The Only Alternative to Power

VOLUME XL, NO. 35 SEPTEMBER 2, 1987 THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE TO POWER NORMAN COUSINS' most recent book, The President Truman when he learned that the test of Pathology of Power, published this year by Norton at the atom bomb in the desert proved it would work. $15.95, is a valuable book in terms of his intentions, Almost to a man, the military leaders of the nation but it may be made even more valuable by going counseled against its use on the Japanese. The beyond his intentions, showing what kind of social Japanese, they said, were on the verge of defeat and organization will make war impossible. What sort of knew it, and were quietly appealing for peace. social organization is that? It is one without the Eisenhower was very much opposed to using the power to coerce, to threaten, or to harm—a state, bomb on Japan. In his diary, Truman noted that the that is, which is no state at all, in terms that we are entry of the Soviet Union into the war against Japan familiar with. How can we evolve a state like that? would have been enough to make them surrender. But as Cousins says: "Yet President Truman, in This can be done only step by step, by seeing reporting to the American people about his decision how well we can get along without it, and finally to use the atomic bomb, unequivocally declared that having it perform those few remaining functions that Japan was far from defeated at the time and that, are useful and have no relation to power. They were it not for the atom bomb, hundreds of would, we suppose, be coordinating functions and thousands of American lives would probably have suppliers of information of various sorts. How been lost in the invasion." would we begin to move in this direction? Obviously, both assertions cannot be true. The A movement of this sort has already happened president's private journal and the military records and is under way. It is described by Peter Berg in an attest that Japanese surrender was near; the article, "A Life-Place Politics," in the Summer 1986 president's public statements say the opposite. issue of Raise the Stakes (published tri-annually by What the American public had no way of knowing at the Planet Drum Foundation, P.O. Box 31251, San the time was that most of America's military leaders Francisco, Calif. 94131). He says: were opposed to the decision to drop the bomb, believing, as Eisenhower's memoirs emphasized, that More environmental agencies won't ultimately neither the bomb nor an invasion was necessary to relieve our situation. They would only be further defeat Japan. appendages of a political core that is welded to industrialism itself. We need a core based on the Most people know that the scientists who design of Nature instead, from watershed to bioregion developed the bomb were against its use on Japan. and continent to planetary biosphere. Is it self- As Cousins says: defeating to avoid established governments other than The scientists expressed their conviction that a immediately local ones? Not if we want to anticipate unilateral approach to the dropping of the atom bomb, a society whose direction already lies outside those even apart from overwhelming moral considerations, institutions. We need to uncover and follow a natural would almost inevitably result in unilateral action by design that lies beneath industrial asphalt. other nations. We would be undermining a possible The push that is needed to persuade people to common ground upon which common controls might begin thinking seriously in this direction may be later be built. As a corollary, we would be destroying found in Norman Cousins' analysis of what power whatever stand we might later decide to take on does to the human beings—not bad men, but outlawing the use of atomic weapons in warfare. It would be naive to expect other nations to take such a ordinary human beings—who have access to it and plea seriously in view of our own lack of reticence in believe they know how to use power for a good dropping the bomb when the war was on the very purpose. Early in The Pathology of Power Mr. verge of being won without it. for a brief moment Cousins tells about the decision which confronted at Potsdam, President Truman himself decided, as his MANAS Reprint - LEAD ARTICLE 2 diary revealed, to move along these general lines—at The tendency of power to set the stage for its least to the extent of issuing a warning or ultimatum own use. to Japan. A parallel decision was that the bomb All these tendencies, in varying degrees, are would not be used on a populous target. But these observable in almost every breakdown of history. first impulses were put aside in favor of the Thucydides' history of the wars that drained the arguments for using the bomb as a demonstration of lifeblood of ancient Greece Polybius' account of America's power in the competition with the Soviet Macedonian errors; Gibbon's study of Rome's Union. ascendancy and its slide from the center of the To summarize: President Truman's diary and historical stage; the scores of books on Hitlerian the testimony of other officials reveal that just the fact might and disaster—all these works bear witness to of Russian entry into the war would have been the inability of highly organized societies to enough to bring about Japan's surrender. The main understand the complexities and perils of their power. objective, therefore, was to defeat Japan before the Russian entry. The original intention to issue a A little later in his book Cousins says: warning or ultimatum about the bomb was shelved Power has a way of victimizing its users. It because of the need to meet a deadline. tends to create a dark and subterranean world in This is the unvarnished picture. It was not the which decisions affecting the life of a nation can be picture that was presented to the American people, taken without reference to their moral implications or but it illustrates the tendency of power to sweep the obligations to inform people truthfully about everything aside and cause even good men to go issues of transcendent importance to their well-being outside the traditions of a free society in justifying and indeed survival. The power of the bomb was their decisions. allowed to supersede the ultimate power of the American people. Human intelligence, directed toward a review of The decision to drop the bomb in Hiroshima is a history, is in itself sufficient to make clear what prime reflection of the idea—more than an idea, it is happened in 1945, assuring the destruction of almost an article of faith—that the demonstration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. power is a major function of foreign policy. The dangers inherent in such a policy become explosive Norman Cousins begins his book by quoting when other nations hold to the same idea. what Lord Acton wrote in a letter to a friend: "power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts What becomes evident is that these dangers absolutely." Acton realized, Cousins says, "that cannot be controlled or eliminated without ordinary nations and civilizations fell into decline—not so individuals who will free themselves of feeling much because they were powerless but because of responsible to national authority. This means their inability to use their power wisely." Cousins individuals who grow up in families who realize that adds some further generalizations about power the national state cannot be trusted, that the pressures which are amply illustrated by Truman's decision to toward anti-human action are too great for any bomb Japan: executive to be placed in a position of power that Truman achieved, simply by being a vice-president The tendency of power to drive intelligence who succeeded to that position. The spirit of such under ground; families was well put by Thoreau in Civil The tendency of power to become a theology, Disobedience: admitting no other gods before it; Can there not be a government in which The tendency of power to distort and damage the majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, traditions and institutions it was designed to protect; but conscience?—in which majorities decide only The tendency of power to create a language of those questions to which the rule of expediency is its own making other forms of communication applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in incoherent and irrelevant; the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? I The tendency of power to spawn imitators, think that we should be men first, and subjects leading to violative competition; afterward. It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for Volume XL, No. 35 MANAS Reprint September 2, 1987 3 the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation stop watch could register it, the heart of the city was which I have a right to assume is to do at any time laid open with a hot knife. I talked to dozens of what I think right. people who were in it—dozens who were crippled and burned and suffering from diseases of Then, at the conclusion of this essay, Thoreau radioactivity—and the story was very much the same. said: The sudden flash of light brighter than the morning There will never be a really free and enlightened sun, much more intense than any light ever seen State until the State comes to recognize the individual before on this earth.

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