Immigration Detention in Libya
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Situation of Human Rights in Libya, and the Effectiveness of Technical Assistance and Capacity-Building Measures Received by the Government of Libya
United Nations A/HRC/43/75 General Assembly Distr.: General 23 January 2020 Original: English Human Rights Council Forty-third session 24 February–20 March 2020 Agenda items 2 and 10 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Technical assistance and capacity-building Situation of human rights in Libya, and the effectiveness of technical assistance and capacity-building measures received by the Government of Libya Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Summary In the present report, submitted to the Human Rights Council pursuant to Council resolution 40/27, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights describes the situation of human rights in Libya from January to December 2019, and provides an overview of the work and technical assistance conducted by the Human Rights, Transitional Justice and Rule of Law Service of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner (OHCHR). The High Commissioner highlights key human rights issues relating to the protection of civilians in armed conflict, in particular its impact on women and children; the situation of migrants and refugees; the rights to freedom of opinion and expression; the administration of justice; and the support provided to victims of human rights violations. The High Commissioner also describes capacity-building activities conducted by UNSMIL and the implementation of the human rights due diligence policy on United Nations support to non-United Nations security forces. The High Commissioner concludes the report with recommendations for the Government of National Accord in Libya, all parties to the conflict and the international community. -
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1. Detailed Methodology 2. Participation 3. Awareness 4. Knowledge 5. Communication 6. Service Delivery 7. Legitimacy 8. Drivers of Legitimacy 9. Focus Group Recommendations 10. Demographics Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by Altai Consulting. This research is intended to support the development and evaluation of IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative programming with municipal councils. The research consisted of quantitative and qualitative components, conducted by IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative respectively. • Data was collected April 14 to May 24, 2016, and was conducted over the phone from Altai’s call center using computer-assisted telephone technology. • The sample was 2,671 Libyans aged 18 and over. • Quantitative: Libyans from the 22 administrative districts were interviewed on a 45-question questionnaire on municipal councils. In addition, 13 municipalities were oversampled to provide a more focused analysis on municipalities targeted by programming. Oversampled municipalities include: Tripoli Center (224), Souq al Jumaa (229), Tajoura (232), Abu Salim (232), Misrata (157), Sabratha (153), Benghazi (150), Bayda (101), Sabha (152), Ubari (102), Weddan (101), Gharyan (100) and Shahat (103). • The sample was post-weighted in order to ensure that each district corresponds to the latest population pyramid available on Libya (US Census Bureau Data, updated 2016) in order for the sample to be nationally representative. • Qualitative: 18 focus groups were conducted with 5-10 people of mixed employment status and level of education in Tripoli Center (men and women), Souq al Jumaa (men and women), Tajoura (men), Abu Salim (men), Misrata (men and women), Sabratha (men and women), Benghazi (men and women), Bayda (men), Sabha (men and women), Ubari (men), and Shahat (men). -
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26. -
Unhcr Position on the Designations of Libya As a Safe Third Country and As a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation Following Rescue at Sea
UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA September 2020 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 1 Situation of Foreign Nationals (Including Asylum-Seekers, Refugees and Migrants)................................... 3 Humanitarian Situation ................................................................................................................................. 11 International Protection Needs of Foreign Nationals Departing from/through Libya .................................. 16 Libya as a Country of Asylum ...................................................................................................................... 16 Designation of Libya as Safe Third Country ................................................................................................ 16 Designation of Libya as a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation following Rescue at Sea ... 17 Introduction 1. This position supersedes and replaces UNHCR’s guidance on foreign nationals in Libya contained in the Position on Returns to Libya – Update II of September 2018; however, UNHCR guidance in relation to Libyan nationals and habitual residents as provided in the September -
THE STATUS of WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS in LIBYA the Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya
Ref: Al-monitor THE STATUS OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN LIBYA The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا THE WHRD COALITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Researcher: Hana Farhat Proofreading: Sawssan Abou Zahr Designer: Athar al-Aghar www.whrdmena.org www.facebook.com/whrdmena www.twitter.com/whrdmena 2 «One month ago, they tried to assassinate my son…he was driving my car, so maybe they want me. Maybe they want my family ...but this is not about Salwa – you know, there are many, many activists ... [that they have] «.targeted التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا Bugaighis speaking on the National Public Radio a few weeks before her death in 2014.1 1. J. Giovanni, “Mother of Libya’s Revolution Killed,”Newsweek, 7 November 2014. Available online: http:// europe.newsweek.com/mother-libyas-revolution-murdered260375-?rm=eu[Accessed 15 September 2016) 3 The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya Salwa Bugaighis was a prominent lawyer and Woman Human Rights Defender in Libya.She was instrumental during the Libyan revolution of 2011, following a career in defending political 17 demonstration of 2011 theprisoners National under Transitional Qaddafi’s Council, regime. the She uprising›s helped organise political the wing, February Salwa was vice-president of ain preparatory Benghazi, one committee of the first for protests national that dialogue ignited in the Libya.She political was uprising.As assassinated former in her member house of in Benghazi by unknown hooded men wearing military uniform on the 25thof June, 2014, on the same day as the elections for the House of Representatives. -
The Prospect of Libya
FHSMUN GULF COAST 7 UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL THE SITUATION IN LIBYA Author: Brian D. Sutliff “The prospect of Libya in freefall should give all pause, especially the vulnerable neighbours.”1 “…ensuring the democratic rights of the Libyan people, the need for a consensual government based on the principle of separation of powers, oversight and balance between them, as well as the need to empower state institutions like the Government of National Accord so that they can address the serious challenges ahead, respect for the Libyan judiciary and its independence.”2 Introduction In the aftermath of the Arab Spring of 2011 and subsequent regime changes in Egypt and Tunisia, the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi’s3 42-year long reign unleashed violence and reprisals that continue to rend Libya’s fragile social fabric and threaten to destabilize the broader region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While the Fund for Peace currently ranks Libya as the 28th most fragile country, simultaneously the Fund ranks Libya as experiencing the most severe deterioration of its situation over the last 10 years (2009-2019).4 Renewed violence and continued power struggles exacerbate existing regional and/or ethnic/tribal rivalries within Libya, while also attracting the attention of both neighboring and global powers. The violence and instability of the past 8 years, exemplified by General Khalifa Hiftar’s renewed assault on Tripoli, starkly illustrate the profound need for a just and enduring political solution. Scale of the Problem The estimates for the numbers of Libyans killed, wounded, and displaced, including those who have fled the country, do not garner the same attention and focus as the horrific totals emanating from Syria, but Libya’s population is approximately 35% that of Syria’s 1 International Crisis Group (ICG), “The Libyan Political Agreement: Time for a Reset”, Middle East and North Africa Report No. -
Yosof Ibderi Was Mayor of Gharyan in Northwest Libya Until Militias Led by Khalifa Haftar Attacked and Seized the City Last Month
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 05/13/2019 8:03:17 PM "DISSEMINATED BY MERCURY PUBLIC AFFAIRS, LLC, A REGISTERED FOREIGN AGENT, ON BEHALF OF LIBYA'S GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL ACCORD. MORE INFORMATION IS ON FILE WITH THE DEPT. OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, DC". From: Adam Smith Sent: Sunday, May 5, 2019 12:50 PM Cc: Adam Smith <[email protected]> Subject: Eyewitness to the crisis in Libya Yosof Ibderi was mayor of Gharyan in northwest Libya until militias led by Khalifa Haftar attacked and seized the city last month. Mayor Gharyan, who was displaced to Tripoli, today released the following statement regarding the humanitarian crisis in the city of 200,000 under control of Haftar: “The humanitarian situation is dire. Most of the residents are trapped in Gharyan and have no place to go. There are no ways of bringing food items, cooking gas, or basic necessities into the town. Haftar’s militia’s created check points and instituted extreme security measures, including confiscating and searching phones, enacting strict curfews.There is no freedom of expression, assembly or movement. Even during the times of Qaddafi it wasn't this bad. Residents live in constant fear, and at some have been killed or are missing. The occupiers are thugs, militias with very disturbing tribal vigilante inclinations. The few residents of Gharyan who were initially supportive of Haftar are now 180 degrees against him after they saw the type of brutality his forces unleashed." For background, Haftar is the militia leader President Trump several weeks phoned to the surprise of much of the international community and apparently the State Department. -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking. -
Brookings Doha Center - Stanford University Project on Arab Transitions
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT & THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD UNIVERSITY PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 4, March 2014 PERSONNEL CHANGE OR PERSONAL CHANGE? RETHINKING LIBYA’S POLITICAL ISOLATION LAW ROMAN DAVID AND HOUDA MZIOUDET PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha T A B LE OF C ON T EN T S I. Executive Summary ...........................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. The Political Isolation Law and its Alternatives ...............................................................4 IV. Assessing the PIL and its Reconciliatory Alternatives ....................................................7 Establishment of a Trustworthy Government ..........................................................,..7 -
A Discourse Analysis of the Western-Led Intervention in Libya (2011)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA Y DE LA ADMINISTRACIÓN III TESIS DOCTORAL Human rights as performance: a discourse analysis of the Western-led intervention in Libya (2011) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTOR PRESENTADA POR Matthew Robson DIRECTOR Heriberto Cairo Carou Madrid, 2018 © Matthew Robson, 2017 PHD THESIS HUMAN RIGHTS AS PERFORMANCE: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE WESTERN-LED INTERVENTION IN LIBYA (2011) Matthew Robson Director de tesis: Heriberto Cairo Carou Departamento de Ciencia Política y de la Administración III (Teorías y Formas Políticas y Geografía Humana) Universidad Complutense de Madrid 1 Dedicated to Mum and Dad. 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgements 6 Transliteration 7 Abstract 8 Summary 9 Resúmen 13 INTRODUCTION 20 Objectives and elaboration of research questions 22 Literature review on the military intervention in Libya 26 -Concerning the legality of the NATO mission 28 -Ethical considerations 30 -The politics of Western intervention in Libya 33 Summary of Sections 48 PART 1 METHODOLOGICAL AND THEORETICAL 40 FRAMEWORK CHAPTER 1 METHODOLOGY / RESEARCH DESIGN 41 1. 1 Making choices in post-structural discourse analysis 41 1. 2 Research design for the Western-led intervention in Libya 44 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 53 2.1 The 'critical geopolitics' research project and 'imperiality' 53 2. 2 Questions of ontology and epistemology 62 3 2.3 Discourse, power and knowledge 69 2.4 Identity, performativity and intertextuality in foreign 77 policy discourse PART 2 LIBYA IN THE WESTERN GEOPOLITICAL 97 IMAGINATION CHAPTER 3 US AND UK RELATIONS WITH LIBYA 99 DURING THE COLD WAR 3. -
Fragile Stability and Future Opportunities in Libya's Sirte
Issue 2019/21 December 2019 The City in the Middle: Fragile Stability and Future Opportunities in Libya’s Sirte Omar Al-Hawari1 Since 4 April, Libya has been witnessing its third civil conflict in eight years. The conflict was sparked when the General Command of the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF),2 a diverse coalition headquartered in eastern Libya, launched a military operation to wrest control of the capital from actors loosely affiliated to the internationally- recognised Government of National Accord (GNA).3 While fighting has continued in and around Tripoli, with neither side able to gain a decisive victory, there have been concerns that the conflict over the capital could precipitate violence in other areas across the country. The coastal city of Sirte4 appeared particularly exposed, with its proximity to forces allied to the two main warring camps indicating it could become a new frontline. In addition to its strategic location in the centre of Libya’s northern coast, Sirte has a particular symbolism in Libya’s recent history. Having been the stronghold of the Qadhadhfa tribe and of the Jamahiriyya regime between 1969 and 2011, it then 1. Omar Al-Hawari is a communications engineer and researcher from the Sirte region. He has been cooperating with the Middle East Directions Programme since 2018. This paper was written as part of Middle East Directions’ Libya Initiative, which includes a project mentoring junior Libyan analysts. This paper was origi- nally written in Arabic. BRIEF 2. The LAAF is an alliance of armed military and civilian groups led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar.