Situation of Human Rights in Libya, and the Effectiveness of Technical Assistance and Capacity-Building Measures Received by the Government of Libya
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Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26. -
Speak Softly and Carry a Sealed Warrant: Building the International Criminal Court’S Legitimacy in the Wake of Sudan
APPEAL VOLUME 18 n 163 ARTICLE SPEAK SOFTLY AND CARRY A SEALED WARRANT: BUILDING THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT’S LEGITIMACY IN THE WAKE OF SUDAN Kai Sheffield* CITED: (2013) 18 Appeal 163-175 INTRODUCTION The Rome Statute, the constitutive treaty of the International Criminal Court (ICC), sets out the goals by which the Court’s legitimacy can be measured: punishment of perpetrators, deterrence of future crimes, and positive effects on the peace, security, and well-being of the world.1 Upholding and enhancing the legitimacy of the ICC is the duty of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court,2 and Luis Moreno Ocampo, Prosecutor until June 2012, made it his project to make the ICC a “reality” which political actors “cannot ignore.”3 During his time in office, Moreno Ocampo handed over a steady stream of accused war criminals and genocidaires from states party to the Rome Statute (State Parties) to the judges in The Hague.4 However, he was much less successful in bringing defendants from non-State Parties before the Court. Under the Rome Statute, the ICC possesses a limited power of universal jurisdiction, whereby it may prosecute individuals from non-State Parties through referrals from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).5 This power, however, is not well- * Kai Sheffield completed his J.D. at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law in the spring of 2012 and is currently an associate at Sullivan & Cromwell LLP in New York City. He completed his undergraduate degree in International Relations at the University of British Columbia. Kai wrote a shorter version of this paper as a third-year law student for Professor Michael Ignatieff’s Human Rights and International Politics class and is very grateful to Professor Ignatieff for his guidance and encouragement. -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Unhcr Position on the Designations of Libya As a Safe Third Country and As a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation Following Rescue at Sea
UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA UNHCR POSITION ON THE DESIGNATIONS OF LIBYA AS A SAFE THIRD COUNTRY AND AS A PLACE OF SAFETY FOR THE PURPOSE OF DISEMBARKATION FOLLOWING RESCUE AT SEA September 2020 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................... 1 Situation of Foreign Nationals (Including Asylum-Seekers, Refugees and Migrants)................................... 3 Humanitarian Situation ................................................................................................................................. 11 International Protection Needs of Foreign Nationals Departing from/through Libya .................................. 16 Libya as a Country of Asylum ...................................................................................................................... 16 Designation of Libya as Safe Third Country ................................................................................................ 16 Designation of Libya as a Place of Safety for the Purpose of Disembarkation following Rescue at Sea ... 17 Introduction 1. This position supersedes and replaces UNHCR’s guidance on foreign nationals in Libya contained in the Position on Returns to Libya – Update II of September 2018; however, UNHCR guidance in relation to Libyan nationals and habitual residents as provided in the September -
THE STATUS of WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS in LIBYA the Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya
Ref: Al-monitor THE STATUS OF WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN LIBYA The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا THE WHRD COALITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Researcher: Hana Farhat Proofreading: Sawssan Abou Zahr Designer: Athar al-Aghar www.whrdmena.org www.facebook.com/whrdmena www.twitter.com/whrdmena 2 «One month ago, they tried to assassinate my son…he was driving my car, so maybe they want me. Maybe they want my family ...but this is not about Salwa – you know, there are many, many activists ... [that they have] «.targeted التحالف اﻹقليمي للمدافعات عن حقوق اﻹنسان في شرق اﻻوسط و شمال أفريقيا Bugaighis speaking on the National Public Radio a few weeks before her death in 2014.1 1. J. Giovanni, “Mother of Libya’s Revolution Killed,”Newsweek, 7 November 2014. Available online: http:// europe.newsweek.com/mother-libyas-revolution-murdered260375-?rm=eu[Accessed 15 September 2016) 3 The Status of Women Human Rights Defenders in Libya Salwa Bugaighis was a prominent lawyer and Woman Human Rights Defender in Libya.She was instrumental during the Libyan revolution of 2011, following a career in defending political 17 demonstration of 2011 theprisoners National under Transitional Qaddafi’s Council, regime. the She uprising›s helped organise political the wing, February Salwa was vice-president of ain preparatory Benghazi, one committee of the first for protests national that dialogue ignited in the Libya.She political was uprising.As assassinated former in her member house of in Benghazi by unknown hooded men wearing military uniform on the 25thof June, 2014, on the same day as the elections for the House of Representatives. -
The Prospect of Libya
FHSMUN GULF COAST 7 UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL THE SITUATION IN LIBYA Author: Brian D. Sutliff “The prospect of Libya in freefall should give all pause, especially the vulnerable neighbours.”1 “…ensuring the democratic rights of the Libyan people, the need for a consensual government based on the principle of separation of powers, oversight and balance between them, as well as the need to empower state institutions like the Government of National Accord so that they can address the serious challenges ahead, respect for the Libyan judiciary and its independence.”2 Introduction In the aftermath of the Arab Spring of 2011 and subsequent regime changes in Egypt and Tunisia, the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi’s3 42-year long reign unleashed violence and reprisals that continue to rend Libya’s fragile social fabric and threaten to destabilize the broader region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While the Fund for Peace currently ranks Libya as the 28th most fragile country, simultaneously the Fund ranks Libya as experiencing the most severe deterioration of its situation over the last 10 years (2009-2019).4 Renewed violence and continued power struggles exacerbate existing regional and/or ethnic/tribal rivalries within Libya, while also attracting the attention of both neighboring and global powers. The violence and instability of the past 8 years, exemplified by General Khalifa Hiftar’s renewed assault on Tripoli, starkly illustrate the profound need for a just and enduring political solution. Scale of the Problem The estimates for the numbers of Libyans killed, wounded, and displaced, including those who have fled the country, do not garner the same attention and focus as the horrific totals emanating from Syria, but Libya’s population is approximately 35% that of Syria’s 1 International Crisis Group (ICG), “The Libyan Political Agreement: Time for a Reset”, Middle East and North Africa Report No. -
A Discourse Analysis of the Western-Led Intervention in Libya (2011)
UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS POLÍTICAS Y SOCIOLOGÍA DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA Y DE LA ADMINISTRACIÓN III TESIS DOCTORAL Human rights as performance: a discourse analysis of the Western-led intervention in Libya (2011) MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTOR PRESENTADA POR Matthew Robson DIRECTOR Heriberto Cairo Carou Madrid, 2018 © Matthew Robson, 2017 PHD THESIS HUMAN RIGHTS AS PERFORMANCE: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE WESTERN-LED INTERVENTION IN LIBYA (2011) Matthew Robson Director de tesis: Heriberto Cairo Carou Departamento de Ciencia Política y de la Administración III (Teorías y Formas Políticas y Geografía Humana) Universidad Complutense de Madrid 1 Dedicated to Mum and Dad. 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgements 6 Transliteration 7 Abstract 8 Summary 9 Resúmen 13 INTRODUCTION 20 Objectives and elaboration of research questions 22 Literature review on the military intervention in Libya 26 -Concerning the legality of the NATO mission 28 -Ethical considerations 30 -The politics of Western intervention in Libya 33 Summary of Sections 48 PART 1 METHODOLOGICAL AND THEORETICAL 40 FRAMEWORK CHAPTER 1 METHODOLOGY / RESEARCH DESIGN 41 1. 1 Making choices in post-structural discourse analysis 41 1. 2 Research design for the Western-led intervention in Libya 44 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 53 2.1 The 'critical geopolitics' research project and 'imperiality' 53 2. 2 Questions of ontology and epistemology 62 3 2.3 Discourse, power and knowledge 69 2.4 Identity, performativity and intertextuality in foreign 77 policy discourse PART 2 LIBYA IN THE WESTERN GEOPOLITICAL 97 IMAGINATION CHAPTER 3 US AND UK RELATIONS WITH LIBYA 99 DURING THE COLD WAR 3. -
Libya Weekly Security Preview
. Libya Weekly Security Preview February 21, 2021 Prepared by: Risk Analysis Team, Libya Proprietary GardaWorld GardaWorld © 2021 GardaWorld Proprietary 1 202 © 1 Table of Contents Outlook .................................................................................................. 3 Short Term Outlook .............................................................................................................................. 3 Medium to Long Term Outlook ............................................................................................................. 3 Executive Summary ............................................................................... 3 February 17 Celebrations ..................................................................................................................... 3 Political Developments ......................................................................................................................... 4 Military Developments .......................................................................................................................... 4 Oil & Gas .............................................................................................................................................. 5 Travel .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Threat Matrix .......................................................................................... 5 Key Dates ............................................................................................. -
Jordanians End Protests but Discontent Continues in Region
UK £2 www.thearabweekly.com Issue 160, Year 4 June 10, 2018 EU €2.50 Call for Russia’s Worsening water readmission crisis in MENA rattles G7 Page 18 Pages 5-6, 21 Jordanians end protests but discontent continues in region ► Jordan’s problems, with both its economy and public trust, are shared to varying degrees by other countries in the Middle East and North Africa. Mamoon Alabbasi concerns of its citizens. Responding to the unrest, Jorda- nian officials blamed external fac- London tors, such the Syrian refugee crisis, the rise in energy prices and the he demonstrations that wider problems of the region. rocked Jordan for more “Jordan has been going through than a week ended after the a very difficult situation that is not T government gave in to pro- due to failure within the country. testers’ main demands but the fac- That is due to the fact that Jordan tors that drove the general discon- has been at the receiving end of tent are likely to remain concerns in every crisis in the region,” Jorda- Jordan and other Arab countries. nian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi Thousands of Jordanians re- told CNN. sponded to a call by leading un- Safadi urged the international ions for a general strike May 30 to community to share Jordan’s bur- protest legislation that would have den, a call that was echoed by the increased income tax. The unprec- International Monetary Fund (IMF). edented size of the demonstrations “Recent events underscore the and protesters’ promise for more need for the international commu- )AFP( strikes led to the resignation of nity, including regional donors, to Lingering woes. -
The Changing Politics of Justice at the International Criminal Court
PRIF Report No. 127 Growing Up Rough: The Changing Politics of Justice at the International Criminal Court Caroline Fehl the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) 2014 Correspondence to: PRIF (HSFK) Baseler Straße 27-31 60329 Frankfurt am Main Germany Telephone: +49(0)69 95 91 04-0 Fax: +49(0)69 55 84 81 E-mail: [email protected] ISBN 978-3-942532-76-1 Euro 10,-- Summary The International Criminal Court (ICC) was established at The Hague in 2002 with a mandate to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression. The ICC operates as a court of “last resort” that becomes active only when national governments are unwilling or unable to prosecute relevant crimes. Its jurisdiction is subject to various conditions, and can be triggered by the referral of a “situation” to the Court by the UN Security Council, by a state party referral, or through a proprio motu investigation initiated by the ICC Prosecutor. Since taking up its work in 2002, the ICC has investigated nine situations, held six trials of individuals and handed down two convictions. In addition, it has conducted 12 preliminary examinations that have not resulted in the opening of official investigations. All investigations and trials to date have focused on African countries. From its inception, the ICC has been a highly contested institution-building project. Already the negotiations about its statute were marked by heated controversies among participating states. Following the statute’s entry into force, political debates have continued to surround the Court’s relationship with member and non-member states as well as its investigations, arrest warrants and trials have continued to be the subject of political debates. -
Libya and the New Axis of Terror: Reshaping the Security Theater in MENA and Europe
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence ISSN: 0885-0607 (Print) 1521-0561 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ujic20 Libya and the New Axis of Terror: Reshaping the Security Theater in MENA and Europe Aya Burweila & John M. Nomikos To cite this article: Aya Burweila & John M. Nomikos (2019) Libya and the New Axis of Terror: Reshaping the Security Theater in MENA and Europe, International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 32:1, 54-81, DOI: 10.1080/08850607.2018.1522226 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2018.1522226 Published online: 04 Mar 2019. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ujic20 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 32: 54–81, 2019 Copyright # 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0885-0607 print/1521-0561 online DOI: 10.1080/08850607.2018.1522226 AYA BURWEILA AND JOHN M. NOMIKOS Libya and the New Axis of Terror: Reshaping the Security Theater in MENA and Europe The exponential expansion of Islamist groups in both numbers and geographic scope to Libya and Syria between 2011 and 2017, and the Aya Burweila, a Senior Adviser at the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS), Athens, Greece, is also a Visiting Lecturer at the Hellenic Defense Academy (SETHA) in Athens where she lectures on the North African security theater. A graduate in Political Science from the University of La Verne, she earned her M.A. in International Relations and Affairs from the University of Indianapolis and holds certificates in Conflict Analysis and Interfaith Conflict Resolution from the United States Institute of Peace and a Certificate in Terrorism Studies from the University of St.