regarding DA, this stage emphasizes the linguists’ interest in structure of words (morphology) and sentences (syntax). According to Johnstone (2008), discourse analysts have moved the explanation about structure up a level, looking at real segments of associated text or transcript of talk and supporting descriptions of the structure of paragraphs, stories, and conversations. Besides, language scholars also ask questions regarding meaning (semantics) in a natural development from work in semantics and syntax. On the other hand, the author underlines that discourse analysts have asked about what goes where in segments of talk longer than words or phrases.

Providing information about the context, the author highlights that discourse analysis has divided light on how meaning can be created via the arrangement of chunks of information across a sequence of sentences or via the details of how a conversationalist takes up and responds to what has just been said, and discourse analysis divided light on how speakers promote their semantic intentions and how hearers interpret what they hear in order to underline the cognitive abilities in the use of human symbol.

In the context of pragmatics, the author mentions that, discourse analysts look for actual collection of writing to explain the culturally-shaped interpretive principles on which comprehension is based on how people (and sometimes other entities) are thought to perform actions by means of utterances, and the performance of cohesion to describe the meanings of utterances in their linguistic contexts.

Discourse analysts have contributed to the study of variation and change from both perspectives (Johnstone, 2008). Additionally, conventional approaches to questions related to linguistic variation and language change imply describing internal causes of change, such as speakers´ tendency to treat new words as analogous to old ones, adapting foreign sounds and words concerned with phonological and morphological patterns of the borrowing language. As well as external causes of change, for instance geographical or social isolation of one group form another, which often leads to divergence in the ways they pronounce words and construct phrases and sentences.

However, emphasizing at records of discourse over time, discourse analysts have described mechanisms of change having to do with what happens in talk, for instance, forms that habitually serve useful functions in suggesting how speakers intend their words to be taken (Hopper and Traugott, 2003). Additionally, at a particular time the elements of grammar are changed as required elements of language.

According to Ferguson (1977), some discourse analysts have also explained external social and material influences that affect changes in patterns of language use, for instance, economic change, geographic mobility, and powerful relations, and they have studied patterns of variation in how people do things with talk such as making lists, constructing arguments, and telling stories.

Discourse analysts also contributed to research on language acquisition. They have helped in the description about the way that speakers acquire new competence and acquiring process. According to the author, in first language acquisition research, discourse analysis has a long history, dating back at least the important performance regarding the special simplified ways in which some people display the regularities concerned with grammar as they talk to children.

In context of DA Johnstone (2008), in her study points out that discourse analysis has been used in the study of how people define and create lifespan processes, for instance, aging and disability as they talk, how decisions are made, resources allocated, and social adaptation or conflict accomplished in public and private life. The analysis that discourse and discourse – meaning performance, in linguistic and other modes, and ways of acting, being, and envisioning self and environment – are at the center of human experience and activity. Therefore, all social

56 acts in relation to language use are interpreted through DA, even the propaganda discourse in the present research.

In terms of Foucault (1972, p. 107) as discursive construction of all social phenomena seen from discourse theory means that all social phenomena can be studied through discourse analysis. Thus, discourse theory turns social phenomenon into language, and language into and object for DA. Then, to Foucault DA as a concept of ideology (or objectivity) plays an important role in discourse theory because ideology appears as objectivity. Furthermore, the author in his early book “The Archaeology of Knowledge” emphasized DA as Archaeological discourse analysis, which describes as a social linguistic discourse analysis because it is based on “discourse is constituted by a group of sequences of signs, in so far as they are statements, that is in far as they can be assigned particular modalities of existence”.

This theory related to DA is an important argument in this research process and outcomes to accomplish the analysis of utterances in propaganda use developed by the Communication Ministry based on syntax and semantic notions of political ideology of government of MAS. At the end, those important notions of discourse help us to figure out the meaning of influence and direction of ideology to achieve expected outcomes in political and social context in Bolivia.

2.3.1.2. DISCOURSE AND POWER According to Tunnen (1994), cited by Johnstone (2008), there are two important aspects related to social reality in discourse which are power and solidarity. Power has to do with the compliments in which relationships are asymmetrical, with some participants more able than others to shape what occurs or how it is explained as powerfulness. Solidarity is concerned with the relativity of symmetrical aspects of social relationships. Language use in society could be related to power perspectives even in positive or negative connotation.

In DA, the main concern is to discover the power in discourse or power behind discourse in a social context, specifically in our context, the implicit or explicit relations to the power in the government propaganda displayed by the Communication Ministry through television media which implicates negative connotation because it communicates unreal context.

The author affirms that human life is social and it takes place in the contexts of groups of various sizes. Social groups are often separated into subgroups (for instance, “social classes”, “castes”, ore “cliques”) with contrasting status and differing access to economic, cultural, or political power. Johnstone claims that in some contexts, power can be seen as something one subgroup or one person “has” and others do not: power is part of social status, for instance, a person who is elected President of the US thus acquires the power to declare war; the chairperson of a committee that follows traditional rules of traditions have laws about who makes types of decisions in a marriage.

Power in this sense is institutionally defined. Likewise, in Bolivian context, the government of Evo Morales was elected president, and he is the new ruler in the context as a new leader who is someone powerful because the laws and economy escort the power structure. As a government and as a leader of political party MAS the dominant identity is established to support the power hegemony in society.

On the other hand, Fairclough (1989) assumed that power in discourse practice is to do with powerful participants controlling and constraining the contributions of non-powerful participants, and there are three types of constraints – constraints to distinguish in a broad way:

• Contents, on what is said or performed; • Relations, the social relations people enter into discourse; • Subjects or the subject positions people can occupy.

These three types of restrictions are closely associated with the discourse practice, but it is helpful to be able to differentiate them. Furthermore, in Bolivian context, the difference of constrains is clear because the government propaganda is carried out in higher performance from Evo Morales took office in 2006. This performance obviously reflects the identity of powerful dominance in society.

The myth of free speech, where anyone is free to say what they like, is a remarkably powerful one, as well as given the actuality of an excess of limitations on access to various sorts of speech, and writing. These are general social practices, and especially the most powerful subject positions constituted in social practice (Fairclough, 1989). Hence, the powerfulness of

58 discourse may be implicit as a free discourse performer that is seen formerly. Another implicit discourse practice could be in our context, for instance, putting into practice the government propaganda because it is applied in a free perspective through television even it is planned in a smart way.

Some discourse analysts focus on how meaning and structure are signaled in texts, others, especially since the early 1990s, discourse study was more critically to examine issues regarding power, inequality and ideology (Paul Baker and Sibonile Ellece , 2011). However, all those forms of DA have tended to stress the significance of analyzing naturally occurring in text. Moreover, communities seen in the course of objective discourse have been called “speech communities”.

Each of these terms points out different aspects of how social groups can be constituted (Johnstone, 2008). Additionally, in settings of physical community related to the village, one talks to everyone else and uses the same variety of the same language to do so, a “speech community” might be the same as a spatially defined community, which might also correspond to a community defined by a language variety. In fact, language use will be in the same context of power or weakness group of society in order to endure the dominant perspectives.

2.3.2. CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS (CDA) Critical discourse analysis (CDA) underlines the requirement of establishing methods for empirical research between discursive and non-discursive practices in the study of Pedersen (2009). Therefore, it distinghishes itself mainly from discourse theory. Acording to the author, the work of Norman Fairclough is the main focus because discourse is a communicative act, but also a social practice. Discourses represent social phenomena, but are also represented by social phenomena in the context of social practice, which also incluede political context. Then, any use of language (a communicative action) originates a discursive practice which is also a form of social practice or institutional context. Likewise, the communicative act is associeted with social practice through the use of genres or conventional text types.

In the present research, the communicative act is concerned with social practice through the use of linguistic resources in propaganda. Furthermore, Fairclough (2003) underlined two linguistic textual analysis: macro- and micro-sociological analysis of texts and conversations

59 through the use of a comprehensive research design. It recognises five elements: problem formulation, choice of empirical methods, transcription, analysis and results. Each one is focused on specific methods and checklists.

In contrast to the theory of discourse, the CDA makes difference between discourse and institutions as two different types of social phenomena. It highlights that how discourse and institution interact in the constitution of a social world, and how discursive practices are institutionalised from being linguistic utterances to set conditions for stable social relations (Pedersen, 2009). According to the author, the ideologies along with political aim contribute to the production and reproduction of power. Hence, CDA attempts to uncover these meaning of ideologies. Thus, it implies how a discourse limits our understandings of the world (i.e. function as an ideology) but also how they contain several competing discourses and the posibility of dominant ideologies to be opposed.

In the contex, the author also related to the Neo-Marxist concept of hegemony where it is embeded in discursive practice, and discourses to be more or sless ideological. Ideological discourses contribute to maintaining or establishing a power relation. Therefore, the ideologies expresed by the government of Evo Morales through the propaganda promote the production and repreduction of power. In the research, it is inteded to uncover the meaning and purpose of the government´s ideologies throught the method of CDA.

In the present research the method of CDA is used for the following reasons: The first reason is to find basics that support power in the content of government propaganda of Evo Morales. For instance, abstract nouns point more formal categories and formal relations with perspective of power, and verbs which suggest dynamism, in active form, might signal influential element- controlled actions (Vadai, 2016, p. 11). The second reason looks for elements of ideological content of linguistic resource which supports the government propaganda.

Ideologies essentially seem to show themselves in the form of representing language use. In addition, it sustains to legitimize acts in the forms of threats, and other acts revealed in the form of expressive, which might express speaker´s emotive perspectives and influenced position about reality (Vadai, 2016, p. 13). The last reason is taken into account in order to discover manipulative features in the use of propaganda in the present research.

This type of research is not restricted to make available theoretical concepts however the research treats discourse as an element analysis in qualitative research in social perspectives. Besides, the main aspect of linguistic discourse analysis focuses on text and social discourse analysis which makes the logic in the social nature. In other words, the notion of CDA brings both texts in use and the presentation of social experience regarding interaction (Fairclough, 1992). He stated that discourses are understood, generally in speaking, as limited ranges of possible statements promoting an incomplete range of discourse meanings so as to shape what is possible to say in particular context.

According to the author, discursive change and cultural change takes place as elements of existing discourses, which are articulated together to form new interdiscursive mixes. DA is employed both as the main model of discourse as social practice and as the main methodology for detailed discourse analysis. As a result, social practice as the government propaganda applied in Bolivian society is going to be analyzed under this methodology in a deep detailed analysis of the propaganda structure.

In the field of CDA, some definitions and characteristics appear concerned with the social context. As well as, ideology, power and manipulation are main concepts considered in CDA (Chilton, and Schäffner, 1997). These key terms are closely related to the Bolivian social context.

Fairclough (1989) stated that television as part of mass media shows a clear growth of politician’s influence through discourse. Furthermore, mass media is interested in itself because it reflects the nature of relations between power and enactment which is not exposed clearly, and there are some reasons as linking the hidden relation of power. Similarly, in Bolivian context the power is implicit in the performance of mass media because they do not say clearly about corruptions even, they do not say anything in some cases. In particular, the power of the government party is clearly established in social differences.

Fairclough and Wodak (1996) emphasized that discourse does ideological event, and ideologies are lack of certainty in a social context; likewise, they assert that ideologies are particular ways of representing and constructing society which reproduce unequal relations of power. Moreover, the relations of dominance and exploitation are concerned with high

61 emphasis on the relationship between power and language in the context of meaning of ideology. In Bolivian context, the government TV spots, a daily discourse production is supported by fake arguments in order to establish a powerful ideology in the society. According to the authors, these arguments are summarized as the main tenets related to CDA as follows:

• CDA addresses social problems. • Power relations are discursive. • Discourse constitutes society and culture. • Discourse does ideological work. • Discourse is historical. • The link between text and society is mediated. • Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory. • Discourse is a form of social action.

Merriel Bloor and Thomas Bloor (2007) emphasize that the principal aspect of CDA is the understanding that discourse is an integral aspect of power and control. Also, power is held by both institutions and individuals in contemporary society and any challenge to the status quo challenges that promote power. Additionally, CDA´s main areas of inquiry are: political discourse, advertisement, media, ideology, racism, institutional discourse.

Nonetheless, the authors underlined that CDA has to be clarified in order to demonstrate a better understanding regarding the concepts of “critical”, “ideology” and “power” means. The notions of “critique” is intrinsic in CDA´s programmed has been understood in a different way, but basically, Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (2001) explain that critical is to be understood as having distance to the data, embedding the data in the society taking a political stance explicitly, and a focus on self-reflection as scholars doing research. Therefore, they state that power is emphasized, as well as, CDA believes that texts are often sites of effort, they show traces of differing discourses an ideology competing and struggling for dominant perspectives. Then, CDA as a particular area is concerned with the issues of social power and dominant ideology, which identifies social differences in our context, such as the government party and other social groups.

In particular, the approach of CDA was first developed by Fairclough (1989), who adopted three – dimensional framework in the context of analysis. The first stage is related to description which involves text analysis, correlating with Critical Linguistics, which itself was performed by Halliday´s Systemic Functional Grammar. The second stage is focused on interpretation which is concerned with relationship between text and interaction, emphasizing the text as both product of the process of production and resource in the process of interpretation. The last stage is regarding the explanation which examines the relationship between interaction and the social context, considering the social properties of the processes of production and interpretation. Particularly, the text analyses related to other approaches to critical discourse analysis have been proposed considering the wider social context.

In fact, these three important aspects of CDA are concerned with the text analysis, interpretation of relationship between text interaction, explanation about relationship between interaction and social context which help us to develop a systematic analysis of propaganda practice to achieve appropriate research results.

2.3.2.1. A CDA PERSPECTIVE In this part of research, the main concern is the role of context related to discourse analysis and the social sciences extensively discussed in the study of linguistic area. van Dijk (1999) proposed that the role of context in discourse development should be accounted in terms of mental model of the important dimensions focused on communicative event or situation, mental models he called as “context models”. Especially, this information is planned as a contribution to a new theory of the role of knowledge in discourse performance as well as a new theory of mental model. Therefore, the theory concerned with knowledge is directed in discourse and interaction which is pertinent in context of CDA. In addition, many ways of power abuse operate in communication, as well as in manipulation, which involves specific knowledge as an astrategy in discourse.

The performance regarding the power abuse of comunication is a logical characteristic of propaganda use in communicative way which demands specific knowledge in order to achieve the goal of social persuasion in political context.

2.3.2.2. KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT IN CDA In the approach of CDA, the research is not focused only on analysis of social conditions and implications of discourse, but also it is concerned with the sociocognitive descriptions (Ruth Wodak and Paul Chilton, 2005). They emphasize that the most important arguments for this orientation are: firstly, the cognition is an essential interface between society and discourse, and secondly, the cognitive structures are at the same time social, as it is the case for knowledge, attitudes, ideologies, norms and values.

As noted by the authors, these social cognitions are principally defined in terms of beliefs shared by members of groups and communities. Moreover, they defined knowledge not as personal beliefs, but as social beliefs certified, shared and hence discursively presupposed by members of epistemic communities. The authors formulated that the management of knowledge of discourse are socially described in a double sense, on the one hand, beliefs are socially shared, and on the other hand, they are managed by context models which are representations of communicative situations.

These mental models are personal, even social because they include the individual personal experiences, aims and interests of language users, and language is inherently social in concrete social context. These important assumptions help us to explain the social, cultural and political dimensions of discourse in each specific context of text and talk which is called sociocognitive approach called by authors formerly mentioned.

Particularly CDA deals with the study of discursive reproduction of power abuse, with forms of domination and social inequality supported by Wodak and Chilton in 2005. According to them CDA needs to make explicit the way socially shared beliefs in the production of discourse and how such beliefs are abused in the purpose of maintenance and legitimating of dominance. On the other hand, for van Dijk (1998) belief is not only true for ideology, but it also needs to be examined for knowledge.

If knowledge is defined as social beliefs of community, dominant social groups obviously are in an excellent position to influence the development of people´s knowledge. In consequence, for van Dijk these social groups as politicians, professors, priests, etc., have preferential access to public discourse through media other forms of power and authority to achieve the position

64 of powerful manipulation. Furthermore, the powerful group of the government party of Evo Morales MAS has the main preferential access to public discourse through the propaganda communication to shape its powerful ideology in Bolivian society.

In CDA, it is common to talk about the discursive audience manipulation. Thus, it is specifically interested in the power and dominance of the symbolic elites, as the government party in Bolivia, who have special access to public discourse. Besides, Ruth Wodak and Paul Chilton (2005) describe that the k-strategies of public discourse are based on the assumption that knowledge may be defined as the beliefs presupposed by such public knowledge, and politicians, journalists and professors assume that, it is known by their audience what they do not assert. As they argued that presupposed belief is based on ideas of knowledge in “average”, more or less well-educated citizens, and it ignores vast segments of the audience which do not have knowledge from adequate comprehension of public discourse. Thus, the symbolic elites may presuppose as knowledge beliefs that are not – certified and accepted – knowledge at all.

The authors further argued that assumption and presumption such presupposed belief which is ideological molds and not knowledge, for instance, in much current elite related to discourse. According to the authors, the major problem of today´s world is the association of immigration delinquency, and terrorism because people learn by acquisition of new knowledge through public discourse manipulated into believing presumptions of authoritative sources of knowledge.

Consequently, two aspects are important in the construction of theory of text processing which are power knowledge component and context processing (Ruth Wodak and Paul Chilton, 2005). There are many aspects about discourse processing; for instance, speech acts, politeness phenomena, style, rhetoric, deictic expressions and many more are controlled by context. Furthermore, Wodak and Chilton in their book of New CDA20 state that there is no direct link between social context and text, hence, we need a cognitive interface in the form of subjective

20 A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis. Theory methodology and interdisciplinary. Edited by Ruth Wodak and Paul Chilton, 2005. p. cm. (Discourse Approaches to Politics, Society and Culture, issn 1569-9463; v. 13).

65 mental models longingly built up by participants of modern communicative events which is concerned with context models.

One of the central properties of such context models is the knowledge of language users about the knowledge of the recipient. This K-device is crucial for controlling important aspects of discourse, where information is expressed and asserted explicitly, which is remanded and presupposed, since it is difficult to include that k-device to all assumed knowledge of recipients, speakers need to make use fast and flexible strategies (van Dijk, 1999). Then, strategies are concerned with meaningful communication tools as the use of propaganda along with appropriate linguistic resources in order to accomplish manipulation in political context where the government is working in a perfect way of social persuasion.

The author suggests that all these k – device strategies may be critically examined from CDA perspective in order to study different forms of manipulation. Accordingly, different types of persuasion are seen in current societies as in Bolivian context, for instance, the use of propaganda, the type of communication of the government party. The government party as a powerful group has all advantages to use propaganda with the ideological imposition through television which is an appropriate tool to achieve political need of communication encouraged by specific aims.

2.3.2.3. CRITICAL LINGUISTICS In the late 1970s, a social approach regarding linguistics was first developed by Roger Fowler and Gunther Kress (1979), which emerged from the book of Language and Control. They stated that Critical Linguistics (CL) used by Halliday´s Systematic Functional Grammar in order to examine how phenomena are represented in texts, for instance, the use of nominalizations or agentless, and passives emphasizing the grammatical systems which are closely related to social and personal needs.

On the other hand, CL has included other models, as Speech Act Theory and Conversation Analysis. Additionally, CL was used as the basis for the “descriptive” level of Fairclough´s critical discourse analysis and it has also been influential in the development of other critical approaches to discourse analysis, for instance, Discourse – Historical Approach or Socio – Cognitive Approach (Paul Baker and Sibonile Ellece, 2011).

As noted by Martin and Wodak (2003) those tools owe a debt to the work directed in the 1950s by the Linguistics Group of the British Communist Party a group focused on developing a Marxist linguist. It was added to the group by Martin and Wodak that gave rise to Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) associated with the Halliday´s understanding of language as a social act and linguistics as a mode of social intervention in critical social practices, which is a central approach of practitioner in CDA (Halliday 1993).

According to Fowler (1979), CL is a method to the study of language which stresses the close linking between linguistic structure (language) and social structure (society). Its practical aim is to help the increasement of consciousness of language and particularly of the way in which the use of language contributes to the domination of some people by other. In other words, language has a power which implies social control from one group to another. According to the author, language is an integral part of social process in context. Another central perspective of CL and by extension of CDA is that speakers or writers make choices in respect of vocabulary and grammar, and these choices are consciously or unconsciously principled by Fowler.

Over the years CL has efficiently changed into CDA, with both enterprises employing the same paradigmatic space being generally concerned with the steps of cultural and ideological meaning in texts (Wodak, 2001). The author assumes that discourse is structured by dominance, and dominance structures are legitimated by ideologies of powerful groups in order to underline social process based on language use.

In other words, social structure may not stand its essence without linguistic structure because of its determinant relationship in social context. For instance, how, when, and what purpose the political party MAS uses propaganda, and what elements of linguistic resources uses to commit the action.

2.3.2. 4. DOMINANT DISCOURSIVE IDEOLOGY Ideology: Illustrating a better understanding the term ideology Kress (1985) remarks that its various uses range from the notion ´system of ideas´, ´beliefs´ or ´worldview´ to more contested ones for instance ´false consciousness´ or ideas of the dominant ruling type. Likewise, it is underlined that “ideologies also establish links between discourse and society. In the sense of

67 ideologies, there are cognitive counterparts of power” (van Dijk, 1996, p.7). then, power is promoted by ideologies through cognitive elements in society.

On the other hand, Fairclough and Wodak (1996) underline that discourse builds idelogical work, and that ideologies are often false or ungrounded constructions of society; besides they allege that ideologies are particular ways of representing and constructing society which promote unequal relations of power, relations of dominance and exploitation. Taking into consideration of different interpretations, it seems that the special attention is placed on the relationship between power and language in all definitions of ideology which evolves in discourse and strogly dependant on power.

In the historical perspective of our country, power and language as part of definition of ideology was always identified with politicians because they were leaders of main society as the government of a country. Besides, they access economical power since they are main ruller, they attain all privileges as main leader to bring forward a dominant discoursive ideology through propaganda use.

Manipulation: in the research content, the term is another major aspect of CDA. It is highlighted that some important definitions contribute to take into account the concept of treatment in relation to language use. In social context, manipulation is a “communicative and interactional practice, in which a manipulator exercises control over other people, usually against their will or against their best interest” (van Dijk, 1996, p. 360). He states that manipulation implies power, as a rule abuse of power, which is a kind of illegitimate influence by means of discourse; manipulators make other believe or act that is in the best interest of the main actor.

The author argues that during the process of manipulation the interlocutors or higher number of populations do not have sufficient information to oppose manipulation; consequently, they generally become victims of treatment. As noted by the author, manipulators make others believe or cause actions that are in advantage of manipulator. Then, powerful groups as government parties indirectly control social actions; they manipulate others through text and talk. As a result, in Bolivian context, the government party manipulates population through the

68 use of propaganda; the propaganda is well developed in order to achieve appropriate outcomes under advantage of being useful in the government.

In Bolivia, we have a new phenomenon of social power, which is led by Evo Morales an Indigenous leader, Aymara descendant, the main leader of political party MAS who was elected president in December of 2005 with an unprecedented 54 percent of the popular vote – an outcome that a short time ago seemed wildly impossible (Albro, 2006). In particular, the government of Evo Morales and his political party MAS has a close relation to populism, new political social power in Latin America. However, manipulation of social behavior and dominant ideology are main characteristics of populist governments in democracy, but these actions are euphemized by populist leaders.

2.3.2.5. CRITICAL IDEOLOGY The main attitude of researcher is to take the critical position which is pertinent in order to achieve appropriate results. On the basis of research, related to all approaches of DA, they aim to criticize unjust social conditions and contribute to development of those conditions (Jorgensen and Phillips, 2002). Critical research has a long history in both social sciences and humanities, but understanding the perspective of critique is particularly related to its foundations, which vary across the diverse traditions. The authors acknowledged that Ideological critique widespread in the 1970s and historical roots in Marx and Frankfurt School represented one important category of critique. In particular, power relation in society as government party is accompanied by a hegemonic language that systematically reflects reality of social differences.

The authors asserted that the aim of critique is to undermine power by revealing the reality behind ideology. For instance, in our society, there is a social dissimilarity, where the government party is the powerful group economically and socially, and the other group is less power than previous one is. According to the authors there is, an inconsistency between how things really are and people´s understanding of how things are, and this inconsistency crates the grounds for critique. In addition, people do not see the reality in their proper way because ideology from dominant group distorts their world-view. For example, in our context, the

69 ideology of the government states the phrase careful management of Bolivian economic resources in order to emphasize its policy, but corruption scandals reflect the reality.

In the critique of the dominant ideology, the researcher´s role is to reveal ideology as distortion so that people gain the possibility of seeing behind ideology and changing reality (Jorgensen and Phillips, 2002). Therefore, the attitude of rational thinking could be a better way to discover the politician´s ideology and the purpose of it. Also, Fairclough´s critical discourse analysis is an example of this adapted version of ideological critique.

In fact, as critical discourse analysts we are concerned with what structures of linguistic resources play as a role of persuasion and manipulation in communicative event. In this regard, as van Dijk (1993) showed, CDA deals mainly with discourse dimensions related to power abuse, the injustice and the inequality that results from it. The author also stated that power and dominance are usually organized and institutionalized.

On the other hand, social dominance can be promoted by ideological impositions, such as propaganda use along with appropriate linguistic resources. Later, the author argues that if social power is roughly defined as a form of control on one group by another dominant social group members may exercise such control over text and talk. Then, these controversial social actions could be described and interpreted through CDA.

To conclude this section, this study uses a qualitative approach to conduct propaganda analysis of Morales` government. The purpose of qualitative research is to achieve a deep observation and attentive analysis concerned with the process of research issue. Through DA the research looks for understanding and interpreting of linguistic resources in propaganda as meaningful as possible. All social phenomena are studied through discourse analysis based on discourse theory.

In the present research, Critical Discourse Analysis is used as a method of analysis regarding the linguistic resources of the government propaganda in order to find social persuasion, dominant ideology, and social inequality. Furthermore, CDA is not related to analysis of social conditions, but also it is concerned with the sociocognitive description, which deals with knowledge, attitude, ideology, norms and values in society. In short, qualitative research

70 implies deep analysis of linguistic resources of the government propaganda through method of CDA in order to understand and interpret political language.

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH DESIGN

PRESENTATION

This chapter describes the methodological procedure to conduct the present research so as to accomplish the objectives. This chapter presents the following contents: first, it endows the research type related to the method proposed to carry out the present study and the methodological approach; second, it presents the research approach along with characteristics of qualitative method of analysis, the criteria for selection of propaganda corpus, and sample selection; third, it explains the characteristics of the research technique, documentation and summary of propaganda fundamentals; fourth, it describes the procedure of propaganda analysis; and finally, it displays the data organization of the research.

3.1. RESEARCH TYPE This research is descriptive because we study and describe the linguistic resources employed in propaganda displayed in the period of July and August 2017 in Bolivia. It is pertinent to specify how the forms of inequality are reflected between social actors of those events and how dominant discursive ideology is expressed through language. In addition, it is important to clarify how the government propaganda is reflected, legitimized, and applied in the media as important information of Evo Morales’ government.

Keeping in mind a descriptive study, the main aim is to describe, explain and interpret the structure of propaganda as a communication requirement stated by the government party of MAS and to examine a social phenomenon that is occurring in Bolivia. Thus, we take into account the criterion of Burns and Grove (2003, p. 201) who state that one purpose of the research “is designed to provide a picture of a situation as it naturally happens”. It may be used to justify current social practice and make judgment and also to develop new theories. Additionally, descriptive studies look for clarifying the properties concerned with all different kinds of social problems that are subjected to analysis.

Describing different social events, Sacks (1979), cited by Heritage (1984) states that the implication of descriptions and classifications in everyday language use based on the principles of phenomenology is also another type of justifying and clarifying social phenomenon. The author states that the political implications also involve how people and events are described (such as, in the context of mass media coverage of events). In that concern, the context of social action is highlighted in order to develop a systematic analysis of propaganda which is the expression of social need based on purpose of a power social group in political context. Besides, this criterion escorts our descriptive analysis of language use in the context of government propaganda as a meaningful argument in the present qualitative research.

3.2. RESEARCH APPROACH

The present research is qualitative in nature because it analyses the meanings which are expressed in the linguistic resources employed in television propaganda spots in July and August 2017 in Bolivia. Particularly, linguistic resources employed in propaganda need to be analyzed and understood through the structure of grammar, syntax, and semantic in language use. According to Creswell (1998) qualitative research in its natural setting is focused on where the researcher is an instrument of data gathering, who organizes words or pictures in order to analyze them inductively. The analysis is focused on the meaning of participants, and it describes a procedure that is expressive and persuasive in language use.

Thus, through the method of qualitative approach, it is focused on describing the function and structure of linguistic resources employed in propaganda in order to achieve the meaning of each message of the government. First of all, TV propaganda spots are selected according to the context. Then, the spots are transformed into written form (text transcription) in order to start the procedure of analysis based on the data codification. Therefore, the element of codification is accomplished in order to achieve the analysis of linguistic resources of propaganda due to syntactic, semantic, and rhetorical structure of discourse.

3.2.1. CRITERIA FOR THE SELECTION OF PROPAGANDA: CORPUS The present research takes into account the role of the television media because it contributes to extend the government´s ideology. The government´s propaganda is broadcasted through all

73 media, but in this research, we look upon only the television media in order to attain a better understanding and to achieve systematic analysis of political persuasion. The powerful visual images are presented to television viewers, the nature of television news lends itself to such distortion, thus creating a form of indirect propaganda affecting viewers´ perceptions and shaping their attitudes toward a wide variety of issues (O’Donnell, 2012). But the government propaganda is developed in a careful way based on specific purpose to persuade social mind and to change point of views in favor of government. Generalizations about propaganda and, the author emphasized some important elements regarding propaganda and persuasion:

First, it seems sensible to say that the communication effects are the greatest when the message is in line with relevance, existing opinions, beliefs, and dispositions of the receivers; as the Communication Ministry developed the pertinent message to appropriate audience during July and August 2017 in Bolivia. Second, when change does occur, the result of a multitude of factors appears including the mass media, socially environmental conditions, group interactions, the presence and influence of opinion leaders and the perceived credibility of the source or sources of the message. Third, the way we maintain consistency of attitudes and behaviors has an economical aspect that gives the advantage to propagandist.

The advantage of being a powerful group in the political context of our country is magnificent. Fourth, people can appear to accept an idea publicly without private acceptance. Finally, the greater the monopoly of the communication sources over the receivers, the greater result in the direction favored by the source. Wherever a dominant definition of the context is escorted by a consistent, repetitious, and unchallenged message, the influence of the message is greater.

Under these criteria we choose five propaganda developed by the Communication Ministry of government party MAS and displayed through television media as a main actor to convey government ideology. Television offers an array of up to dozens of channels for 24-hours use. As a matter of fact, Linguistic resources used in propaganda can be the pertinent elements to determine the level of political persuasion as a dominant populist party.

3.2.2. SAMPLE SELECTION This section contributes to sampling characteristics to achieve the objective of the present research. We take into account a set of criteria proposed by Miles and Huberman in their well-

74 known manual on qualitative data analysis. Miles and Huberman, (1994, p. 34) suggest that sampling strategies can be evaluated in terms of six different qualities, which are pertinent in the present research, they are:

1. The sampling strategy should be relevant to the conceptual framework and the research questions addressed by the researcher.

According to the authors, this may imply consideration of whether sampling is intended to provide cases in categories which are pertinent to a pre-existing conceptual framework for the research, or the choice of cases might affect the scope for developing theory inductively from the data. Specifically, we appeal to some facts originated within Bolivian social context in order to find the relevant sampling strategy. First, from 2010 complaints appeared little by little in relation to Fondo Indigena in 2016. Second, in the same year, the scandals of corruption related to personal relationship of Evo Morales took place. Finally, the event of referendum on February 21st, carried out in 2016, which was a difficult time for the government of MAS.

From the beginning of 2017, the social disagreement was so obvious. It was difficult to neglect unclear commitments, then, the government appealed to propaganda strategy to persuade such social discrepancy, especially in the Months of July and August 2017. Therefore, in 2017, Centellas´study of BOLIVIA IN 2017: HEADED INTO UNCERTAINTY stated that some social issues took place in this period. One of them was marked by growing uncertainty about the future as Evo Morales continued to prepare for yet another presidential campaign despite growing resistance and a 2016 referendum in which voters rejected a constitutional amendment that would allow Morales a fourth term. He also claimed that 2017 was also the first year that the quality of Bolivian democracy declined considerably, suggesting that 2018 could be a defining year for the country.

In particular, the present research takes into account five propaganda spots employed by the government party MAS in July and August 2017. These selected spots are logical responses of social events in 2016. The social events were implications and consequences of Fondo Indigena and Referendum results. These two social events cause unpleasant government image in 2017.

The government applied many propaganda spots to persuade social disagreement, but in the present research we choose five spots because these spots implicitly and logically reply to the events stated previously. The five TV spots were based on the government plans and policies, then, it was the reason of selecting the material. In addition, the process of organizing material for analysis is based on content analysis of each spots. In a broad way the first two spots were considered as a response of corruption scandals, the following two were response of referendum results, and the last one was concerned with the marketing of the government image. Finally, in September 2018 was completed the selection of propaganda spots and in October we achieved the formal permission to use the materials in the present research.

2. The sample should be likely to generate rich information on the type of phenomena which need to be studied.

The selection of five government propaganda contains appropriate information to achieve procedure of analysis and interpret the content of communication to generate new theory. Linguistic functions of propaganda contribute to access suitable information to find out the real meaning of the government propaganda.

3. The sample should enhance the generalizability of the findings.

In order to clarify this section, the authors are concerned with analytic generalizability rather than statistical power to make statements related to a general population on the basis of a sample. Thus, the selected TV spots are considered the basement information and pertinent argument to develop appropriate findings in the present research.

4. The sample should produce believable descriptions explanations (in the sense of being true to real life).

The structure of the five propaganda spots are based on words, phrases, paragraphs, sentences, short split reports, and nonverbal linguistic features to achieve feasible interpretation of the government ideology. In addition, this criterion may also raise issues of reliability of the sources of information in relation to whether they are complete or they are subject to important biases which will influence the type of explanation and interpretation.

5. Is the sample strategy ethical?

Miles and Huberman (1994) also suggest that the researcher may consider whether the method of selection lets informed consent where this is required; whether there are advantages or risks related to selection for and pertinent contribution to the study.

The Communication Ministry (CM) of Plurinational State of Bolivia, along with its main heading as a Minister of Communication Gisela Karina Lopez Rivas let us take the material of the government propaganda who was in charge of all the communication strategies and conveying information policies. The institution was also called (Communication strategy of Government and policy of the government´s programs).

Furthermore, subheading of this institution Production Unit (PU)21 at the head of Abraham Elias Montaño Rojas who is the main director of Production team of propaganda spots and he gently permitted us the five propaganda spots for the present research development related to Months of July and August 2017. In fact, it is considered ethical because the material of research is obtained through the formal request and it is used under permission of the Communication Ministry.

6. Is the sampling plan feasible?

This sampling plan encourages the researcher to develop actions based on critical thinking in order to achieve research objective and interpret the ideology of the government party MAS in Bolivia. In particular, the sampling organization endows pertinent procedure of propaganda analysis to determine the government intention. Furthermore, this checklist of suggestions is taking into account in the research as a relatively explicit articulation of how to assess purposive sampling strategy in qualitative research. Then, the research aim along with this sample design could be accomplished as it was expected at the beginning.

21 Unidad de Producción: it is the institution of the Communication Ministry in charge of developing graphic and audiovisual materials along with contents of information, contextual, explanatory and motivational about government administration to inform population in order to shape communication strategy of government.

3.3. RESEARCH TECHNIQUES The present research uses “documentation technique” which is an element of qualitative research. Documentation has a close relationship between historical and cultural values, non- numerical processing approach where the researcher does not depend only on its ability to decide on material information. Huschka and Wagner (2012) state that documentation accessibilities are conditions not only for good scientific practice, but also for appropriate methodological research results.

In this research, propaganda analysis attempts to find out the evidence of social manipulation and dominant ideology through CDA as a main method. The research techniques attempt to discover the following important elements:

a) Structure of propaganda. b) The type of ideology that they display. c) Techniques of propaganda. d) Linguistic resources in interaction.

3.3.1. DOCUMENTATION Concerned with the practical aims, documentation involves systematic gathering of information related to social phenomenon to find and to understand patterns and regularities in the social context as stated by Hakinm (1982). Then, the systematic gatherings of information concerned with propaganda spots contribute to understand the characteristics and functions of linguistic resources in the research.

The main material of documentation to be analyzed in this research is the five government propaganda spots displayed through television media during July and August 2017. These five party lines were developed by the Communication Ministry of government. Thus, this government institution permitted us to use materials of propaganda spots under formal permission. Therefore, selected propaganda spots are transformed into transcribed form in order to analyze them based on perspective of CDA.

After taking into account the documentary techniques in relation to the data organization, we must state the sources of all information for the developments of analysis. In the present

78 research, the use of materials of propaganda spots was obtained from the Communication Ministry along with explanation and pertinent formalities. Then, the use of propaganda spots is based on formal permission of the government´s institution to proceed and to achieve the purpose of this study. Finally, through Mr. Abraham Montaño, the main director of PU, the procedure for data gathering was possible.

3.3.2. SUMMARY OF PROPAGANDA FUNDAMENTALS Before explaining arguments of propaganda practice, it is important to state the development of the Communication Ministry and mention some specific characteristics and tasks of this Institution. The Communication Ministry of Plurinational State of Bolivia was created in 2011, based on necessity of guaranteeing the rights of communication and information supported by the Article 298 of the Political Constitution, which establishes among the exclusive competences of the central level of general State regarding communication.

The Supreme Decree N° 29894 of February 7, 200922, is established by Organizational Structure of the Executive Branch of the Plurinational State to define specific tasks of Ministers, as well as the principles and values that can be leaded by public servants, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution State policy.

From that publication of Supreme Decree, the Ministry of Presidency transferred the process of elimination of the National Company of Bolivian Television (NCBT)23 from the Communication Ministry, which was part of the National Direction of Social Communication (NDSC)24 until that time. The purpose of that Supreme Decree was to create the Communication Ministry in order to promote and control the development of the government communication. According to that web information, some attributions of the Ministry are:

a) To promote and adjust the development of government communication. b) To spread Plurinational State government policies. c) To promote broadcast of Estate image through the government communication media.

22 GACETA OFICIAL DE BOLIVIA del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia Derechos Reservados 2010 – (www.gacetaoficialdebolivia.gob.bo). 23 ENTB: Empresa Nacional de Televisión Boliviana. 24 DINACOM: Dirección Nacional de Comunicación Social.

d) To apply programs and projects of aspects of strategic orientation with the government administration.

According to the Report of the Communication Ministry (2013), the logic of communicating was based on values of democratic information and communication in order to permit people know about the government actions and follow state polices. Thus, the executives of Ministry stated that communication and information is used to being the thermometer of democracy. According to the Ministry, communication looks for creating conditions in order to promote the acknowledgement of Plurinational State rights apart from communicational duty which takes on a commitment along with social formation, and society would achieve constitutional dispositions.

The web report remarked that the policy of communication and information is a main right of the society. Then, the government created 49 radio stations (RPOs)25 around the country for the communication purpose. As noted by report, the investment of money to these government media was significant in order to accomplish communication purpose.

In summary, these government propaganda spots are based on pertinent arguments to confirm research goal stated in the present study. The propaganda details are summarized as following:

a) (Plan Generación de Empleo 1) was created in May 24, 2017; it is based on the National plan of employment arranged along with the Ministry of Development Planning (MDP) and the Communication Ministry (CM). b) (Plan Generación de Empleo 2) was created in August 6, 2017; it is created to generate 6.500 working sources in Bolivia. c) (Microinformativo Bolivia avanza rumbo a la Agenda 2025) was developed in August 28, 2017; it is based on development of Patriotic Program of government under two important words (Worthy and Soveereign). d) (Microinformativo (Bolivia 2025 Digna y Soberana) was created in February, 2017; it is concerned with agreement between Supreme Decree N° 29894 and Patriotic Program of 2025.

25 RPOs Radios de Pueblos Originarios.

e) (12 años de estabilidad económica) was developed in February 2017, which is focused on economic improvement of agricultural areas, transportation, and restaurants in Bolivia.

All those propaganda spots are developed under the management of Production Unit of the Communication Ministry based on the communication law stated by the Plurinational State of Bolivian government. In short, those are alleged arguments that support the government propaganda transmitted through media in Bolivia.

3.4. PROCEDURE OF PROPAGANDA ANALYSIS Analyzing and interpreting implies understanding the logical inferences of O’Donnell (2012) who suggests following a systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to attain a response that encourages the desired intent of the propagandist. The author believes that contemporary propaganda techniques differ from past techniques essentially in the use of new media, which means using new technology for the forms of media to achieve significant results of propaganda use in political context. Keeping in mind those characteristics the procedure of propaganda analysis is illustrated as follows:

i. The five television spots of the government propaganda were selected regarding the months of July and August 2017. ii. The selected spots were based on the analysis of the most significant content of message developed by the Communication Ministry to discover the degree of manipulation and major response of audience. Also, additional supplements were considered as sound of each spot, persuasive image in communication event, and participants on the content and headline meanings of propaganda discourse. iii. Afterwards, the government propaganda spots broadcasted through television media were converted in written form in order to provide appropriate steps in context of analysis. iv. After that, codification was established alphabetically. Then, the units of analysis were categorized in topics to understand the function of the linguistic resources in the discourse of the government´s propaganda.

v. The next stage was focused on analyzing the corpus. The procedure was mainly related to the interpretation of the government propaganda discourse, providing them with a meaning, sense and significant use to achieve importance to the conceptualization of critique, truth and balance, and equanimity achievement among social differences reflected in the events. vi. Finally, the corresponding data was reported for the final conclusion to construct a new theory about the government propaganda applied in Bolivian society.

The next figure summarizes the procedure used:

VI. Data V. report for Analysis final IV. and conclusion III. Codificatio interpreta and n of units developme II. Changing tion the and nt of new Analysis categorizati theory I. of content into on Time significant contents written selection of form propaganda use

Figure 1.3. Procedure of propaganda analysis

3.5. DATA ORGANIZATION Beyond describing the elements of analysis, it is pertinent to emphasize a distinction between utterance-type meaning and utterance – token meaning, because any word, phrase, or structure has broad range of possible meanings, what we might call its meaning rage (Levinson, 2000). This is its utterance-type meaning, such as, the word “cat” has to do, broadly, with the felines, and the (syntactic) structure “subject of a sentence” has to do, broadly, with naming a “topic” in the sense of “what is being talked about”.

Nonetheless, phrases and words take on much more specific meanings in actual context of use, which are called utterances-token meaning or what is called situated meaning. Keeping in mind these explanations related to the characteristics of linguistic resources the units of analysis are presented in alphabetical category as follows:

A. Plan generación de empleo 1. B. Plan generación de empleo 2. C. Microinformativo Bolivia avanza rumbo a la Agenda 2025. D. Microinformativo (Bolivia 2025 Digna y Soberana). E. 12 años de estabilidad económica.

These are nouns or headlines that identify each spot obtained in different dates in 2017. Each spot contains short film projection, images, and language use. Language interaction entails the use of semantic and syntactic structure of a message. The analysis is organized in three categories. The first one is categorized according to linguistic features listed and based on Halliday´s Introduction to Functional Grammar (1985), which is named Linguistic choices This is also the source for Fairclough´s key questions for text analysis (1989, p. 110). The second one is categorized as type of rhetorical devices, and the last one is categorized as additional strategies.

The following chart shows the three groups of categories for analysis and interpretation purpose of research:

ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY I (LINGUISTIC CHOICES)

• Lexicalization or wording • Choices of modality or polarity. • Pattern of transitivity. • Thematic structure of the text. • The use of active and passive voice. • Information focus. • Nominalization. • Cohesive devices. • Choices of mood.

ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY II (RHETORICAL DEVICES)

• Metaphors. • Parallelism • Comparisons. • synecdoche • Hyperbole.

ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY III (ADDITIONAL STRATEGIES)

• Non verbal strategies. • Persuation strategies. • Legitimation strategies Figure 2.3. Organization of Categories

To sum up this chapter, we presented procedures and data organization and analysis. The next chapter presents the data analysis and interpretation, which will generate main findings and the development of new theory in relation to the research.

CHAPTER IV

DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

PRESENTATION

The aim of this chapter is to develop new theory resulting from the data analysis (grounded theory). This section presents in brief the following elements to guide a better understanding: the context of the social events, critical discourse analysis of the government propaganda, the content analysis of political ideology by means of CDA, the major findings, and finally the reliability and validity of research.

4.1. CONTEXT OF THE EVENTS Historically, important events happened in the government of Evo Morales as significant arguments of the reality. This section presents the important social facts that involve the following subheadings: the biggest swindle (Fondo Indigena), the Referendum of February 21st, the social disagreement, and finally, the response of the Communication Ministry (Government propaganda).

SOCIAL DISAGREEMENT The myth of ethical resource of native citizens vanishes.

CORRUPTION SCANDALS COMMUNICATION MINISTRY Government propaganda Fondo Indigena (A great Persuasion and marketing swindle). ideology.

st REFERENDUM of February 21 . Government lost and Opposition won.

Figure 3.4. Context of social events

4.1.1. THE BIGGEST SWINDLE (FONDO INDIGENA) The social problem as Fondo Indigena was the major attainment of Bolivian people as a benefit taken the 10% of economic resources from the Impuesto Directo a los Hidrocarburos (IDH)26, which was created by the government of Evo Morales in favor of rural communities. According to Alvares (2016), the economic resources could have been used to increase the food sovereignty. In addition, the author developed a book, a video and an updated brochure about the major corruption as the main regard and cause of problem, which is focused on the present research.

In the early 2015, the scandal27 of Fondo Indígena arises against the important government authorities’ desire. Reports about money mishandling assigned for indigenous communities were excessively obvious. According to the information of comptroller cited by Alvares (2016), the economic damage was more than 71 million Bs. in relation to corruption. According to local news report another scandal involved a woman, Gabriela Zapata, with whom Mr. Morales had a romantic relationship. Ms. Zapata, 31, an executive at a Chinese – owned construction company who received large government contracts, she was judged in 2017 for influence peddling (AFP, 2016).

As a consequence, Alvares (2016), in his study stated that a Historical Fatality una FATALIDAD HISTORICA, the corruption about the Fondo Indigena breaks down that fatality staged by Evo - presidente al infinitum. The author argues that Evo Morales represents indigenous as he is: a corrupt person, a corruptible person, and someone who looks for impunity at the level of arranging a constitutional Referendum to force the population into fatality through re-election.

As noted by Manuel Alvares, the re-election of Evo Morales and Alvaro Garcia Linera was a despair of the government to carry out the process of electoral inquiry forward to convince population to vote from the government coercion. Not only was the issue by Mr. Alvares denounced, but also by opposite members of political party in Bolivia and foreign media. Then, it was difficult to hide the eminent source.

26 IDH (Direct Taxation to Hydrocarbons), which is the main Bolivian economic resource used for personal purposes in favor of members of political party in the government function as main actors of such corruption scandals (Alvares, 2016). 27 Fundación Pazo Kanki: La verdad sobre el Fondo Indígena, Un modelo “vicioso” de gestión pública. 85

According to Pazos Kanki28 the government of Evo Morales admitted the waste of money but he minimized those acts. From 2006, the corruption information was persistent reports, which are known by the society. As a matter of fact, the scandal of Fondo Indígena is the major and branched fact of corruption in the present century. This economic disarray has been revealed thanks to the act of interpellation to the Ministry Achacollo29.

4.1.2. REFERENDUM, FEBRUARY 21st 2016 In 2016, February 21st, the government of MAS arranged referendum inquiry to prove social support in spite of the corruption scandals. However, the results of inquiry were clear. Bolivian society revealed their rejection through constitutional inquiry the highest disagreement against the government policy. As a response to that unpleasant context, the government appealed to its relevant creation of the Communication Ministry to overwhelm the context difference by means of linguistic resources employed by the government propaganda to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in the Bolivian society.

The results of inquiry revealed the clear social opposition which won with almost all the votes counted. In referendum, the results of “No”30 would not lead another term for Mr. Morales. This result means that constitutional ban on serving more than two consecutive five-year terms remains in place (AFP, 2016). As a result, Mr. Morales would not be able to stand in presidential elections in 2019, but he is expected to go on serving the remainder of his term, which ends in 2020. After that results, suggested a win for the “No” campaign, Mr. Morales said that “the fight will continue” and his administration would follow through with its plans EPA (AFP, 2016).

In the event of referendum, 61 international observers of the Organization of American States (OAS) were present in all of Bolivia´s cities and they visited 713 voting stations in 447 precincts REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL, (2016). According to the report (OAS), 84, 45% of the Bolivian electorate took part in the Constitutional Referendum. Consequently, the Defense Minister Reymi Ferreira stated that there was no obstacle to present the possibility of new inquiry

28 Fundación Pazos Kanki: La verdad sobre el Fondo indígena, Un modelo “vicioso” de gestión pública. A Spanish magazine about corruption scandal. 29 The Bolivian former Minister of Rural Development, Nemesia Achacollo Tola who was involved with scandal of Fondo Indigena. 30 Bolivia says “No” in referendum to another reelection of Evo Morales. 86 to the society about Evo Morales re-election (CNN Cable News Network., 2017). It means for the government party looking for additional alternatives to extend the government term.

4.1.3. SOCIAL DISAGREEMENT The cause of social disagreement emerges from these social events described previously. In particular, the results of the referendum were not accepted by the government party MAS. The logic of someone corrupter, and someone who looks for impunity based on extending the government term was clear and obvious (Alvares, 2016).

In a local television program, the Defense minister of Bolivia, Reymi Ferreira stated that “national mobilization will demand to constitutional regard re-election head of state” and “there is no obstacle to raise possibility to inquiry again to people about Evo Morales re- applying”, but according to the Bolivian law it is not possible CNN, (2016). In this concern, CDA as main heading of indicators as: social power, ideology imposition, and social dominance are clearly experienced in Bolivia. Apart from this, the power of dominant groups may be incorporated in following elements, such as: laws, rules, norms, habits, and even quite general agreements because these indicators take the form of what Gramsci called “hegemony” (Gramsci, 1971).

4.1.4. BOLIVIAN COMMUNICATION MINISTRY By means of Supreme Enactment number 0793, February 15th, 2011, the Communication Ministry was created to guarantee objectives planned at the Political Constitution of the Estate concerned with accessing to the free expression and right of information, even it is public. From that Constitutional Term, the Communication Ministry along with main horizon is to extend a bridge between Estate and Society in order to build a participative, pluricultural, decolonized democratic communication. In particular, this is the institution in charge of creating the government propaganda. In summary, the next figure presents the propaganda spots to develop the analysis based on the method of critical discourse analysis:

A. Plan E. 12 Años de Generación de estabilidad Empleo 1. económica.

D. Microinformativo B. Plan (Bolivia 2025 Generación de Digna y empleo 2. C. Microinformativo Soberana). Bolivia avanza rumbo a la Agenda 2025.

Figure 4.4. Topics of five government propaganda in the context study

This figure (4.4.) represents the selected five TV spots as the data organization in alphabetical category to guide the procedure of analysis. There are many spots applied in Bolivia, but these are the selected ones in the present research.

4.2. DATA ANALYSIS This section presents the analysis of the following three discursive groups of the government propaganda. These discursive groups are analysis of category I, analysis of category II, and analysis category III.

4.2.1. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY I (LINGUISTIC CHOICES) This section endows the analysis regarding the government propaganda of MAS based on the method of CDA to understand the message and to construct the new theory in the context of political communication.

4.2.1.1. LEXICALIZATION AS A STRATEGY USED IN PROPAGANDA Lexical style is a main characteristic of political speech concerned with technical terms such as detractors, totalitarian forces, and other lexicalization multiple signals (van Dijk, 1993). The author in his study emphasizes that these terms are persuasive strategies to influence the audience and construct social dominance. In addition, lexicalization is termed as “wording” by Fairclough (1992, p. 190) it is related to the use of different lexical items in order to give elements to the ideology of the text producer. Observe the following excerpts that illustrate wording: (1) Las bolivianas y los bolivianos celebramos también doce años de trabajo intenso y ayudar sin descanso para llegar hasta los hogares para asumirlos con atención médica, agua, gas domiciliaria y proteger a la familia con un techo propio, hemos acortado distancias construyendo carreteras modernas, hemos acortado desigualdades construyendo oportunidades, hemos disminuido la pobreza, nos hemos convertido en el país con mayor crecimiento en la región, hoy celebramos doce años de estabilidad económica, celebramos un nuevo aniversario en democracia escuchando y respetando la vos del pueblo. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5. (2) Hacer a progresar al pueblo boliviano, un plan de empleo, que empieza este año, nuestra política, nuestro programa siempre está orientado a trabajar a esa profunda diferencia entre los ricos y los pobres. (Text 2. Transcript A). See Annex B 1. In the first excerpt, one noun phrase such as doce años de trabajo along with the adjective intenso increases a positive connotation. Another example is the noun phrase carreteras modernas. The plural noun roads and the adjective modern modernas represent even a more positive connotation than the previous one because of the plural meaning and the adjective modern. In the second excerpt the noun phrase employment plan, plan de empleo is an arrangement in relation to the act of giving a job. In other words, the government´s plan is developed in favor of unemployment in Bolivia.

The meanings of these two nouns promotes a positive notion of ideology along with the others in bold. These technical terms are main elements of propagandist´s ideology to influence and persuade the Bolivian society.

(3) El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos para una sociedad con igualdad de oportunidades. (Text 5. Transcript A). See Annex B 1.

In the above example, the noun phrase El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos along with the adjective careful (cuidadoso) reflects a positive and safe action in relation to the management of economy. Likewise, the propaganda uses effectively the noun phrase equal opportunities igualdad de oportunidades that displays a positive meaning.

Nonetheless, the question is: what is the argument to careful management of Bolivian economical resources? In relation to this social issue, in 2011, Michael Stout, in his research about the effectiveness of Nazi Propaganda during World War II, supported that the arguments in propaganda performance are not important. The main aspect of political ideology is indoctrination, and the intense media deification of government, which can be achieved based on using appropriate terms of linguistic resources as the use of noun phrases.

When the issue of Fondo Indigena took place in Bolivia, the government´s propaganda spot broadcasted the message as the careful management of economic resources El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos through all media. Through the use of this noun phrase, the government intends to respond to the facts of Fondo Indígena, but the information is almost impossible to hide because unpleasant issues cannot be in darkness for a long time. The logic of these events appears later or earlier in our society. The analysis therefore shows us that lexicalization or wording is one strategy that the government used in order to maintain a positive image.

(4) la administración responsable de nuestra economía permite al Estado llegar hasta los municipios más alejados con obras y proyectos que mejoran la calidad de vida de bolivianas y bolivianos. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4.

In this discursive strategy the adjective responsible responsable describes the noun management la administration in relation to Bolivian economy to support a positive connotation of propagandist´s ideology. In addition, the noun phrase la administración responsable de nuestra economía means the best management of Bolivian economical resources based on imperishable action, which underlines a fallacy.

Through this noun phrase, the government intends to hide such a vast issue of Fondo Indígena, which was an enormous scandal in the period of MAS government.

As a matter of fact, lexicalization is the most important and well-known domain of ideological expression and persuasion as well-known in social differences (Van Dijk, 1993). These linguistic resources of the government propaganda are pertinent elements of ideology to cause social acceptance and at the same time persuasion.

(5) Con este programa, se estima que vamos a bajar a 2,7% de desempleo. (Text 4. Transcript A). See Annex B 1.

In the example (5), the noun program programa means a series of steps to be carried out as a positive goal to decrease unemployment desempleo. This discursive strategy along with the specific number of percentage (2, 7%) definitely attracts the attention of population. It is an affirmative statement that confirms actions as employment policies, but there are no real results so far. In fact, these nouns, extended noun phrases and other different terms of lexicalization are used by the government to expect influence over the Bolivian society. These linguistic resources promote the persuasion policy in a context of social disagreement.

4.2.1.2. PATTERNS OF TRANSITIVITY Regarding this linguistic element, Halliday (2014) explains that transitivity is a basic property of language which enables human beings to place a mental picture of reality in order to make sense of their experience of what is going on around them and inside them. Then, the arrangement of transitivity is “a system that interprets the world of experience into a manageable set of Process Types” (Halliday, 2004, p.170)31. These process types represented by the English clause as the various participant functions occurrences construct the context. The following discursive strategies help us to understand the process type:

(6) El presidente Evo Morales promulgó el plan generación de empleo con programas de fortalecimiento a la infraestructura urbana, rehabilitación de áreas productivas, incentivos a la empresa privada y créditos para el arranque de micro y pequeñas empresas. (Text 3. Tanscript A). See Annex B 1.

31 Cited by Ewelina Maria Landa, 2017, in her research of Master´s Dissertation in MA in English Linguistics: New Applications and International Communication. A STUDY OF TE TRANSITIVITY SYSTEM IN FICTIONAL NARRATIVE: A COMPARISON OF PROCESS TYPES IN EDGAR ALLAN POE´S SHORT STORIES. UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE MADRID. 91

This discursive strategy is a complex sentence, which is represented as following: participant El presidente Evo Morales, process promulgó, and circumstance in Bolivia. These three important elements of discourse strategy are typically materialized, at the level of lexicogrammar as the underlined noun phrases, the verbal phrases, the adverbial groups, and the functional categories in the clause structure. As Subject/Complement, Finite-Predicator and Adjunct are part of lexicogrammar as in the previous example. These descriptions, mentioned by Hart (2014) help us to identify the meaning of discourse strategy based on lexicogrammar, and the functional structure of discourse elements of the government´s propaganda.

In the discursive strategy, these actions as the plan of job generation plan generación de empleo, the rehabilitation of productive areas rehabilitación de areas productivas, incentives incentivos, and loans for small business créditos para pequeñas empresas carried out by the government definitely attract the attention of the population. In addition, the structure of this discursive strategy along with syntactic and semantic function achieve the meaning of propaganda as information to the viewer regarding the government plans and policies in benefit of the Bolivian society. The verb promulgated promulgó suggests a meaning without specification because it is a type of weasel word which promotes manipulation along with the underlined noun phrases.

4.2.1.3. ACTIVE AND PASSIVE VOICE The use of these linguistic resources is one of a set of choices which speakers inevitably make actions and events in relation to how semantic roles are created onto grammatical structures (Johnstone, 2008). In other words, all human actions and events are depicted by linguistic resources. In 1989, Fairclough´s study, the subject in a sentence is a social agent and it is active and creative, which emphasizes the subject as a responsible agent of an action, and it also takes place as a position of political authority seen from DA. The following excerpts are active sentences:

(7) En Cajuata, provincia Inquisive se enauguró un bloque de aulas para la Unidad Educativa Villa Barrientos. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4. (8) Teníamos poca cantidad de tractores. (Text 4. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

Discursive strategy (7), the implicit subject government is followed by the main transitive verb inaugurated inauguró and direct object a block of classrooms un bloque de aulas. The sentence

92 emphasizes the doer of the action. The second excerpt is a simple sentence. There is no emphasis of the action in the implicit subject we and the verb had teniamos, being an active sentence, but it promotes possession and underestimation of the past term policies. In those discursive strategies, the action and possession reflect the sign of authority and dominant discursive ideology to change social perspective in favor of government.

(9) En Yacuiba Tarija fue inaugurado la fase final de la octava versión de los juegos estudiantiles plurinacionales Presidente Evo Morales nivel secundario en el que participaran alrededor de mil quinientos competidores en once diferentes disciplinas deportivas. (Text 9. Transcript C). See Annnex B 3.

Example (9) is a complex sentence and passive voice which emphasizes the object of action. Thus, the Communication Ministry in its propaganda content highlights not only the responsible of action, but also the accomplished actions in order to cause social attention. In fact, these discursive strategies underline the position of political authority especially the government party as a responsible of actions. The sign of government authority is clearly reflected through the structure of passive and active voice in the script of propaganda.

4.2.1.4. NOMINALIZATION In the study by Johnstone (2008, p. 56) nominalization provides the way in which the representation of events, actions, and actors, can be manipulated, because it means that they can be used as nouns, words, as well as verbs, adjectives, or adverbs, either with or without the addition of noun markers like the English – tion. Then, the following excerpts illustrate manipulative function:

(10) En los últimos días en el marco de las actividades de festejo del aniversario del departamento de Cochabamba, se inauguró la planta de amoniaco y Urea de Bulo Bulo que producirá Urea para mejorar la producción agropecuaria y fortalecer la seguridad alimentaria del país. (Text 7. Transcript C). See Annex B 3 (11) Es mi obligación ver la forma de cómo avanzar en la construcción de obras. (Text 3. Transcript D). See Annex B 4. (12) Invertimos en el presente de nuestra gente, construyamos la nueva Bolivia. (Text 4. Transcript D). See Annex B 4.

The above three sentences are examples showing the evidence of manipulation. In the first example, the word producirá functions as a main verb and as noun productión. In the second sentence, the word construcción functions as noun, and in the third sentence, the same word works as a verb construyamos. In fact, the words produce and construct along with its double functions contribute to the government´s manipulative action.

4.2.1.5. MOOD Tone is a prototypical sign of the prosodic mode of expressive characteristic related to interpersonal metafunction stated by Halliday (1967). According to the author mood is the main interpersonal system related to clause; it establishes interaction regarding dialogue with demanding resource commodity and information. Hence the element of mood clearly presents the semantic function of tone, the melodic contour of the tone group in a message. For example:

(13) Es hora de arrancar este siclo de trabajo juntos hacia arriba nunca para abajo donde nuevos tiempos para nuestras vidas. See Annex B 2. (14) Es hora de aportar a esta nueva Bolivia. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2.

In those above examples, the underlined ones highlight the meaning of rising tone as similar to rhyme. This is another type of strategy applied by the government propaganda to call listeners and viewers attention because of the melodic contour of message.

(15) Jóvenes de hoy somos muy activos trabajamos y aprendemos somos positivos. See Annex B2. (16) Hoy Bolivia está en buenas manos en las suyas y en las mías y en la de mis hermanos. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2.

In the examples (15) and (16) apart from showing the tone of voice, the verbs (somos and está) stand for expressive mood. And they are also the present sentences along with adverb of time (hoy) expresses positive image about current young society. The scripts underline the negativity of past government. It is a logical meaning of the marketing image because the government message highlights egocentrism.

(17)Tantos años hemos esperado. (Text 3. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (18) Nos va servir mucho. (Text 5. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

(19)Todos estamos muy contentos. (Text 14. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (20) ¡Pucha! Lindo regalo, antes no había pues... (Text 10. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (21) Muchas gracias al presidente Evo Morales. (Text 12. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

Examples (17), (18), (19), and (20) show the positive declarative discursive strategy regarding the magnificence policy of the government and it is a great ideological influence to society. Example (21) is exclamative sentence that highlights gratitude to the government of Evo Morales about his performance and policy.

(22) Es un aporte muy bueno. (Text 2. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

Figure 5.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript C

(23) ¡Es el mejor presidente del mundo! (Text 16. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

Example (22) is another declarative sentence related to the two pictures above that emphasize the content of image. Example (23) is an exclamative sentence that expresses the emotive feeling of speaker to cause an effect on the receiver. In the split report, a boy expresses an exclamative sentence which is recorded and applied in the propaganda as a perfect strategy. In the report, the happy boy reflects his expression in the emotive feeling. These emotive expressions definitely attract the attention of the society. These linguistic resources used by the government propaganda as function of tone contribute to the different type of communication in order to gain social acceptance. On the other hand, the expressive sentences reflect social acceptance because the propaganda shows split reports recorded in order to achieve social persuasion.

4.2.1.6. MODALITY OR POLARITY According to Halliday (1985), the important explanation of this step establishes a hierarchy of power which is confirmed by the naming practices and the study of transitivity. According to, Fairclough (1989), modality is concerned with speaker or writer´s authority, and there are two dimensions of modality, depending on what way authority is oriented in. One is a matter of the authority of one participant in relation to others that is called relational modality. Another is expressive modality regarding a matter of the speaker´s or writer´s authority related to the truth or probability of reflecting the reality. The types of modality are described in the following examples:

(24) Con estos tractores vamos a poder apoyar. (Text 13. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (25) El teleférico de la capital del folklore boliviano Oruro tiene una inversión garantizada para su construcción y el gobierno nacional financiará el cincuenta por ciento el costo total. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4.

The two above examples represent expressive modality because the first sentence has the verb can poder that expresses truth or probability to the action of helping. The second sentence has the verb will finance financiará, and it mainly expresses probably or truthfulness in relation to the government. As a result, these expressive modalities support the implicit relation to the power of propagandist as a clear dominant sign over Bolivian society. These structures of modal verbs and passive and active sentences endow the eminent relation to the power of the government as a principal actor in the social inequality.

4.2.1.7. THEMATIC STRUCTURE Thematic structure has some appearance of organization whereby it fits in, and contributes to, the course of discourse (Matthiessen, 2004). According to the author there are some different ways in which this may be achieved, for instance in English, as in many other languages, the clause is organized as a message performance by having a different status assigned to one part of it. One part of the clause is enunciated as them; then this combines with the remainder, hence the two elements together assemble a message. The next example reveals the characteristic of thematic structure:

(26) La estabilidad económica que vivimos los bolivianos desde hace 11 años permite al Estado boliviano a implementar políticas sociales en beneficio de las mayorías. (Text 1. Transcript A). See Annex B 1.

The clause La estabilidad económica que vivimos los bolivianos desde hace 11 años as an information points out the positive notion about economic management in the term of government of Evo Morales. However, the underlined clause is important in whole information and it functions as a main subject in the sentence. The thematic structure of this discursive strategy responds to the Bolivian economic stability and the corruption implication in the term of MAS government.

Since, the aim of this structure is used to persuade the social disagreement in relation to the corruption facts. Especially, this fronting devise as linguistic resource is also used in other different propaganda spots because it supports not only the positive meaning about economic management, but also the government policy. In fact, this linguistic resource of propaganda highlights a piece of information in a discourse so as to achieve social persuasion.

4.2.1.8. INFORMATION FOCUS The text analysis alone cannot take us far enough that we need to convey the other scopes of discourse analysis into center of attention related to situational context and the intertextual context as a central to the process of interpretation (Fairclough, 1995). The author highlights that some language sources may appear as an apparent ambiguity, for instance, in the selection of pronouns suggests that the text does not have a stable addressee. These linguistic elements provide intimations because of its complexity and irregularity. Some complexities are illustrated in the following discursive strategies:

(27) Regresen, el bien es para todos, en las oportunidades siempre hay un modo. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2. (28) El programa Bolivia cambia Evo cumple. (Text 9. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

As we can see, the first above example does not have subject. Moreover, the subject in Spanish grammar is implicit and it is accepted. The verb come back (regresen) displays the weakness meaning because it could be interpreted in different meanings. One could be addressed to citizens who lives abroad, which could encourage them to come back. Another could be addressed to the members of other political parties to invite them to be part of the government party.

The meaning of second example is also ambiguos and it is used in many propaganda spots of the government. In addition, the phrase Bolivia cambia can be interpreted in different ways; Bolivia cambia from the right political party to the left populism party; Bolivia cambia from the (traditional) or capitalist to the indigenous government, and so on. Evo cumple is also ambiguos. It can be understood in different forms; one is, Evo cumple Evo fulfills his goal to be a president of Bolivia; another, in 2016, Bolivia encountered the corruption scandals on the media. It was seen and heard that the opposition members stating that Evo cumple Evo fulfills the arrangement of economical resources for farmers, but it was deviated to other oficial government members.

As noted by Fairclough (1995), these types of discursive strategies provide intimation because of irregularity and ambiguity. Then, through the analysis of linguistic resources of propaganda the intimation of propagandist is clear in Bolivia. The majority of discursive strategies are ambiguos in propaganda because the sentences are complex, even they are extended sentences which reflect ambiguity.

4.2.1.9. COHESIVE DEVICES Cohesion examination can involve vocabulary elements between sentences – word repetition, or use of related words. It can also involve connectors which mark difference in time, space, logic (in a wide sense) (Fairclough, 1989). On the other hand, the main treatment of cohesion is supported by Halliday and Hasan (1967) who describe five broad grammatical and lexical strategies that speakers use (and hearers expect) to the meanings of different sentences are that related to each other.

The first devices are reference which ties are developed when an item in one sentence refers to an item in another sentence in order to let readers or hearers a meaningful understanding. Pronouns are important resources for referring purpose. It can point backwards called “anaphora” to an earlier sentence that integrated the noun which refers to, forwards also called “cataphora” in text. Outside the text pointed out by pronouns is called “exophora”. The following examples help us to identify the three reference devices:

(29) El teleférico de la capital del folklore boliviano Oruro tiene una inversión garantizada para su construcción. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4. (30) Ése es desarrollo. (Text 11. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

(31) El Municipio de La Paz y El Alto se beneficiaron con un crédito de treinta millones de dólares otorgados por el Banco Internacional de Desarrollo para proyectos de drenaje pluvial. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4.

The first above example is the case of anaphora because the pronoun its su refers to a backward item teleférico. The second example is the case of cataphora since adjective pronoun that ése is related to item desarrollo. And the last one is part of exophoric reference, which is emphasized in bold. These three discursive strategies along with vocabulary elements are focused on information facts of government. The government looks for acceptance and good impression from all Bolivian population.

Additionally, the Supreme Decree of creation of the Communication Ministry, in one article, the statement of main duty of Ministry is to inform society about government plans and policies. Thus, the logic of the first example of reference is information of cable transportation building; the second one is related to the Bolivian development, and the last one is concerned with the benefit loan from International Bank to the cities La Paz and El Alto. The examples (29) and (31) are affirmative sentences which reflect actions in favor of the Bolivian population and the example (30) is expressive sentence which demonstrates social acceptance. Certainly, the government along with these information strategies attempts to change social perspective and manipulate social attitude in relation to the government policy.

The second device of cohesive tie can be applied by the use of words or phrases which is called substitution in the same grammatical gap for material in another place in the text. It may have nominal, verbal, and clausal substitutions in the text. Look at the following example:

(32) La nueva Bolivia que hizo posible nuestro reencuentro y puso respeto a nuestra diversidad y nos devolvió el orgullo de ser lo que somos. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5.

In these examples, the noun phrase, Bolivian citizens bolivianos is substituted by verbal phrase lo que somos. The strategy demonstrates negative connotation about past government, and emphasizes the current policy. This compound sentence also belongs to the declarative statement, which emphasizes the current facts and entails all Bolivian society as part of this government policy without their concern. The noun phrase our re-encounter nuestro reencuentro entails directly all

99 society to the agreement policy of MAS government because the pronoun (us) reflects and highlights enforcement attitude over Bolivian society.

The third device is Ellipsis which is closely related to substitution which creates cohesive ties through omission, as interpreters have to go to another place in the discourse context. For example,

(33) Bolivia… veinte veinticinco… digna y soberana. (Text 1. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

In the above example, the first gap belongs to the nominal ellipsis because the subject is incomplete and the omission is concerned with prepositional phrase. The second gap belongs to the verbal ellipsis related to modal verb of future because the object two thousand and five veinte veinticinco means the future context. This message provides the intention of the government plan arranged until 2025.

Although the phrase reflects ambiguity, it is used as a main headline of different other propaganda spots. This phrase is the main headline of propaganda spot (C) and (D). Then, not only is the phrase part of those two-government propaganda, but also it is used in other government propaganda as an implicit purpose of the government party. In addition, the government through this script clearly ignores the results of Referendum event dealt in 2016.

(34) Esta industria no es con crédito internacional… son con nuestra reserva internacional. (Text 8. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

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Figure 6.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript C.

In the script (34), the propagandist along with the phrase Ésta industria refers to the PLANTA DE AMONIACO Y ÚREA as seen in the figure (6.4.). This noun phrase is the logical nominal omission in the sentence. Due to different social networks, the Bolivian opposition citizens criticized the government about wasting economical resource, and this example also represents the response of the government against the social criticism.

(35) Bolivia… Estado independiente…digno y… soberano. (Text 16. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (36) En Cochabamba una nueva unidad educativa… para los estudiantes de Vinto y otra… para los jóvenes de Ibergarsama. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4. (37) Con estos tractores vamos a poder apoyar... (Text 13. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

Example (35) presents three gaps, which is related to verbal ellipsis. The logical verbal omission belongs to the verb to be es in three gaps of sentence. Discourse strategy (36) is also verbal omission related to logical verbal phrase, it was constructed fue construido and it fits appropriately in its two gaps. The sentence conveys information content to society and it underlines the government action. Example (37) belongs to the nominal ellipsis.

As a matter of fact, these expressive strategies highlight actions and policies of the government. Furthermore, the Communication Ministry of Plurinational State of Bolivia was created based on necessity of guaranteeing the rights of communication and information which is supported by Article 298 of the Political Constitution. Then, this institution develops propaganda spots as

101 information to the society, which does not work on necessity of guaranteeing the right of communication in favor of the Bolivian society, but it works in favor of the government as we can see all those propaganda contents. The institution, instead of guaranteeing the rights of communication it responds against to the government criticism and persuades the population.

The fourth device is conjunction, which shows how different sentences are related in meaning to other sentences. This linguistic resource explicitly ties the meanings of utterances as one. The meaning of one clause coordinates or subordinates the meaning of another clause. Nevertheless, not only does conjunction join clauses but also it joins group of words as seen in the following examples:

(38) En el municipio de Yacuiba, Tarija cuenta ya con un moderno poli deportivo y recursos para la construcción de dos nuevas Unidades Educativas. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4. (39) Hoy celebramos doce años de estabilidad económica, celebramos un nuevo aniversario en democracia escuchando y respetando la voz del pueblo. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5.

In script (38) the conjunction and y joins two noun phrases un moderno polideportivo and recursos para la construcción…. These both noun phrases reflect positive connotation and positive information to the population. In discursive strategy (39) the conjunction and y joins two verbs listening and respecting escuchando and respetando. These two actions do not reflect the real action of the government because the government ignored the results of referendum, which was a final approval of the Bolivian population. These discursive strategies express the government ideology to cause a positive effect and misinform the reality.

Finally, lexical cohesion is related to the similar word use repeatedly using words may appear in different ways as by having similar meanings or antonymous, or by being meronyms (one referring to a whole and one to a part of it), and also hyponyms (one word refers to a class and the other to an item in the class) (Johnstone, 2008). The following discursive strategies illustrate the lexical cohesion:

(40) Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja, Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja, Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2.

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(41) En el municipio de Yacuiba, Tarija cuenta ya con un moderno coliseo poli deportivo y recursos para la construcción de dos nuevas unidades Educativas. (Text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 4.

Discursive strategy (40) contains repeated clauses in order to distinguish the notion of emphasis. The clause Bolivia es jovén promotes positive description. This repetition structure is the most direct form of lexical cohesion. Discursive strategy (41) contains the word with similar meanings as the word recursos instead of money, which pertains to the structure of synonymy in order to let coherent audience comprehension and the relationship of message content. These discursive strategies belong to lexical cohesion because they use the repetition of clause and words with similar meanings (synonymy). The main purpose of using these types of linguistic resources is to emphasize a piece of information in order to achieve social understanding and acceptance. The government propaganda uses different linguistic resources to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in the Bolivian society.

4.2.2. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY II (RHETORICAL DEVICES) This stage endows the process of analysis through figurative language that helps us to understand the basic semantic relationship between words and sentences used in the government propaganda in the present research. Particularly, the figurative language is related to the literal or normal use of language as Laurel Brinton in his book of THE STRUCTURE OF MODERN ENGLISH emphasized in 2000. In the analysis process, the following elements of figurative language illustrate: metaphor, comparisons, exaggerations, synecdoche, and parallelism.

4.2.2.1. METAPHORS These examples use the figurative language of metaphor to generate another meaning from the literal text. Metaphor has been emphasized by many rhetoricians, such as Lakoff and Johnsen (2003) who make them clear a rhetorical device and a matter of extraordinary use of language is a matter of thought. Some metaphors are illustrated in the following excerpts:

(42) Las empresas bolivianas necesitan más manos. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2. (43) Hoy Bolivia está en buenas manos. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2.

In example (42), the figurative language is used with other communicative intention from the literal sense, such as, Las empresas Bolivianas necesitan más manos. The word hands manos refer

103 to the workers for the Bolivian companies. This example reflects misinformation because Bolivian companies are not in appropriate position due to the lack of competitiveness and the illegal imports. In example (43), the term hands manos refer to the government. In other words, Bolivia is under the best administration, which means the best current administration along with adverb now. Could it be possible to emphasize through the propaganda use the best administration along with the issues of Fondo Indígena? There is no way to answer this question where the facts are conspicuous.

Thus, these types of strategies support the quality of message to attract society and it encourages Bolivian population to develop a positive perspective about the government. In political discourse, metaphor is important due to its different functions, for instance, explaining, clarifying, describing, evaluating, expressing and entertaining. These are the reasons why politicians use metaphor in their propaganda because politicians try to be effective and persuasive with their audience. Therefore, politicians embellish their language to provide extra effect in their message to achieve the objective of social support.

4.2.2.2. COMPARISONS Due to comparison strategies, the propaganda message displays high sign of egocentrism of the government party, which states the next examples.

(44) Ahora hay todo con el presidente. (Text 6. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (45) ¡Pucha! Lindo regalo, antes no había. (Text 10. Transcript C). See Annex B 3.

The above examples (44) and (45) are report splits that explicitly compare two periods of government with adverb of time now and before ahora, antes. In the example (45), the expression pucha has negative connotation, which is related to frustration in Spanish language, but in this context, it is used in a positive way. These strategies highlight the current government policy through adverbs of time. These discursive strategies of the government propaganda along with adverb of time contribute to the egocentrism of propagandist.

4.2.2.3. HYPERBOLE This figure of speech contains exaggeration strategies for an emphasis purpose (Cuddon, 1999). In the government propaganda, some exaggeration strategies adjust appropriately to cause a pertinent attraction to the society as following examples:

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(46) La estabilidad económica que vivimos los bolivianos desde hace 11 años permite al Estado boliviano a implementar políticas sociales en beneficio de las mayorías. (Text 1. Transcript A). See Annex B 1. (47) Con este programa, se estima que vamos a bajar a 2,7 % de desempleo. (Text 4. Transcript A). See Annex B 1. (48) Ochenta y cinco millones de bolivianos están garantizados para la construcción de veinte unidades educativas que beneficiaran al menos a diez distritos de la ciudad El Alto financiado por el programa Bolivia cambia, Evo cumple. (text 9. Transcript C). See Annex B 3. (49) El municipio de La Paz y El Alto se beneficiaron con un crédito de treinta millones de dólares otorgados por el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo para proyectos de drenaje pluvial. (text 2. Transcript D). See Annex B 5.

In example (46), the noun majority mayorìa refers to more than half (50%), which expresses quantity related to the policies in favor of Bolivian society. Example (47) the verbal phrase it is estimated se estima along with specific number means the unemployment reduction, which emphasizes the information to attract society. The last two discursive strategies are affirmative sentences, which express specific amount of economic resources. Example (48) refers to specific amount for 20 school buildings in El Alto. Example (49) expresses another specific amount, which is a loan granted by (BID)32 for El Alto neighborhood. These numbers related to economical sign are used to emphasize and exaggerate the meaning of government information to attract society. The exaggeration characteristic of linguistic resource promotes the meaning of political ideology more than it is.

Due to use of these discursive strategies, the government party implicitly intends to control the acts and minds of society as a dominant group. As noted by van Dijk (2010), this ability anticipates a power base of privileged access to the weakness social recourses, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, culture, or certainly different form of public discourse and communication. In short, the identity of dominant group appears little by little based on using these discursive strategies along with advantages to support dominant identity.

32 Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo. Inter- American Development Bank (IDB) supports efforts by Latin American and the Caribbean countries to reduce poverty and inequality. 105

4.2.2.4. SYNECDOCHE Synecdoche is related to the types of expressions which refer to a thing by naming part of it (Brinton, 2000). Such as the following transcript:

(50) Las bolivianas y los bolivianos celebramos también doce años de trabajo intenso y ayudar sin descanso para llegar hasta los hogares para asumirlos con atención médica, agua, gas domiciliario y proteger a la familia con un techo propio. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5.

In the above example, the word in bold techo refers to the whole of house. This figurative language is used to attract the attention of the society especially the homeless people in Bolivia. This government strategy looks for being a dominant discursive ideology along with this different use of language in order to cause the expected response from the population.

4.2.2.5. PARALLELISM The structural parallelism occurs when “two or more words or constructions stand in an identical grammatical relationship to the same thing …parallel constructions are subject to a strict rule of style: they must be in the same grammatical form” (Kane, 2003, p. 170). The elements of parallelism not only start with the same part of speech, but also employ the repetition of a specific phrase as the following example:

(51) Es hora de arrancar este siclo de trabajo juntos hacia arriba nunca para abajo donde nuevos tiempos para nuestras vidas, es hora de aportar a esta nueva Bolivia. (Text 1. Transcript B). See Annex B 2.

The above repetition excerpts in bold infuse encouragement to the receiver because it promotes emphasis in the future actions; it helps to brand the message on the minds of the receiver for a reasonable period of time. This kind of different language use does not make the message boring rather it makes it attractive, captivating and easy to remember. In addition, apart from its structure, the excerpt endows confidence to the Bolivian population to enjoy the new term. In other words, the message invites to the population to share the new powerful term as part of the government party MAS.

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4.2.3. ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY III (ADDITIONAL DISCURSIVE STRATEGIES) The present stage presents additional discursive strategies as: nonverbal strategies, legitimation strategies, and persuasion strategies.

4.2.3.1. NON-VERBAL STRATEGIES: VISUAL IMAGE AND TEXT RELEVANCE (52) Bolivia 2025 digna y soberana. (Text 1. Transcript C and text 1. Transcript D). See Annex B 3. And Annex B 4.

Figure 7.4. Propaganda spot. Transcript D and C.

Example (52) and the three headlines in the figure (7.4.5.) is the same phrases. The three figures of headlines are taken from two propaganda spots (D) and (C), which show a phrase in three different forms. The phrase also appears orally and visually along with different effects that technology can provide. The headline is produced in two different forms. First, (Bolivia 2025) appears in capital letters in major size and second one is Digna y soberana with the same capital letter but in minor size and different type of text. In the propaganda spot C, this headline is displayed six times after each report split. In the propaganda spot D, the headline is displayed orally and visually at the beginning. In the three figures, the phrase is the same, but it is carried out in three different types of text.

The discursive strategy is a statement that expresses an announcement or message that comes along with implicit meaning, but it is repeated in many different propaganda spots as persistence message. Then, the headline assumes that the Communication Ministry has already developed a plan of the

107 government term until 2025, because other propaganda spots state agenda 2025, which means plan. The announcement of digna y soberana implies having value and tending to make it serious. In other words, these adjectives imply the strongest qualification identity of propagandist until 2025. It also implies enforcement of the government plan over society without respecting the democratic results of referendum event in 2016. The persistence of headlines confirms and implies a dominant and powerful social group because of high investment of money and perfect design of each propaganda spot with appropriate linguist resources.

4.2.3.2. LEGITIMATION STRATEGIES Legitimation as a main social function of ideology is the institutional counterpart of such justifications (van Dijk, 1998). The author highlights legitimation as a discourse that justifies official action in terms of the rights and duties, politically, and socially associated with position or role. The following discursive strategy contributes to understand the sign of legitimating about social power and dominant ideology in the communicative position:

(53) La estabilidad económica que vivimos los bolivianos desde hace 11 años permite al Estado boliviano a implementar políticas sociales en beneficio de las mayorías. (Text 1. Trancript A). See Annex B 1.

In the above example, the noun phrase economic stability La estabilidad económica legitimizes the sign of dominant ideology of the government because of financial stability along with implicit pronoun we. Then the discursive ideology as an affirmative sentence constructs and justifies the positive Bolivian context and it permits the enforcement of social policies in advantage of majority. These noun phrases as part of the government ideology legitimize the creativity of propagandist related to establishment of policies. This ideological strategy implies power inequality in society.

(54) Nuestra política, nuestro programa siempre está orientado a trabajar a esa profunda diferencia entre los ricos y los pobres. (Text 2. Transcript A). See Annex B 1. (55) Las bolivianas y los bolivianos celebramos también 12 años de trabajo intenso. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5. (56) Hoy celebramos 12 años de estabilidad económica, celebramos un nuevo aniversario en democracia escuchando y respetando la vos del pueblo. (Text 1. Transcript E). See Annex B 5.

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In example (54) the possessive pronouns Our is used two times reflecting possession with nouns, policy, and program nuestra politica, nuetro programa to legitimize dominant group over the Bolivian society. The possessive personal pronouns are associated with all audience or all Bolivian people as in the same boat of the government party even they do not agree with the current government. In examples (55) and (56), the use of verbs celebrates celebramos along with implicit subject pronoun we imply all Bolivian society in the action.

The propagandist uses the pronoun we in order to represent the entire society, which legitimizes social imposition to be part of the current government party and its policy. Furthermore, ideologies essentially seem to reveal the context of representativeness. It usually appears in the speech acts and propaganda spots as assertions, expressiveness to legitimize the sign of imposition through the use of pronoun our.

In the pragmatic context, legitimation is concerned with the speech act of defending oneself, in that one of appropriate conditions, it is often seen that speaker or propagandist is providing good reasons, grounds or acceptable motivations for past or present action that has been or could be criticized by others (van Dijk, 1998). In addition to lexical features as noun phrases Estado boliviano, politicas sociales build and legitimize the use of dominant ideology. In fact, ideology and legitimation interact specifically, in the control of inter-group relations, such as the power dominance of propagandist. So far, as we have seen, persuasion and manipulation may thus be close related to legitimation as soon as one group tries to impose its ideology on another group.

4.2.3.3. PERSUATION STRATEGIES According to van Dijk (1998) persuasion is defined as a process in which people change their opinions as a consequence of discourse. The author highlights the importance of making a distinction between different kinds of evaluative belief and, therefore, between different kinds of persuasion. Then, a distinction has been made between personal opinions and social shared opinons. The first are taken place in both event models and context models, stored in episodic (personal) memory. The latter in social representations, for instance attitudes and ideologies, stored in social memory. Some persuasive elements are illustrated in the folloing discursive strategies:

(57) El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos para una sociedad con igualdad de oportunidades. (Text 5. Transcript A). See Annex B 1.

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(58) Las bolivianas y los bolivianos celebramos también doce años de trabajo intenso y ayudar sin descanso para llegar hasta los hogares para asumirlos con atención médica, agua, gas domiciliario y proteger a la familia con un techo propio, hemos acortado distancias construyendo carreteras modernas, hemos acortado desigualdades construyendo oportunidades, hemos disminuido la pobreza, nos hemos convertido en el país con mayor crecimiento en la region. (Text 1. Transcript D). See Annex B 5.

Example (57) definitely influences social attitudes because it expresess a positive meaning in relation to careful management of Bolivian economical resources. In example (58), the noun phrases are also influencial because the main idea expresses helping society as healthcare atención médica. In addition, the ideology expresses the action of reduction of poverty hemos disminuido la pobreza. The responsible of the action appears to be the government in order to cause a positive attitude of the Bolivian population. Likewise, the noun phrase poorness reduction supports and confirms vague information about real Bolivian context.

The persuasion of the audience might happen with the help of commissives, by the propagantis´ vague promises (Chilton and Schäffner, 1997). Thus, these linguistic resources used by the government propaganda justify clearly the persuasion effect, which suggests the positive attitude and appropriate outlook about the government policy as a result of persuasion.

4.3. EVIDENCE OF PROPAGANDA USE This section represents the propaganda performance based on plans of the government; according to the government, propaganda spots are based on evidences which are explained in the next section:

A. PLAN GENERACIÓN DE EMPLEO 1

According to the Communication Ministry the spot supports the National plan of employments regarding the programs of government which would help to reduce unemployment across the institutions that promote encouragements in work insertion of Bolivian society. The National Plan of employment is arranged along with other institutions. Therefore, this spot´s background information is arranged along with the Ministry of Development Planning (MDP) and the Communication Ministry (CM). In fact, those plans of employment have not achieved appropriate

110 results because of highly competitive companies and activities related to contraband (illegal activities).

B. PLAN GENERACIÓN DE EMPLEO 2

This argument is also related to the National Plan. It started with two plans of employment to help society who count on minimum academic formation related to technicians, new graduate professionals, and even to employees who get pregnant during the program process of employment. The plan is to generate at least 6.500 working sources and it is directed to young people of limited means between 18 and 35 ages (Página Siete, 2017).

C. MICROINFORMATIVO BOLIVIA AVANZA RUMBO A LA AGENDA 2025

The evidence comes from the magazine of (Bolivia Unida con Ministerio de Autonomías), which states what the Bolivian society wants by 2025. Additionally, the government of Evo Morales has raised 13 main basement articles, based on two famous words used in the propaganda spots Worthy and Sovereign (Digna y soberana) related to Patriotic Program of 2025.

Particularly, each of those basements has certain tasks to be completed and to be achieved as for the main objective. Each Plurinational institutions has to provide its performance and effort in the context of creation of new society.

According to the written publication, the Development of Patriotic Program is a shared responsibility of all levels of the government. In fact, the most important of 13 main basement articles that we take into account is (Sovereignty over our natural resources with nationalization, industrialization and marketing concerned with harmony and balance with mother earth). What we know is, the argument does not support the reality as (nationalization of our natural resources), because this is only to attract audience.

D. MICROINFORMATIVO (BOLIVIA 2025 DIGNA Y SOBERANA)

The evidence also stated that, the Supreme Decree N° 29894 and the Executive body of Plurinational State of Bolivia have participation with all Ministries in relation to some 13 basement articles in the Patriotic Program of 2025.

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Based on participation of each entity, the Ministry of Productive Development and Plural Economy have more participation than the other institutions do in the 13 principles of Patriotic Program. Finally, other ministries are concerned with other specific tasks besides of earlier mentioned Program (Bolivia Unida con Ministerio de Autonomías, 2017).

E. 12 AÑOS DE ESTABILIDAD ECONÓMICA

According to the government magazine seen previously, in 2017, Bolivian economy increased 4, 2%, close to 4, 7% from 2014. The areas which contribute to the context of economy improvement were agricultural areas with 7, 6%; transportation, storage, and communication 5, 2%; restaurants and hotels 5, 1% (Bolivia Unida con Ministerio de Autonomías, 2017).

The fact of these alleged evidences supports to broadcast the government propaganda through all kinds of media in order to cause such positive effect in the society. At the beginning, these arguments attract the population because of percentages, but in deep analysis and the reality are completely different. In fact, the current context reflects different results as poverty and unemployment in Bolivia.

4.3.1. EXECUTIVE ORDERS OF PROPAGANDA USE The Supreme Decree is another formal attribution of the government that supports the use of propaganda in relation to the communication objective. These executive orders escort and support clearly the meaning of propaganda as seen in the following examples: according to Supreme Decree Number 0793, (2011), the Communication Ministry is created under specific strategic objectives that we take some of them into account as follow:

• To elaborate, develop and to apply policies, norms and communication strategies of Estate to guarantee the practice of communication right and information of community. • To create and reinforce the Communication Ministry to application of the current regulation into organizational structure looking for efficient and clear administration.

The first executive order clearly mentions: To elaborate, develop and to apply policies, norms and communication strategies of Estate to guarantee the practice of communication right and information of community. Then, the verbs elaborate, develop, and apply promote actions that must

112 be accomplished in the Bolivian society because it is executive order. In order to see the complete information about the executive order we can see the annex B.

General functions of the Communication Ministry (MANUAL DE ORGANIZACIÓN Y FUNCIONES, 2015) expect:

• To promote, design and define policies, strategies and norms of the government communication. • To broadcast policies of Government of Plurinational Estate.

In these general functions of the institutions, we take into account only two statements that reflect the government´s objectives in Bolivia. Also, the objective mentions that the government’s policies have to be broadcasted around the country. In particular, these are some pertinent evidences that support the propaganda use, and it is diffused in all kinds of media in Bolivia.

These government attributions along with linguistic resources of propaganda structure the eminent manipulation and dominant social group over the Bolivian society described on the data analysis in the Months of July and August 2017. After the events of corruption scandals and results of Referendum of February 21st, the linguistic resource of propaganda is used not only to persuade social disagreement, but also it is used to maintain the positive image of the government in Bolivia. In addition, the government along with the evidences of propaganda use intends to demonstrate the reasonable and appropriate diffusion of propaganda because it is based on concrete argument. However, in the analysis process it is seen that the arguments do not reflect the reality.

On the other hand, the Executive Orders of propaganda use contribute to the propaganda diffusion concerned with communicational purpose in Bolivia. Apart from the informational purpose, the government propaganda was used to persuade social criticism in relation to the issues of Fondo Indígena, and the results of referendum. It was also used to maintain the positive image of the government. In fact, social persuasion, ideological impositions authority sign, misinformation, and egocentrism were confirmed through the analysis of linguistic resources of the government propaganda.

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4.4. MAJOR FINDINGS Having analyzed the data, here are the major findings of three categories that the following tables illustrates:

ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY I (LINGUISTIC CHOICES) LEXICALIZATION TRANSITIVITY ACTIVE AND NOMINALIZATION PASSIVE VOICE • Nouns. • Subjects • Active sentences • Words with double • Noun (participant). (emphasis on functions. phrases. • Verbs (process). agent of action). • Nouns • Extended • Adverbs (social • Passive sentences (production, noun phrases. context). (object emphasis construction). • Weasel word. on completed • Verbs (p

(promulgó). action). • roducirá, construyamos). CHOICES OF CHOICE OF THEMATIC INFORMATION MOOD MODALITY STRUCTURE FOCUS • Tone elements in • Expressive • Clause • Ambiguous discourse. modalities emphasis. sentences. • Expressive (poder, sentences. financiará). • Exclamative sentences. COHESIVE DEVICES • Reference: Anaphora, cataphora,

and exophora. • Substitution: verbal and nominal. • Ellipsis: verbal and nominal.

• Conjunction: coordinatives.

Table 1.4. Main findings of Category I.

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ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY II (RHETORICAL DEVICES)

• Metaphors: • Comparisons: • Hyperbole: • Synecdoche: • Parallelism: Comparisons Qualification Exaggeration Naming a verbal, from literal between past of noun by part adverbial meaning to and current government of it. (Naming repetitions another. term of information. a house by in a clause. (hands government. roof techo.) manos with workers, and hands with governments)

Table 2.4. Main findings of Category II.

ANALYSIS OF CATEGORY III (ADDITIONAL STRATEGIES)

• Nonverbal strategies: • Legitimation strategies: • Persuasion strategies: Headline emphasis The use of pronouns (us, The propagandist`s view through the effects, types our) for justifying dominant creates (event and and size of text. social position. context model).

Table 3.4. Main findings of Category III.

The explanation related to these three tables (analysis of categories I, II, and III) are illustrated in extended form in the next stage:

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The results of major findings of the present research are described in brief in this stage. Determinations related to the analysis of linguistic resources employed in propaganda spots are based on CDA as a method of research. These major discoveries are generated from the analysis of three categories: linguistic choices, rhetorical devices, and additional strategies of linguistic resources. Certainly, the main findings could be the way to illustrate the result of analysis which contributes to the understandings of language use in order to emerge a new theory of the research.

First, the major findings of linguistic choices endow the following results: Persuasion is reflected through the use of noun phrases along with syntactic and semantic structure based on analysis of wording and transitivity. In addition, the sign of authority is demonstrated in the course of the analysis of structures of modal verbs and active and passive voice. The social acceptance is reflected through the use of expressive statements and split reports in propaganda spots. The elements of intimation and manipulation are caused by the use of nominalization and ambiguous sentences, and the dominant ideology of the government is confirmed through the use of thematic structures and word references as vocabulary employed in TV spots.

Second, the main findings of rhetorical devices contribute to the following outcomes: The government´s persuasion is also confirmed through the use of metaphors, exaggerations and synecdoche forms, and it is also supported by structures of parallelism which brands the message of propagandist. The identity of egocentrism is reflected due to use of qualifying the past and current terms of government.

Third, the major discoveries of additional strategies include the next statements: The identity of a dominant society is demonstrated through the use of different types of headlines in the spot which confirms a high economic investment in the development of spots. The different headline developments also reflect the government aim of persuasion. Additionally, the imposition of the government ideology is legitimized based on the use of pronouns in order to control the inter-group relations.

In fact, these major findings reflect the government´s authority, manipulative, and persuasive identity. It is understood that linguistic resources employed in propaganda not only contribute to identify the dominant ideology, but also contribute to the misinformation and maintenance of positive image of the government in Bolivia. At the end, the executive orders of propaganda use

116 and their evidences promote the use of propaganda and persuasion. These main findings are illustrated briefly in the following figure as a summary of data analysis which emphasizes the emerging theory of the present research.

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CAUSE CONDITION LINGUISTIC CHOICES

• Fondo Indígena • Lexicalization. • Referendum February 21 • Transitivity. • Active and passive voice. • Nominalization. • RISING RESULTS

FINDINGS GOVERNMENT • Social persuasion. PROPAGANDA • Nouns, noun phrases. • Authority sign of A. Plan generación de • Semantic and syntactic of

empleo 1. discourse. propagandist. • Active and passive sentences. B. Plan generación de • Social acceptance. empleo 2. • Modal verbs. C. Microinformativo Bolivia • Expressive sentences and tone • Social manipulation and avanza rumbo a la agenda elements. intimation. 2025. • Nominalization. D. Microinformativo • Ambigous information. • Dominant ideology and (Bolivia 2025 digna y • Thematic structure and Word misinformation. soberana). references. E. 12 años de estabilidad económica.

LINGUISTIC CHOICES

• Modality. • Thematic structure. • Information focus. • Cohesion devices. Figure 1. 4. Summary of data analysis I.

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CAUSE CONDITION RHETORICAL DEVICES

• Fondo Indígena • Metaphors. • Referendum February 21 • Comparisons. • Hyperbole. • Synecdoche • parallelism

GOVERNMENT RISING RESULTS PROPAGANDA

FINDINGS • Emphasis of propagandist´s A. Plan generación de empleo 1. • Comparing (hands with workers). view for changing attitude. • Exaggeration of information. B. Plan generación de • Egocentrism and social empleo 2. • Naming a house by roof. C. Microinformativo • Qualifying past and current terms persuasion. Bolivia avanza rumbo • Verbal and adverbial structure • Emerging and underlining the a la agenda 2025. repetition in a clause. D. Microinformativo • Headline emphasis. dominant society. (Bolivia 2025 digna y • The use of pronouns (we, our). • Legitimization of ideological soberana). • The view of propagandist. E. 12 años de estabilidad imposition and the control of económica. inter-group relations.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES • Non verbal strategies. • Legitimation strategies. • Persuasion strategies.

Figure 2. 4. Summary of data analysis II and III.

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The following specific details belong to figures 1.4 and 2.4.

4.4.1. SUMMARY OF DATA ANALYSIS This section is presented with the details related to the figures of 4.1, and 4.2.

4.4.2. CAUSE CONDITION In the present research, two social events are taken into account as main core of social problem in order to be contested by the government propaganda. These major events are: Fondo indígena and Referendum on February 21.

4.4.3. GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA The five TV spots take place in the procedure of analysis in order to uncover the meaning and the purpose of the government. These TV spots are categorized alphabetically as seen in both figures 4.1, and 4.2, (A, B, C, D, and E.).

4.4.4. LINGUISTIC CHOICES The first category is underlined along with the following linguistic choices as the main elements in the procedure of analysis in the research:

Lexicalization or wording, transitivity, active and passive voice, modal verbs, thematic structures, information focus, and cohesive devices.

4.4.5. RHETORICAL DEVICES The second category takes into account the following elements of rhetorical languages: metaphors, comparisons, hyperbole, synecdoche, and parallelism.

4.4.6. ADDITIONAL RESOURCES The third category is highlighted with the next additional resources: legitimation strategies, persuasive strategies and nonverbal strategies. The analysis of the research is carried out through these linguistic resources in order to generate the interpretation and the development of new theory.

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4.4.7. RISING RESULTS In the first category (Linguistic choices), the main findings are: nouns, noun phrases, extended noun phrases, semantic and syntactic structure of discourse, active sentences and modal verbs, expressive statements and tone elements, nominalizations, ambiguous information, thematic structures and word references.

In the second category (Rhetorical language), the main findings are: noun comparisons from literal meaning to other as: hands with workers, hands with government management; exaggeration of the government information (misinformation); naming one thing by part of it, such as, house by roof; qualifying past and current terms of the government by adverbs of time before and now; verbal and adverbial structures, and clause repetition of parallelism.

In the third category (additional resources), the main discoveries are: the use of personal pronouns we and our, which are the popular use in the propaganda spots; the outlook of propagandist is reflected by the statements of propaganda spots; finally, in the use of nonverbal strategies, the development of different headlines appears in the spots.

As a result of the analysis of linguistic resource employed by the government propaganda, the social persuasion is carried out through lexicalization, transitivity, and the use of rhetorical devices. In addition, the sign of authority of propagandist is reflected due to structure of active and passive sentences and modal verbs. Furthermore, the social acceptance is performed through the use of expressive statements and tone elements in discourse. The expressive statements are split reports recorded which are reflected in the spots.

Manipulation and intimation are confirmed by structures of nominalization and ambiguity. Moreover, dominant ideology is stated by means of thematic structure and word reference. Likewise, the egocentrism of propagandist is reflected by qualifying the past and current term through adverbs of time. The exaggeration of government information is replicated through structure of hyperbole and means of money, status, fame and others that construct implicit power of propagandist. Ideological imposition is legitimized by pronouns of we and our. Finally, the identity of dominant society is reflected through the use of different headlines in TV spots which imply economical investment in propaganda.

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4.5. EMERGING HYPOTHESES

The analysis of data provides to the following emerging hypotheses that become the theory of this study.

H 1. The government party MAS uses the following linguistic resources: lexicalization; transitivity; nominalizations; moods; active and passive forms; modals, ambiguous and reference forms; rhetorical language; nonverbal, legitimation, and persuasion strategies in verbal government propaganda as a strategy to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in Bolivian society in July and August 2017.

H 2. The linguistic resources used in verbal government propaganda reflect a dominant ideology, through their meaning and function that provide and enforce the ideology of the government. The appropriate and persistent use of them reflects a dominant ideology of the propagandist along with technological tool.

H 3. The role of government propaganda in July and August 2017 in Bolivia was to persuade social disagreement and to manipulate the social mind in order to achieve social support. In addition, the role was also to make government marketing image and to hide unclear actions in the context of social divergence.

4.6. RELIABILITY AND VALIDY OF THE STUDY This section provides the significance of concepts of reliability and validity of present study.

4.6.1. RELIABILITY This research is reliable since:

✓ The research uses information (units of analysis and corpus) at any given time, which can be demonstrated and confirmed in the corpus of analysis stated in the annex B. ✓ The cited authors reflect a logical performance that contributes to the referential, theoretical and historical relevant information of the present research. ✓ Taking into account the use of methodology it provides innovative perspective of this research and it can be useful for other contexts of social sciences. Therefore, the evidence can be confirmed along with the use of documentation techniques.

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✓ The analysis is based on an accurate procedure that categorizes and organizes all information concerned with the use of government propaganda in July and August 2017, in Bolivia. ✓ The reliability and objectivity of the study is demonstrated by the major findings.

4.6.2. VALIDITY The present research is valid because: ✓ Data organization of the government propaganda (corpus and units of analysis) and the use of technique are based on systematic procedure. The methodological elements establish the main interest of the research and the aim of CDA based on critical position of researcher. ✓ This study is valid for the Bolivian context because the interpretation of linguistic resources of the government propaganda taken from July and August 2017 are objective and authentic. ✓ The following corpus study (Plan generación de empleo 1 and 2, Microinformativo (Bolivia 2025 Digna y Soberana), and Microinformativo Bolivia avanza rumbo a la Agenda 2025) is valid because it is obtained from the formal permission of the Communication Ministry of Plurinational State of Bolivia. As a result, this study is valid in the area of Linguistics and therefore it is suitable for scientific research in social sciences.

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CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

5.1. CONCLUSIONS Considering the accomplishment of the research objectives and having analyzed the data this section provides a summary of the major findings regarding the linguistic resources used as strategies to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology in July and August 2017 in the Bolivian society. It is important to emphasize that this research has deeply studied how linguistic resources of the government propaganda (MAS) reflect a dominant discursive ideology and has identified the types of linguistic resources used as strategy to expand ideology in order to control the Bolivian population. The new theory is generated through the analysis of linguistic resources of MAS government propaganda developed by the Communication Ministry.

The analysis of this study takes Fairclough`s (1995) model of Critical Discourse Analysis, contending that there is a close link across text, discourse practice, and sociocultural practice. It also employs Walton`s (1997) observation of propaganda through Discourse Analysis which claims that propaganda is an art of persuasion and reeducation of the audience. Also, the research analysis is focused on van Dijk`s (1998) ideological structure, which is established to legitimate power or social inequality.

The linguistic resources used strategically in the MAS government propaganda have been described and the hidden ideology has been uncovered in propaganda spots. Therefore, we arrive at the following conclusions:

The analysis of the linguistic resources of the five TV spots have been carried out through the categorization of three groups established in the analysis procedure. These conceptual constructions are: linguistic choices, rhetorical devices, and additional strategies. The linguistic resources employed by the government propaganda have been analyzed based on linguistic forms (structures). Each statement of spots was analyzed according to the category that belongs to.

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Firstly, MAS government propaganda uses linguistic resources such as lexicalization, pattern of transitivity, active and passive voice, nominalization, choice of mood, modality and polarity, thematic structures, information focus, and cohesive devices to legitimize dominant ideology on the Bolivian population. Also, these linguistic choices are used to persuade, to intimate, to manipulate and to reflect the authoritative attitude of the government.

Secondly, regarding rhetorical devices, most of the propaganda spots use metaphors, comparisons, hyperbole, and parallelism to convince Bolivian people that the country does not have any problems. The structure and the meaning of these linguistic resources show exaggeration of the propagandist`s message and the attitude of egocentrism based on qualifying the past and current term of government.

Lastly, concerned with additional strategies, the propaganda spots use nonverbal strategies to emphasize visual image and text relevance. Additionally, pronouns (we, our) are used to highlight persuasion strategies regarding the means of (the views of propagandist). These additional strategies are used to promote ideological imposition and to legitimize the manipulation of the inter-group relations.

In essence, the government propaganda spots shape their ideology through long noun phrases and ambiguous sentences to characterize dominant identity and social manipulation. Likewise, these TV spots form their ideology based on split reports in relation to the actions as: school and roadway buildings, development industries, improvement of farmers’ activity by using high-tech tools, and positive expressive ideologies about the government policy to differentiate the government party of MAS. Most of these reports did not inform the reality.

However, the government spots form actions and roles to characterize its political party through active voice and modal verbs used in propaganda. According to the Communication Ministry these linguistic resources reflect actions and roles of the government in contribution to the Bolivian society.

Thus, the structure and persistence of different types of headlines in propaganda shape a dominant and powerful identity of the populist government of Evo Morales. The message of

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the government propaganda is molded to persuade and influence social attitude to promote authoritative identity.

It can be argued that, the main role of the government propaganda spots was to persuade social disagreement since the political party of government of Evo Morales experienced corruptions facts during 2015 and 2016. These spots were relevant in order to contrast the facts of economic fraud of (Fondo Indigena), and to ignore the results of referendum in 2016. Nevertheless, Not only were the government propaganda spots used as a strategy to bring forward a dominant discursive ideology, but also these strategies were used as a marketing of government image.

The study and the analysis of propaganda spots, shows that the use of linguistic resources in the government propaganda has been used to lie, persuade, exaggerate, manipulate, influence, and misinform the reality, and it also legitimizes a dominant discursive ideology of the government of Evo Morales and his powerful identity. In essence, the government along with the Communication Ministry tried convincing the Bolivian society, but nothing was forever. The uncertain actions always emerge as a powerful light of sun.

As a result, in spite of the facts of corruption scandals and the results of the referendum, the appropriate use of linguistic resources in the government propaganda accomplished reasonable results in July and August 2017, in Bolivia. The study reveals amazingly the discursive structures of propaganda spots, which have implications of dominant attitude and ideological imposition against the Bolivian population. Through the analysis, it has been possible to uncover the hidden meaning of government messages, which are embedded in the use of linguistic resources.

Overall, the main findings of the study reflect the importance of being aware of the potentiality of language use to manipulate and persuade the facts and realities. Hence, propaganda has been a fundamental instrument to the survivability and permanence of the government of MAS in the context of social disagreement in 2017. The government propaganda continues influencing and shaping the ideas and opinions of the population in Bolivia. The fact is that communication is a main need of human being through the language use which generates power.

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Some social groups take the language use as an advantage to maintain and enhance the expected domain over less power groups, such as the Bolivian society. Nowadays, propaganda spot is the type of political communication to persuade society, and it will be in the future. It may be more sophisticated than it is in the present time because of technological improvement. Giving these points, propaganda along with persuasive notion could be used in a positive way in our society. Persuasive elements could be used to influence patriotism, moral values, essence of respect, and culture of reading that our society really needs in order to work out different social problems.

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5.2. RECOMMENDATIONS From this last section we do emphasize some important recommendations to encourage future researchers, who through CDA, put into practice different social problems in the area of Linguistics, applied linguistics and communication in general.

First of all, when concluding research or when doing a critical analysis, the researcher should be someone compromised to denounce abuse of power and inequality in the society. this can only be done having a critical eye and a critical mind.

Second, in the political context, the researcher should reflect public interests and try to answer to her or his inquiries of the social and political problems of the country. The researcher should be reflective, self-critical, in order to accomplish a research in a rational way. Regarding the results and conclusion of the present study, forthcoming investigation should be developed in order to identify the signs of power, ideologies and manipulation in different text types, which capture attitude change in the variety of social and informational settings in which it occurs.

Through the method of CDA, some topics or subjects should be taken into account related to Bolivian society such as political propaganda, advertisements, political speech exaggerations, the use of body language of Bolivian public institutions, political and social memes, and other social problems that promote social difference and dominance through discourse mechanisms and language use. Similarly, the present study was focused on TV spots, but researchers can also study propaganda of written media and verbal propaganda of radio in Bolivia. Furthermore, researchers should focus on non-linguistic features and phenomena, such as, kinesics related to the importance of smile, and emotive expressions regarding the humor of pattern in appropriate social communication particularly in Bolivian context.

These guidelines are suggested with a vision to enable and encourage CDA researchers to set their stands of explanation, and methodological rules which will help them to achieve their objectives of better understanding the world in which they live, of self-emancipation through knowledge, and even, perhaps, of the emancipation of others.

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ANNEXES ANNEX “A”

✓ CATEGORIES

✓ FIGURES

ANNEX “B”

✓ TRANSCRIPTION OF THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS ✓ PHYSICAL DISC OF THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA ✓ EXECUTIVE ORDER OF PROPAGANDA

✓ A PERMISSION LETTER OF USING THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS

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ANNEX A

CATEGORIES OF DATA ANALYSIS AND FIGURES

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ANNEX A 1

CATEGORY I

CATEGORIES LEX TRA AC/PC NO M/CH MO T/S I/F C/D A. Plan generación 2,3,5 6 26 de empleo 1. B. Plan generación 13,14, 27 40 de empleo 2. 15,16 C. Microinformativo 8, 9 10,11 17,18, 24 28, 30, Bolivia avanza 19,20 33,

rumbo a la ,21,22, 34, agenda 2025. 23 35, 37, D. Microinformativo 4 7 12 25 29 31, (Bolivia 2025 36, Digna y 38, soberana) 41. E. 12 años de 1 32, estabilidad económica 39 Total sentences. 5 1 3 3 11 2 1 3 13 The numbers in the chart are the sentences of transcript of propaganda. The arrow in the chart specifies the sequence of analysis The numbers that appear in bold are the first and the end in the analysis process.

LEX: Lexicalization or wording. 5 MO: Modality. 2

TRA: Transitivity. 1 T/S: Thematic structure. 1

AC/PC: Active and passive voice 3 I/F: Information focus. 3

NO: Nominalization. 3 C/D: Cohesive device 13

M/CH: Mood choice. 11 Total sentences 42

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ANNEX A 2

CATEGORY II

CATEGORIES ME CO HY SY PA A. Plan generación de 46,47, empleo 1.

B. Plan generación de 42, 51 empleo 2. 43,

C. Microinformativo 44,45 48 Bolivia avanza rumbo a la agenda 2025.

D. Microinformativo 49 (Bolivia 2025 Digna y soberana)

E. 12 años de estabilidad 50 económica

Total sentences 2 2 4 1 1

ME: Metaphor. 2

CO: Comparison. 2

HY: Hyperbole 4

SY: Synecdoche. 1

PA: Parallelism 1

Total sentences 10

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ANNEX A 3

CATEGORY III

CATEGORIES NOV/S LE/S PE/S

A. Plan generación de empleo 1. 53, 57, 54,

B. Plan generación de empleo 2.

C. Microinformativo Bolivia avanza rumbo a la agenda 52, 2025.

D. Microinformativo (Bolivia 2025 Digna y soberana) 58.

E. 12 años de estabilidad económica 55, 56

Total sentences 1 4 2

NOV/S: Nonverbal strategy. 1

LE/S: Legitimation strategy. 4

PE/S: Persuasion strategy. 2

Total sentences 7

LINGUISTIC CHOICES 42 THREE CATEGORIES OF ANALYSIS RHETORICAL DEVICES 10

ADDITIONAL STRATEGIES 7

TOTAL SENTENCES 59

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ANNEX A 4

PICTURES TAKEN FROM THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS

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ANNEX A 5

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ANNEX B

TRANSCRIPTION MATERIALS AND EXECUTIVE ORDER

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TRANSCRIPTIONS OF GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS FROM (DISC OF THE COMMUNICATION MINISTRY)

ANNEX B 1

TRANSCRIPT A. (Plan Generación de Empleo 1)

(1) Voice over: La estabilidad económica que vivimos los bolivianos desde hace 11 años permite al Estado boliviano a implementar políticas sociales en beneficio de las mayorías. (2) Evo Morales: Hacer a progresar al pueblo boliviano, un plan de empleos, que empieza este año, nuestra política, nuestro programa siempre está orientado a trabajar a esa profunda diferencia entre los ricos y los pobres. (3) Voice over: El presidente Evo Morales promulgó el plan generación de empleo con programas de fortalecimiento a la infraestructura urbana, rehabilitación de áreas productivas, incentivos a la empresa privada y créditos para el arranque de micro y pequeñas empresas, se crearán nuevas fuentes de empleo para los bolivianos. (4) Evos Morales: Con este programa, se estima que vamos a bajar a 2,7 % de desempleo. (5) Voice over: El manejo cuidadoso de nuestros recursos económicos para una sociedad con igualdad de oportunidades. (May 22, 2017, Communication Ministry).

This spot of propaganda was created on May 22, 2017, and the duration of this propaganda is 50 seconds.

According to the Communication Ministry the spot supports National plan of employments regarding the program of government which helps in order to reduce unemployment across the institutions that promote encouragements in work insertion of Bolivian society. Such National Plan of employment includes five important characteristics: • Labor insertion. • Fund for capital seed. • Program of facility. • Protection and qualification of production areas.

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• Motivation to Employment creation regarding public hiring.

In fact, this background´s information of spot is arranged along with the Ministry of Development Planning (MDP) and the Communication Ministry (CM).

ANNEX B 2

TRANSCRIPT B. (Plan Generación de Empleo 2)

1. Voice over: Es hora de arrancar este siclo de trabajos juntos hacia arriba nunca para abajo donde nuevos tiempos para nuestras vidas. Es hora de aportar a esta nueva Bolivia. Jóvenes de hoy somos muy activos trabajamos y aprendemos somos positivos. Regresen el bien es para todos, en las oportunidades siempre hay un modo. Las empresas bolivianas necesitan más manos, necesita tu esfuerzo tu trabajo diario. Hoy Bolivia está en buenas manos en las suyas y en las mías y en la de mis hermanos. Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja, Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja. 2. Man: Bolivia es joven, Bolivia trabaja. (Novermber 6, 2017, Communication Ministry).

It was created on November 6, 2017; it lasts 1minute and 5 seconds. In 2017; the news of Página Siete reported that the National Plan started with two programs of employment, which were going to help society who counted on minimum academic formation related to technicians, new graduate professionals, even the support was directed to employees who got pregnant during the program process of employment.

The purpose of that plan is to generate at least 6.500 job sources and it is directed to young people of limited means between 18 and 35 ages.

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ANNEX B 3

TRANSCRIPT C. (Microinformativo Bolivia avanza rumbo a la Agenda 2025)

1. Voice over: Bolivia veinte veinticinco digna y soberana. 2. woman: Es un aporte muy bueno. 3. man: Tantos años hemos esperado. 4. man: Teníamos poca cantidad de tractores. 5. woman: Nos va servir mucho. 6. man: Ahora hay todo con el presidente. 7. Voice over: Integración, desarrollo y progreso con identidad cultural, sueños anhelados, sueños cumplidos, en los últimos días en el marco de las actividades de festejo del aniversario del departamento de Cochabamba, se inauguró la planta de amoniaco y Urea de Bulo Bulo que producirá Urea para mejorar la producción agropecuaria y fortalecer la seguridad alimentaria del país. 8. Evo Morales: Esta industria no es con crédito internacional, son con nuestras reservas internacionales. 9. Voice over: En Yacuiba Tarija fue inaugurado la fase final de la octava versión de los juegos estudiantiles plurinacionales Presidente Evo Morales nivel secundario en el que participaran alrededor de mil quinientos competidores en once diferentes disciplinas deportivas. Ochenta y cinco millones de bolivianos están garantizados para la construcción de veinte unidades educativas que beneficiaran al menos a diez distritos de la ciudad El Alto financiado por el programa Bolivia cambia, Evo cumple. 10. Man: ¡Pucha! Lindo regalo, antes no había pues. 11. Man: Ese es desarrollo. 12. Woman: Muchas gracias al presidente Evo Morales. 13. Man: Con estos tractores vamos a poder apoyar. 14. Man: Todos estamos muy contentos. 15. Man: Es el mejor presidente del mundo. 16. Voice over: Bolivia Estado independiente digno y soberano. (August 28, 2017, Communication Ministry).

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The spot was created on August 28, 2017; the duration of it is 30 seconds. The important magazine of Plurinational State of Bolivia, called (Bolivia Unida con Ministerio de Autonomías) stated what the Bolivian society wants by 2025. As a result, the government of Evo Morales has raised 13 main basement articles, based on two famous words used in this government worthy and sovereign (Digna y soberana) related to Patriotic Program of 2025.

Each of those articles has certain tasks to be completed in order to achieve the main objective. Each Plurinational institution has to provide its performance and effort in the context of creation of new society.

The Development of Patriotic Program was a shared responsibility of all government levels reported in the written publication. Additionally, the magazine mentioned that after many years of struggle we achieve to refund our country that was born regarding pain and glory, from 2006, as a new Plurinational State of Bolivia, and in 2009, it consolidated under new Political Constitution of Estate, starting its new way forward to new times of balance supported always by social movements.

The 13 basement articles are arguments of the government propaganda spots as the following:

1. Extreme poverty elimination. 2. Socialization and universalization of basic facilities to live well with sovereignty. 3. Education, health, and sport for integral human being formation. 4. Scientific and technological sovereignty with own identity. 5. Sovereign, financial community without servility to financial capitalism. 6. Productive sovereign with diversification and integral development without capitalism market dictatorship. 7. Sovereignty over our natural resources with nationalization, industrialization and marketing concerned with harmony and balance with mother earth. 8. Food sovereignty through knowledge construction of living on to live well. 9. Environmental sovereignty with integral development, regarding rights of mother earth. 10. Complement integration of people with sovereignty.

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11. Sovereignty and clarity of public management under principles of not stealing, not lying, and not being slack. 12. Enjoyment and full happiness of our parties, music, rivers, jungles, snowy peaks, clean air of our dreams. 13. Sovereign reunion with our joy, happiness, prosperity and our sea.

ANNEX B 4

TRANSCRIPT D. (Microinformativo (Bolivia 2025 Digna y Soberana)

1. Man: Bolivia veinte veinticinco. 2. Woman: La administración responsable de nuestra economía permite al Estado llegar hasta los municipios más alejados con obras y proyectos que mejoran la calidad de vida de bolivianas y bolivianos. El teleférico de la capital del folklore boliviano Oruro tiene una inversión garantizada para su construcción y el gobierno nacional financiará el cincuenta por ciento el costo total y en la comunidad del Sebaruyo Oruro se entregó un coliseo cerrado. En Cochabamba una nueva Unidad Educativa para los estudiantes de Vinto y otra para los jóvenes de Ibergarsama. En La Paz, los profesores de área rural recibieron computadoras para potenciar la labor educativa. El municipio de La Paz y El Alto se beneficiaron con un crédito de treinta millones de dólares otorgados por el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo para proyectos de drenaje pluvial. En Cajuata, provincia Inquisivi se inauguró un bloque de aulas para la Unidad Educativa Villa Barrientos. En el municipio de Yacuiba, Tarija cuenta ya con un moderno coliseo poli deportivo y recursos para la construcción de dos nuevas Unidades Educativas. 3. Evo Morales: Es mi obligación ver la forma de cómo avanzar en la construcción de obras. 4. Woman: Invertimos en el presente de nuestra gente. Construyamos la nueva Bolivia. (February 2017, Communication Ministry).

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It was created in February, 2017, and it lasts 1 minute and 30 seconds. Concerning with agreements, the Supreme Decree N° 29894 and the Executive body of Plurinational State of Bolivia have participation related to some 13 basement articles in the Patriotic Program of 2025.

ANNEX B 5

TRANSCRIPT E. (12 años de estabilidad económica)

1. Voice over: La Bolivia que nunca dejamos de creer, la Bolivia nuestra y que siempre fue nuestra, la Bolivia que recuperamos, la nueva Bolivia que hizo posible nuestro reencuentro y puso respeto a nuestra diversidad y nos devolvió el orgullo de ser lo que somos. Hoy celebra ocho años desde su refundación como plurinacional y soberana. Las bolivianas y los bolivianos celebramos también doce años de trabajo intenso y ayudar sin descanso para llegar hasta los hogares para asumirlos con atención médica, agua, gas domiciliario y proteger a la familia con un techo propio, hemos acortado distancias construyendo carreteras modernas, hemos acortado desigualdades construyendo oportunidades. Hemos disminuido la pobreza, nos hemos convertido en el país con mayor crecimiento en la región, hoy celebramos doce años de estabilidad económica, celebramos un nuevo aniversario en democracia escuchando y respetando la voz del pueblo. (August 6, 2017, Communication Ministry).

The spot was created in February 2017. It lasts 1 minute and 14 seconds. Some of those propaganda spots are developed along with magazines like previous ones. The magazine supports some important information as the arguments of propaganda spots. According to the magazine report, the Bolivian economy in 2017, came out the highest enhancements about 4, 2%, close to 4, 7% from 2014. According to that information, the areas which contribute to the

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context of economy improvement were agriculture with 7, 6%; transportation, storage, and communication 5, 2%; restaurants and hotels 5, 1%.

ANNEX B 6

PHYSICAL DISC OF THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS

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ANNEX B 7

EXECUTIVE ORDER OF PROPAGANDA USE

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154

155

156

157

158

159

160

ANNEX B 8

REPORT OF ORNANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES RELATED TO REFERENDUM FEBRUARY 21, 2016

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162

163

164

ANNEX B 9

PERMISSION LETTER FOR USING THE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA SPOTS

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