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EVENTS AND ISSUES INFLUENCING THE ATTITUDES OF THE METHODIST AND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES OF NEW ZEALAND TO SOUTH AFRICA, FROM 1947 to 1987

Honours Research Essay

Elaine E. Bolitho 12th September, 1988

2 CONTENTS PREFACE INTRODUCTION THE DAWN OF CONCERN - 1947-1956 A. Events in South Africa B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Publications C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports D. Attitudes Revealed THE DOMESTIC MORAL AND INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS TO APARTHEID - 1957-1966 A. Events in South Africa B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Publications C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports D. Attitudes Revealed CONCERN IN ACTION – 1967-1976 A. Events in South Africa B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Publications C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports D. Attitudes Revealed RELATING IN SOLIDARITY IN THEOLOGY AND ACTION – 1977-1987 A. Events in South Africa B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Publications C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports D. Attitudes Revealed CONCLUSION Summary of Catalysts for Developing Attitudes Rugby Issues Theological Issues Submissions Assessment BIBLIOGRAPHY TABLE 1 TABLE 2 APPENDIX 1 APPENDIX 2

3 PREFACE

The sources researched for this essay are set out in full in the Bibliography, and I have endeavoured to cover as fully as possible both South African and New Zealand views of events and issues.

I would like to thank the people and organisations who have made their material available to me, particularly the staff of the Department of Communication, Presbyterian Church of New Zealand, Wellington; the Methodist Archives, Morley House, Christchurch; Victoria University Library, Wellington, and the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington.

I am also appreciative of the help and publications provided by the Revs R.D Caughley, L.W. Fraser, E.F.I. Hansen, D.V. McNicol, D. G. and S.A. Simmers, and Mrs R. Scott, without whose help such a comprehensive survey would not have been possible. Helpful comments provided by Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Muldoon, Hon. Russell Marshall, Messrs Ces Blazey, Warren Cooper, R.H.T. Thompson, a Foreign Affairs spokesman on Africa, and the late Sir John Marshall in relation to assessing the effectiveness of the work of the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches regarding South Africa are also acknowledged with gratitude.

Elaine E Bolitho 12th September, 1988

4 INTRODUCTION This essay looks at the events and issues influencing the changing and developing attitudes of the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches of New Zealand to South Africa from 1947 to 1987. This period, dominated in South Africa by the Nationalist Government’s apartheid policies, is one which has also seen the rise of influential world bodies, improvements in travel and communications, developing ecumenism and changes in the understanding of race relations. It is a period when countries become free of colonial influence, and assert their national independence. There have been moves within Christianity to interpret the gospel in ways relevant to believers in their society, separating the heart message from the colonial and European culture which clothed its initial presentation. With the improved faster travel facilities, international sporting and cultural exchanges increased in number, and the international success of teams came to be viewed as a standard of national prestige. In this world setting we view the development of New Zealand Methodist and Presbyterian attitudes to South African events and issues, but it is also necessary to take into account factors which originate in New Zealand parallel to the world setting. Chief among these is the change in race relations policy from assimilation and integration of the Maori people to bi- and multi-culturalism. From a European viewpoint this could be described as a move from “they-must-be-like-us-and-do- things-the-Pakeha-way, “ to “together-we-will-recognise-each-others-ways.” A second factor is the changing attitude towards Britain, which in the Post World War II setting is decreasingly viewed as ‘home,’ and the Empire becomes a Commonwealth of more loosely linked independent nations. At the beginning of the period there are much closer ties to Britain from New Zealand and South Africa. When South Africa leaves the Commonwealth in 1961 this tie is broken, and critical reaction from New Zealand is not seen as much as being criticism of ‘one of the family.’ The loosening of ties between Britain and New Zealand is accompanied here by closer links to world bodies, where things which unite are stressed more than those which divide. Sectarian doctrines and interests give way to wider ecumenical perspectives. This happens in South Africa too, in the churches affiliated to W.A.R.C. and W.C.C., but the Gereformeerde Kerk, N.S.K. and N.H.K. in isolation from these bodies have become more rigidly entrenched in their doctrines.

5 This period is the time of the formation and influence of world organisations where the issue of race relations comes to have an increasingly high profile. The United Nations was founded in 1945, and the World Council of Churches held its first Conference at Amsterdam in 1948. The Commission of the Churches on International affairs set up by the W.C.C. and I.M.C.in 1946 was influential at United Nations particularly in areas of racial tension.1 The World Alliance of Presbyterian Churches (later to become part of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches) and the World Methodist Conference also added to world perspective. Delegates from New Zealand played a role in all these organisations. The World Methodist Conference at Springfield, U.S.A. from 24th September to 2nd October 1947 looked at the issue of race relations, raising issues which were to be of crucial importance in the forty years ahead. Racism, the assumption of inherent superiority of one race over another raises its ugly head so widely that it has become a world issue ... One of the most serious features of the situation is the satisfied ignorance of so many of us. The first requirement is an intelligent appreciation of the facts. This lays a heavy duty upon our whole church not only in America but in all lands, to undertake a program of education, both on the general problems of the relation of the races, but specifically on the conditions which are faced in the lands where Methodism now serves.2 The following year saw the first meeting of the World Council of Churches at Amsterdam On the subject of Human Rights the report (inter alia) made significant declarations concerning the Race Question. Quite unequivocally it condemned racialism as contrary to Christian love, renounced colour prejudice as being dangerous and unchristian, and denounced all of segregation.3 Each body continued to focus attention on South Africa’s system of apartheid as it become embodied in law from 1948 on. As the information was disseminated in New Zealand, particularly through the National Council of Churches, it played a formative role in influencing the attitudes of the churches.

1 Presbyterian White Book, 1950, p. 274. 2 Methodist Times, 8/5/48, p. 409. 3 Methodist Times, 15/1/43, p. 520. 6 THE DAWN OF CONCERN – 1947-1956 A. Events in South Africa After fifteen years of trying to get the South African Government to accept proposals for racial legislation accepted, the Gereformeerde Kerk government saw their 1947 proposals utilised as the basis for the Nationalist Party’s election win in 1948.4 This win shifted the power of Government from English speaking to Afrikaans speaking white South Africans for the first time in the 20th century. Thus Afrikaaners who had first fled from British domination in 1830’s and then been defeated in the Boer War asserted their new sense of national identity and power against their former oppressors, and against the non white population whom they viewed as a potential future threat to Afrikaaner domination. 5 Legislation was passed by Dr Malan to legalise apartheid, the system of separation of races which had become traditional. This gave total domination (Baaskap) to the white fifth of the population.6 The legislation included: 1. Citizenship Act 1949 Citizenship in the Union became dependent on discretion of the crown, not the right of all as previously under common citizenship in the Commonwealth of Nations. 2. Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1950 This aimed at keeping races pure and stopping miscegenation. 3. Immorality Act, 1950 This made sexual intimacy between people of different races a serious crime. 4. The Population Act, 1950 This required all people to enter their full particulars including race in a National Register and at all times carry a pass with this information. 5. The Group Areas Act, 1950 The Act divided people into three groups, white, coloured and native, with the Government declaring the areas in which each group lives. The Government has powers to relocate those in a ‘wrong’ area, to sell property or business and assumes no authority for compensation. 6. The Suppression of Communism Act 1950 The Government was granted wide powers to suppress communism. The Act

4 W. Ivory Methodist Times, 15/5/54 pp. 55-6. 5 A. Hastings, A History of Christianity in Africa, p. 9. 6 Ibid, p. 8. 7 gave the Government the sole and unfettered rights over the persons and opinions of everybody.7 7. Bantu Authorities Act, 1951 Africans, comprising 73% of the population were retribalised into Bantustans on 13% of the poorest land. 8 8. The Separate Registration of Voters Act, 1951 Coloured and Native peoples were disenfranchised. 9. Pass Laws These required Africans to carry permits or passes for activities in a European District. Failure to do so resulted in imprisonment. 10. Bantu Education Act, 1955 Government withdrew support for Church schools and took over responsibility for providing Bantu schools, teachers and curriculum “to equip him (the native) to meet the demands which the economic life of South Africa will impose upon him.” 9 11. Passport Regulation Act, 1955 The State can withhold issue of passports at its pleasure. The English speaking Protestant Churches (Anglican, Presbyterian, Methodist, Congregational) were increasingly sensitive to racial discrimination in all its forms. A joint statement by bishops of the Church of the Province of South Africa condemning racial discrimination was published at Cape Town on 20th December, 1945. The statement says We urge that in every land men of every race should be encouraged to develop according to their ability and this involves fairness of opportunities in trades and professions, in facilities for travelling, in housing, in education at all stages, and in schemes for social welfare. No one should be ineligible for any position in the Church by reason of colour. 10 Geoffrey Clayton, Archbishop of Cape Town led attempts to tackle injustices and the underlying system. However, his approach was essentially a paternalistic one of whites speaking to whites about natives.11

7 W. Ivory, Methodist Times, 15/5/54, pp. 55-6. 8 S. du Bourlay, Tutu, Voice of the Voiceless, p. 35. 9 T. Huddleston, Naught for your Comfort, p. 153 quoting Verwoerd in Senate. 10 Methodist Times, 2/7/49, p. 142. 11 Hastings, p. 23. 8 Other Anglican clergy — Father Trevor Huddleston, Bishop Ambrose Reeves, Rev Michael Scott — identified more closely with Bantu, Indian and Coloured Africans. The Methodist and Presbyterian Churches made a number of statements of principle and theology, one of the most noteworthy being from the South African Methodist Conference in 1952. They were convinced that race relations problems could only be solved ‘by a policy which aims at the integration of the non-European peoples into the political and economic life of the country with partnership and citizenship in view.” 12 It has been observed however that members of these churches often did not follow through these principles in daily practice. The Dutch Reformed Church favoured the policies of apartheid and was closely aligned with the ‘Christian Nationalism’ of the Nationalist Party. They viewed diversity of tongues and people as a creation of God and the development of separate bodies as historically appropriate for indigenous churches. Some theologians such as B.B. Keet raised theological objections to extending this separateness by legalising it and thus denying unity. A higher value was placed on the invisible unity of the church in Christ than on the practices of the visible church. African church leaders, at a conference at Bloemfontein in October 1956 found that under the present conditions the policy and practice of apartheid denies the African inalienable and basic human rights on the pretext that the African is a threat to white survival, and denies him: a. A share in the Government of the country; b. The inviolability of the home; c. Economic rights, the right to collective bargaining and to sell labour on the best market. d. The right to free assembly and freedom of travel, movement and association. e. Inviolability of person.... They called on all national organisations to mobilise all people irrespective of race, colour or creed to form a united front against apartheid. 13 The opposition of church members and leaders to the policies and legislation implementing apartheid led to the arrest of one hundred and fifty six people in December, 1956, and the Treason Trial which lasted until March, 1961. A Defence

12 Minutes of Conference, 1953, pp. 76-7. 13 D. M. Paton, Church and Race in South Africa, pp. 106-7 quoting a report from a conference of African Leaders, in the South African Outlook, November 1956. 9 Fund to assist those on trial and their families was set up by liberal South African church leaders, and gained worldwide support. In 1954, Malan was succeeded as Premier by Advokat Strydom who stood clearly for Baaskap. The African National Congress, in 1955, drew up a Freedom Charter proposing alternatives to apartheid, for “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and no government can Justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of the people.” 14 Another feature of African Christianity in this period was the increase in independent mainly black churches. These rose in number from 800 in 1948 to 2200 in 1960. Influential literature originating in South Africa included Cry the Beloved Country, by Alan Paton, and Naught for Your Comfort, Father Trevor Huddleston’s account of his mission in Sophiatown, and the effects of living with the Malan Government’s legislation. During the period 1947-1956 two Springbok/All Black Rugby Tours took place - one to South Africa in 1949, and one to New Zealand in 1956. B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Publications Events and issues in South African affairs received increasing coverage in New Zealand Methodist and Presbyterian publications over the period from 1947 - 1956, as shown in Tables 1 and 2. The rise in reporting and in the interest, generated here can be attributed to a number of factors - firstly to the events themselves in South Africa. Secondly improved radio, telephone and airmail communications existed in a more stable post World War II environment, and thirdly information was disseminated by new world bodies. These were a major source of information and opinions in the Outlook and Methodist Times, although personal ‘on the spot’ reports, the British Methodist Recorder and articles researched in New Zealand also played their part. Two thirds of articles in the Outlook and the Methodist Times (79 out of 117) concerned apartheid and its implications, and twenty five of these looked at the theological implications. For example the Methodist Times featured a series of 3 articles on apartheid by W. Ivory which had originally been prepared as a study for the Hawkes Bay-Manawatu Synod.15 The Outlook included a greater number of human interest stories about people and the events in their lives - such as the Scottish donation of a silver chalice to a Bantu church to replace their baked bean tin

14 Hastings, p. 93. 15 Ivory, Methodist Times, 15/5/54 pp. 55-7; 29/5/54, pp. 96-7; 12/6/54, pp, 120-1. 10 communion cup.16 They also featured six items concerning suppression of movement, and nine articles encouraged the reading of Cry the Beloved Country, or Naught for Your Comfort. Letters to the Editor played a minor role with only 3 concerning South Africa being printed in the ten year period. To a request made at Conference 1956 for more International Affairs articles in each issue of the Methodist Times, the Editor (W. T. Blight) replied that it was hard to get these, except from ministers with axes to grind, or particular slants.17 The Rugby Tours of 1949 and 1956 passed almost without comment, apart from articles about sermons preached by Dr Danie Craven.18 However, over the ten year period generally both papers provided readers with a balance between the background essential to interpreting events, information and comments on these and the issues raised. C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports Conference and Assembly Reports reveal the attitudes to South Africa developing within the churches. In 1949 Assembly looked at issues of Indian land tenure in South Africa, and the issues raised by Malan legislation, particularly the Mixed Marriages Act, and noted the complexity of the South African race problems.19 “... the Assembly views with concern the increasing race enmity in South Africa, commends the Churches for their vigilance, and prays that a speedy solution may be found which will be in the interests of all races.” 20 The International Relations Committee in 1950 viewed the South African picture as sinister, and its government as sowing for a sad harvest - a regrettable departure from Christian standards.21 In the same year the Ecumenical Committee commended the Outlook Editor “for the liberal way the wider church is presented in his pages.” 22 The following year saw the International Relations Committee spending time looking at inter-racial questions as they affected South Africans and New Zealanders. Their findings were that as man is made in God’s image and the range of mental capacities is the same in all ethnic groups, the goal of the highest human development is open

16 Outlook, 16/3/53, p. 4. 17 Methodist Times, 24/11/1956, p. 457. 18 Outlook, 26/8/56, p. 5; Methodist Times, 7/7/56, p. 149. 19 Presbyterian White Book, 1949, pp. 174-5. 20 Presbyterian Blue Book, 1949, p. 62. 21 Presbyterian Blue Book, 1950, p. 219. 22 Ibid, p. 274. 11 to all, of whatever colour, particularly in the light of Paul’s realisation that all are one in Christ Jesus. However, “the real test of our sincerity arises where loyalty to Christian principle demands sacrifices from ourselves.” 23 1952 was the year the Methodist Conference started to express its concern about events in South Africa and send greetings to the Methodist Church of South Africa.24 A statement from the 1952 Conference of that church appears in the Public Questions Committee Report the following year. It expresses belief in the ability of the Christian gospel and ethic to meet the needs of South Africa, and the conviction that race relations problems can only be solved by integration of non-European people into political and economic life of the country with partnership and citizenship in view. To this end restrictions on development should be removed. 25 Both Methodist and Presbyterian Churches questioned the Government on its attitude to South Africa in the United Nations, and how it voted on the motions presented. Their reply indicated the view that internal matters of South Africa were not the proper concern of other nations. At first they voted against such motions with Britain and U.S.A., but later abstained to show they expressed no opinion.26 The churches opposed this attitude - for example in 1955 Methodist Conference affirmed that the principle of not interfering the internal policy of a member country is by itself an inadequate reason for our representatives on U. N. Assembly refraining from voting on questions which are so serious as to have unfavourable world- wide repercussions on race relations.27 The New Zealand Presbyterian Church continued to send greetings to South African churches and to receive statements from Dutch Reformed Church. They were also involved with N. C. C. in a broadcast talk on “What has the Church to Say about Race and Colour?”28 D. Attitudes Revealed The attitudes of the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches of New Zealand to South Africa in the decade 1947- 56 thus appear to be:

23 Presbyterian White Book, 1951, pp. 274-5. 24 Minutes of Conference, 1952, p. 76. 25 Minutes of Conference, 1953, pp. 75-7. 26 I.W. Fraser, The Presbyterian Church’s Concern with International Affairs, pp. 17-8. 27 Minutes of Conference, 1955, p. 88. 28 Presbyterian White Book, 1954, p.73a. 12 1. Identifying with those South African Churches opposed to apartheid, and with their theological emphases. 2. Criticism of the South African Government’s policies, legislation and the implications of apartheid. 3. Concern for the people of South Africa living in this regime. With these attitudes went awareness of the complexity of theological and social implications of apartheid the value of the New Zealand voice at U. N. to influence changes. In South African policies, and the need to look at New Zealand’s own race relations questions. No comments were made on the issue of All Black Springbok rugby contacts. Attitudes were disseminated through the work of the International Affairs, Ecumenical and Public Questions Committees of the Churches, the Annual Conference and Assembly, broadcasting and Church publications.

13 THE DOMESTIC. MORAL AND INTERNATIONAL REACTIONS TO APARTHEID – 1957-1966 A. Events in South Africa Advokat Strydom was succeeded as Premier by Dr Verwoerd until his assassination in 1966 when John Vorster filled this role. South Africa left the British Commonwealth and became a Republic in 1961. Legislation to put apartheid policies in place, passed in the previous decade was extended further. For instance, the Native Laws Amendment Act, 1957 proposed to prohibit association of white and non-white people in churches, clubs and institutions, except with Government approval. The Christian Council of South Africa (twenty three affiliated bodies, including all major churches and missionary societies, except Dutch Reformed and Roman Catholic) sent a resolution to the Prime Minister stating that “Enforcement of compulsory apartheid is a denial of the law of God, and a repudiation of the teaching of our Lord Jesus Christ.” 29 They also affirmed the right of the individual to worship where he pleases; the right of the church to admit any individuals to its services of fellowship; and that they would act this way irrespective of any law along the lines of Clause 29(c) of the Native Laws Amendment Bill. As the President of the Methodist Conference advised the Prime Minister on 9th April, 1957, “We must obey God rather than man.” 30 Archbishop Clayton died the day after signing the statement. The Government was not represented at his funeral, but the offending clause was modified. 31 Black opposition to the Apartheid laws was channelled by the Pan African Congress against Pass laws. At a demonstration at Sharpeville on 21st March, 1960 police began firing into the large non-violent crowd, killing 69 people and wounding 190 within 40 seconds.32 The world was shocked. On 30th March 30,000 Africans marched peacefully to challenge Cape Town’s powers, and the Government declared a State of Emergency lasting 156 days. The African National Congress and Pan African Congress were banned forever, ending organised legal African opposition. Many people were also banned, and publication of their works forbidden. These included Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela. Frustrated, they planned illegal resistance. “Government violence can do only one thing and that is to breed counter violence.”

29 D.M. Paton, p. 109. 30 Ibid. 31 Hastings. p. 106. 32 Ibid, p. 137. 14 said Mandela in 1962.33 Two years later he received life Imprisonment for sabotage, the death penalty having been reduced by world wide pressure. During the State of Emergency Bishop Reeves escaped to Swaziland to avoid being silenced, and was deported on his return. Each of the South African member bodies In the W.C.C. sent ten delegates to a consultation at Cottesloe in December, 1960. Together with seven I.C.C. officials they produced the 2500 word Cottesloe Declaration, affirming the right of all who permanently inhabit South Africa to contribute to Its life and share In responsibilities, rewards and privileges, Including freedom to marry, worship, own land and homes, vote, receive fair wages and fair trials. It also affirmed the duty and right of the church “to proclaim the gospel to whomever it will, whatever the circumstances and wherever possible, with the general principles governing the right of public meetings in democratic countries.” 34 The agreement to this by D.R.C. delegates was not ratified by their church bodies, who withdrew from the W.C.C. and proceeded to persecute members who had defied Government policy in the name of the gospel. Dr Beyers Naude, one of these persecuted leaders was stripped of his ministerial status in November, 1963 and became the first director of the Christian Institute in Johannesburg.35 In 1960, a New Zealand Rugby team without Maoris toured South Africa, and in 1965 the Sprlngboks came to N.Z. However the 1966 invitation from the South African Rugby Board to tour South Africa in 1970 was declined as Maoris were not invited. The South African Minister of the Interior, Senator de Clerk had stated that mixed white and non-white teams from overseas would not be allowed into the Republic.36 The 156 people arrested for treason (opposing apartheid policies) on 5th December, 1956 were tried as a group in a long running trial. The churches in South Africa and around the world subscribed to Aid Funds for the prisoners’ legal aid, and for their families. Sixty one were released a year later. After eighteen days of legal argument the rest were cleared but rearrested on fresh charges.37 Finally all were acquitted after over four years’ proceedings.38 Influential literature originating in South Africa in this period includes, No Further Trek, by Prof. Pistorius, Whither South Africa, by B.B. Keet, and Against the World, by Douglas Brown.

33 Ibid. 34 Outlook, 6/2/61, p. 21. 35 Hastings, pp. 145-6. 36 R.H.T. Thompson, Retreat from Apartheid, p. 31. 37 Outlook, 19/11/58, p. 4, Letter from South Africa Defence and Aid Fund. 38 Methodist Times, 23/7/61, p. 176. 15 B. Reports in the Methodist and Presbyterian Papers Studying articles relating to South African events and issues raised in the Methodist Times and the Outlook reveals a marked contrast in coverage. While both have a common interest in apartheid, the presentation is from different perspectives. The Methodist paper reports on what is happening in South Africa, whiIe the Presbyterian one gives a high profile to the implications for New Zealand. These differences could be attributed to editorial policy. The Outlook was edited by Peter McCallum Smith for the whole of this decade, and, apart from 1963, provided consistent coverage. The Methodist Times Editor, Rev. W. T. Blight, who had provided three comments on the Rugby Tour in 1959 was replaced by H. W. Beaumont in May, 1961. Mr Beaumont does not recall that either inclusion of church news from South Africa or exclusion of comments or articles relating to the Springbok controversy were related to any Conference directive, nor can he recall any other reason for this approach.39 However the introduction of the N.Z. Methodist in May, 1966 again provided readers with comments on South African related issues. Another reason for the difference could lie In the source of material for publication. The Methodists appear to have maintained fairly close contact with the Methodist Church in South Africa, and published material received from resident individual churchmen,40 their church courts,41 and visitors to the country.42 Outlook material related more to issues than events, with the focus on relating these issues to New Zealand Christians, and appeared mainly in the words of New Zealand based columnists - Watchman, D.McEldowney and others. A catalyst for this emphasis was the work in the area of racial discrimination of R.H.T. Thompson, of the University of Canterbury Psychology Department, an Anglican layman. His book, Race and Sport, was reviewed in the Outlook 43 and he was an influential figure in the N.C.C. consultation on Apartheid and Sport and in C.A.B.T.A. (Citizens All Black Tour Association.) If looking for coverage of events in South Africa, the Outlook would tell you nothing about Sharpeville, Nelson Mandela, or the problems of migratory labour, and very little about the Treason Trial or Clause 29 (c) of the Native Laws Amendment Act, 1957. While the initial focus is on the way New Zealand Maoris would be treated if

39 H. W. Beaumont telephone conversation with Elaine Bolitho 2/9/1988 and letter dated 5/9/88. 40 e. g, E.W. Grant Methodist Times, 20/7/57, p 157 and 16/7/60, p. 143. 41 e.g.Methodist Times, 27/4/57, pp. 770-1 the address given to the Representative Session of Conference, 1956 by the President Rev. Wm. Illsley. 42 e.g. Rev. E. Rogers, Methodist Times, 2/3/57, p. 655. 43 Outlook, 13/6/64, pp. 3-4. 16 playing Rugby in South Africa, it moves through the growing awareness that racial discrimination Is wrong, to a realisation that New Zealand can try to change apartheid policies by either an open door policy, or by refusing to play rugby with teams selected on the basis of colour rather than ability. This parallels the domestic, moral and international phases noted in The Retreat From Apartheid by R.H.T. Thompson.44 On 17th July, 1965 The Outlook published a nine page feature on apartheid, including articles by Sir Francis Ibiam, Governor of Nigeria, and a president of the WC.C. He spoke strongly against apartheid and discrimination in all forms, particularly sport. Let the church in New Zealand refrain adamantly from giving a lead to or supporting any national team which would or could remotely heap insult on its Maori citizens. Whenever New Zealand played up to South Africa’s apartheid policy in sports, whether in New Zealand or in the Republic of South Africa, New Zealand would be practising tribalism and white man’s supremacy and, worst of all, she would be supporting and defending the indefensible.45 Lady Ibiam appealed “to the women of New Zealand to help remove apartheid in sport by discouraging the men to participate with any country that practices apartheid.”46 This feature was assessed after the death of the editor, as a piece of New Zealand pioneering journalism.47 The reverse argument was also aired in reports of representatives at a meeting of church and sporting bodies, “that it was valuable to maintain sporting relationships with countries where racial prejudice was prevalent,” as “an open door policy would improve human relationships.” 48 A similar attitude was taken by Mr D.N. Perry, Moderator of General Assembly at Maori Synod, when he expressed the hope that Maorl families would open their homes to touring Springboks, for

44 R.H.T. Thompson, Retreat From Apartheid pp.83ff. 45 Sir Francis Ibian, Outlook, 17/7/65, p. 21. 46 Lady Ibiam, Outlook, 17/7/65, p. 19. 47 Presbyterian White Book, 1967, p. 110a. 48 Outlook, 17/7/65, p. 30. 17 “(when) we have visitors from a divided family, we have a duty, not only to judge issues affecting us, but also to show caring concern at the division in the family which is causing so much heartbreak to millions of people.” 49 Greater weight appears to be given the former attitude, and it is the one taken by the Public Questions Committee (see below). A comment by Dennis McEldowney on 17th October, 1964 is not picked up again in the period to 1966. Alongside an advertisement for South British Insurance appears the following: “What is the attitude for Christians to assume towards South Africa? ....There are many financial tie ups between the two countries: we maintain a commercial as well as sporting stake in apartheid…” 50 Readers of the Methodist Times had no information offered them regarding church attitudes to the 1960 Rugby tour, although three comments by columnists after the Government decision was announced regretted the fact that Maoris were not included.51 No mention was made of the 1965 Springbok Tour of New Zealand. Neither were comments offered on either the debate over accepting the South African Rugby Board invitation to tour South Africa in 1970, or the fact that the N.Z.R.U. declined this after a countrywide campaign for “No Maoris, No Tour. “ R.H.T. Thompson attributes part of this success to the impact of the churches, and as the Methodist Conference and its committees were “prime movers in this” 52 it seems incredible that no breath of the controversy should surface in the church paper until 1966. However, the coverage of events within South Africa provided readers with background information from which they could form their own opinions on issues current in New Zealand, and left no doubt as to the undesirability of the side effects of apartheid on Christians in South Africa. It reported that the South African Methodist Church had a larger statistical membership - 1,280,671 - than the Presbyterian one - 263,128 -53 and also the highest number of Bantu Christians - 14%. 54 As a multi- racial Church Conference they were outspoken in condemnation of apartheid. The Methodist Times provided

49 Ibid. 50 D. McEldowney, Outlook, 17/10/64, p. 15. 51 Methodist Times, 20/6/59, p.805; 4/7/53, p.815; 20/8/59, p. 937. 52 R.H.T. Thompson, letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 4/9/1988. 53 Methodist Times, 20/7/57, p. 157. 54 Methodist Times, 5/10/58 p. 352. 18 many Presidential addresses which provided comment on the current South African situation.55 There is a gap in this coverage during HW Beaumont’s editorship, when matters of mission and church news predominate, but it is picked up again in the NZ Methodist. If it appears that there was an entirely sectarian basis it needs to be mentioned that the point of view of the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa was also sought and published, for example on the advantages of a pluriformal church in a pluralistic society.56 Both papers reported on the N.C.C. Conference and resulting Cottesloe Agreement, echoing a hope for a shift away from apartheid doctrine by the Dutch Reformed Church, and thus better relationships between the churches to work together for improvements in law and life.57 Both Methodist and Presbyterian Churches were members of the N.C.C. and their paper Church and Community played an important role from 1958, including the first shot fired in the 1960 Tour Protest — an article by R. H. T. Thompson “The All White All Blacks”.58 Rev, Alan Brash (later Moderator of Presbyterian Assembly) pointed out that he was asked many times in Asian countries whether New Zealand was going to accept apartheid in sport. He felt that N.Z.’s racial policy was being judged and that “If a wrong decision was made it would convince countless Asian people that after all there is no place where dark-skinned peoples are treated justly - whereas they had understood that in New Zealand it was so. “ 59 While the N.C.C. focused the protests of the churches (including Methodist and Presbyterian) from 1958, doing much to legitimise the protest and broadening the perspective from the domestic to the moral and international implications of apartheid under the influence of W.C.C. leaders, it was the church leaders who were influenced more than the rank and file members, especially in rural areas. 60

55 e.g. Methodist Times, 27/4/57, p. 770; 12/9/60, p. 208. 56 Methodist Times, 1/2/59, p. 521. 57 Methodist Times, 25/3.761, p. 619; Outlook, 8/2/61, p. 20/1. 58 R.H.T. Thompson, ‘The All White All Blacks’ in Church and Community, 10/58, p. 7. 59 A. Brash, “Apartheid - In New Zealand Rugby’’ in Church and Community, 12/58, p.9. 60 R. H. T. Thompson, letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 4/9/1988. 19 C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports The divergence in the reporting to the people through church papers, does not appear in the common stands taken by Conference and Assembly and their committees. Every year, apart from 1963, both bodies dealt with issues relating to South Africa, and both on occasions sent letters and greetings to sister churches there, reporting on replies. This gives evidence of Presbyterian knowledge of events not reported in Outlook.61 Both Churches shared in statements made in conjunction with the N.C.C. regarding sport and race, for example, in 1965: “That it is in accordance with Christian and Sporting principles that national teams should be selected without regard to race. “ 62 The issue of New Zealand voting at United Nations was taken up by the international Relations Committee of the Presbyterian Church on a number of occasions,63 and communication was made with the Prime Minister on the importance of New Zealand’s example in speaking against apartheid in particular and racial discrimination in general. 64 The International Affairs Committee, through the Methodist Times promoted an appeal for Treason Trial victims, and this carried on through support for the continuing South Africa Defence and Aid Fund. Six hundred and forty two pounds was in hand for forwarding in November, 1965 when continued support was being urged. The chief joint items of concern in relation to South Africa revolved around the twin issues of Rugby tours and apartheid, and as in the Outlook articles a pattern can be seen of progressing from domestic to moral to international emphases. For example, “an overseas tour by a team from which Maoris are excluded raises serious doubts in all minds” was a statement from Methodist Conference, 1959. 65 Concern is expressed for the far reaching moral and spiritual issues involved,66 while in 1965, the statement is made ‘that Churches and Sports bodies should work for the embodiment of Christian principles in the field of international sport.” 67

61 Presbyterian White Book, 1958 p. 190a. 62 Minutes of Conference, 1965, p. 128. 63 Presbyterian White Book, 1957, pp. 133a-134a; 1958 p. 188a-189a. 64 Fraser, p. 17-18. 65 Minutes of Conference 1959 p. 97. 66 Ibid p. 101. 67 Minutes of Conference, p. 128; Presbyterian White Book, 1965, p. 35 - from the Joint Committee of Race and Sport. 20 D. Attitudes Revealed The attitude of official church bodies can be seen to express “contInuIng concern at the unhappy racial inequalities in South Africa,” 68 and a desire to continue in communication with South African Christians.69 With this goes condemnation of the policies and results of the South African Government‘s apartheid legislation. In relation to the exclusion of Maoris from All Black Tours, deep concern is expressed that the moral issues involved are not sufficiently regarded by the N.Z.R.F.U. Council.70 Issues arising from the exclusion of Maoris from the 1960 Tour emphasised the need to understand multi-racial society and improve race relations.71 A new feature is the solidarity of views expressed by Methodists and Presbyterians participating in joint groups of interdenominational clergy, both within and outside the N.C.C. This is shown in the pressure applied for “No Maoris, No Tour” when the churches initiated and helped maintain the controversy.72 They said, That in selecting a team that is to represent New Zealand no player should be excluded on grounds of race. That, if Maori players are selected to go to South Africa, the responsibility should be placed firmly upon the South African Rugby Union (sic) to ensure that Maori players will be treated in all respects like other members of the team. That if the South African Rugby Union is unable to accept this condition and give an assurance that it is able to carry it out, no team should be sent.73 The 1964 Commission on Apartheid and Sport, and joint church statements contributed to the pressure on the Rugby Union who then declined the invitation for a team without Maoris to tour South Africa. The concerned attitude expressed by the churches played an Important role in heightening public awareness of the issues of apartheid and discrimination.

68 Minutes of Conference, 1958, p. 98. (Report of international Affairs Committee.) 69 Presbyterian White Book 1960, pp. 156a and 157a. 70 Minutes of C:onference, 1959, p. 97. 71 Minutes of Conference, 1960, p. 95 and Presbyterian White Book, 1960 p. 109a. 72 R. H. T. Thompson, “The Church and Community Conflict” in Theology, April 1952, pp. 143ff. 73 R. H. T. Thompson, Race and Sport, p. 4l, quoting New Zealand Press Association, 8/6/59. 21 CONCERN IN ACTION – 1967-1976 A. Events in South Africa This is the period when the Vorster brothers were influential in South Africa, as John Vorster was premier from 1966 and his brother Dr J. D. Vorster held the highest office in the Dutch Reformed Church. Legislation already in place was stringently enforced against the non-white population. In anthropological terms this situation could be described as the endogamous Afrikaaner tribe enforcing taboos against alien tribes within its territory. This was done under increasing pressure of world opinion, particularly in the U.N., W.C.C., W.A.R.C. and Olympic circles. In 1968 the racially mixed South African team was barred from the Mexico Olympics, as their selection was viewed as a token gesture doing nothing towards stopping apartheid practices in South African Sport.74 The M.C.C. also protested by cancelling their proposed cricket tour at this time. Sporting contact being used as a lever to change South African policies was viewed by the black and coloured sporting organisations as a sign of world solidarity with them, and by the white world class sports people as the unwarranted intrusion of politics into sport. The question of sporting involvement with South Africa was followed by W.C.C. and U.N. moves against supporting the apartheid system through trade and investment. There continued to be objections raised by South African churches against the inhumanity and injustices of apartheid legislation. This came chiefly from the churches belonging to the South African Council of Churches and the Christian Institute. The white sections of the Dutch Reformed Church became more aligned with Government policies and they ultimately terminated their association with the S.A.C.C. and Christian Institute. One major focus of the W.C.C. in this period was the improvement of world wide race relations through a twin emphasis on development and elimination of racism. In 1970 the Programme to Combat Racism (initially with a five year time frame) saw the W.C.C. move from a words only emphasis to giving grants to groups working towards improving the position of oppressed peoples. “Words can only decry and diagnose, they cannot cure.” 75 Giving grants (for peaceful purposes) to the African National Congress and the S.W. African People’s Organisation, and to programmes in Mozambique, Angola and

74 N.Z.Methodist, 9/5/68. 75 Minutes of Conference, 1970, p. 148 - Report of International Affairs Committee, quoting Prof. R. Nelson at Notting Hill Consultation of Race Relations, 19-24 May, 1969. 22 Zambia 76 was divisive in the S.A.C.C., with condemnation arising from Presbyterians, Anglicans and the Dutch Reformed Church, and varying degrees of approval from other members. The Government viewed the latter as crypto Marxists threatening the security of the country, debarred W.C.C. officials from entering the country, and set about systematically trying to eliminate troublesome clerics, prosecuting 50 in 1971. There had been 25 such actions between 1957 and 1967, and the increase to 80 between 1968 and 1972 is viewed largely as reaction against W.C.C. intervention.77 Key figures affected included Cosmas Desmond who was banned for his revelations in The Discarded People, and Dean Godfrey ffrench-Beytagh who was arrested and tried.78 His case in the London Appeal Court and subsequent acquittal stimulated world wide awareness of the implications of apartheid legislation.79 As well as moving to arrest and ban individuals the Government set up the Schlebusch Commission of Enquiry to investigate the National Union of South African Students, the South African Institute of Race Relations, the University Christian Movement, and the Christian Institute. Beyers Naude refused to testify on behalf of the latter, was tried and convicted for breaking the law. In 1975 the Commission declared the Institute guilty of supporting violent change - that is of supporting the W.C.C.80 The new leadership which arose after this purge was less denominationally oriented, less paternalistic in approach and more involved with the new black consciousness movement and its black theology. This movement involves a rejection of multracialism, which was assessed as the English speaking opposition to the Nationalist Government, rather than commitment to anti-racism. The dialogue of reconciliation in Church, Liberal and Progressive Parties was seen as one of common class level, alienated from and not aiding the 75% illiterate black population. Its positive side is its affirmation of the black identity self awareness, self esteem,81 and solidarity in where every black person finds meaningful existence, breaking

76 Outlook 26/9/70, p.7. 77 Hastings, p. 200. 78 Ibid. 79 New Zealand Methodist, 9/2/72. 80 Hastings, A History of Christianity in Africa, p. 207. 81 N. Pityana in Black Theology, p. 60. 23 through oppression, injustice and disinheritance.82 “It is a theology of the oppressed, by the oppressed, for the oppressed.” 83 With black political opposition outlawed, its leaders in prison or exile, and white liberal opposition silenced by the Political Interference Act, 1968, the pulpit was the only platform open to black people. Black clergy, trained in white theology started asking “what does the gospel say for black people with their backs to the wall?” Traditionally theology had been done from the sources of the Bible, tradition and reason, but black theology begins with understanding black people and their problems in their situation, including their African heritage, the impact of white colonial religion, and oppression by Government apartheid policies.84 Then scripture is looked at for relevant insights - the Jews are seen as a bunch of runaway slaves, and Jesus as a conquered Jew. “Christ is Black” is an identification of solidarity with the oppressed,85 and an affirmation of his link with liberation and freedom of structures and attitudes.86 A series of conferences were held in 1971, and the addresses were banned by the South African Government when published in Johannesburg. They were later published In London as Black Theology - The South African Voice. This collection, and its editor Basil Moore were also banned in South Africa. He commented that “you can arrest and imprison leaders and ban books, but you cannot stop ideas.” 87 A parallel recognition of the contextual value of black theology comes from Dean ffrench-Beytagh that “the Gospel must match up with the situation ministered to.”88 The question of the danger of the oppressed majority, ‘the sleeping black giant,’ using violent means to gain justice if stirred by a leader or rallying point 89 was addressed by strengthening the South African armed forces, and increasing the Defence Budget by 50% in 1974. 90 The South African Council of Churches instituted a Church State debate when a bill outlawing conscientious objection was introduced in 1974.91 Their position was that

82 B. Goba, in Black Theology, p. 73. 83 B.Moore in Black Theology, p. ix. 84 Ibid. p. 6. 85 Ibid. p. 8. 86 A. Mpunzi in Black Theology, p. 130. 87 B. Moore in Black Theology, p. x. 88 N. Z. Methodist, 9/3/72 p. 12. 89 N. Z. Methodist, 14/12/67, p. 3. 90 Presbyterian White Book, 1974, p. 104 - Report of International Affairs Committee. 91 Hastings, p. 207. 24 conscientious objection to military service “should be adopted as a principle by the churches,” on the following grounds: If South Africa becomes involved in a border war it will have been provoked by the policy of apartheid. To defend white South African society by the force of arms is to defend apartheid. To defend apartheid is to defend an unjust cause. It is not permissible for Christians to fight an unjust war....(therefore) unless we can claim that a strenuous effort has been made to reach understanding between blacks and whites, including liberation movements, conscientious objection seems the only possible Christian stand. 92 Leaders of Methodist and Presbyterian Churches shared the view of the Anglicans that “to suggest that our society is so unjust that no one can be justified in taking up arms to defend the country seems to be ill considered and unwarranted.” 93 Hastings raises the question of whether the churches which rejected W.C.C. grants on the grounds that violence was wrong would then recognise that white violence was wrong too. 94 The Bill became law In October, 1974, and the Christian Institute and the S.A.C.C. were isolated. Premier Vorster was vocal in his condemnation of the churches’ criticisms of Government policies in this period. In 1968 when the S.A.C.C. publicised its ‘Message to the People of South Africa’, claiming that apartheid involved “a rejection of the central beliefs of the Christian gospel,” Vorster replied, “Cut it out immediately, because the cloth that you are wearing will not protect you if you try to do this in South Africa.” 95 He also spoke strongly against the 1974 proposals for conscientious objection. The white Dutch Reformed Churches, apart from a few outspoken critics were closely aligned with Government policies, as they represented the views of those who benefited most from apartheid legislation. This era ends with an event which came to be seen as a turning point in world opinions of South Africa. In June, 1976, 15,000 Soweto school children marched through their township to protest the forced use of Afrikaans in black schools. When the police let off a teargas canister the children retaliated by throwing stones, and the police opened fire, killing almost 600. Those killed came to be revered as martyrs of the black struggle. The Christian Institute and S.A.C.C. issued statements that Soweto violence was symptomatic of deep black feeling caused by apartheid and

92 Outlook 3/75, p. 21 quoting Catholic Archbishop Denis Hurley (Source E.P.S.). 93 Hastings, p. 208. 94 Ibid. 95 Hastings, p. 205. 25 appealed to the Government to withdraw police and army and talk with black leaders. Leaders of the Christian Institute and S.A.C.C. were then served with orders prohibiting them from being involved in any way with the disturbances. 96 The Dean of Johannesburg Rev. Desmond Tutu sent an open letter to Mr Vorster asking him to take steps to avert a coming racial crisis In South Africa. 97 Continuation of repressive policies for the non white four fifths of the population in areas of housing, pass laws, education, employment, migration, and freedom of speech and assembly, along with the other events outlined above had led to an increasing fear of the inevitability of bloodshed and violence. B. Reports in the Methodist and Presbyterian Papers During this period the magazine The Outlook changed from fortnightly to monthly publication from September, 1971 and was edited by C.L. Gosling, following the death in 1967 of P.M. Smith. The Outlook’s policy is expressed in its report to Assembly in 1967, “our purpose is to stimulate the church with thoughtful articles about church and community affairs.” 98 The N.Z. Methodist was renamed The New Citizen In 1974, and it had a series of editors - Alun Richards in 1968, Ian W. Harris from 1968 - 1972, and John Bluck from 1973 - 1976. From 1968 - 1976 there was a high profile given to South African related events and issues, with the number of articles and letters peaking at 47 in 1970 and 53 in 1976 when All Blacks Toured South Africa. (see Tables 1 and 2) Catalysts for concern with these issues were reports of events in South Africa, Rugby Tours, HART and CARE, the W.C.C. Programmes to Combat Racism, the N.C.C. promotion of programmes to improve race relations, and W.C.C. initiated concern regarding investment in and trade with South Africa. Individual figures of importance in raising awareness include A. Gnanasunderam Secretary of the N.C.C. Church and Society Commission from 1969 to 1979 99 and R. H. T. Thompson. While the Outlook features a smaller number of articles, much the same material is covered with less depth. For example the Outlook featured one article concerning trade and investment with South Africa in September 1976, while the Methodist papers published twenty from November 1970 to October 1976. Likewise black consciousness featured in the Outlook in September 1972, while there were eight references in the Methodist papers.

96 New Citizen, 19/8/76 p. 8, citing report from Revelation Ntoula, a black South African journalist. 97 New Citizen, 22/7/76, p. 10. 98 Presbyterian White Book, 1967, p. 110a. 99 C. Brown, Forty Years On, p. 153. 26 The Programme to Combat Racism was the most reported on issue with eighteen Outlook and twenty four Methodist references. Just as in South Africa the grants produced divided opinion over the fears of church funds being used for military purposes. Information on the funds uses and South African reaction to the grants was published. The Outlook’s questioning attitude appears more aligned with the South African Presbyterian rejection of the grants, while the Methodist Church in both countries expresses favour for backing up the Programme to Combat Racism with funding for peaceful means. The P.C.R. issue was largely confined to the churches in New Zealand, but the Springbok All Black Tours concerned a much wider spectrum of the New Zealand public. Having learned, in 1959, the value of exerting pressure regarding rugby tours, the churches encouraged the use of sporting contact as a lever for changing South Africa’s apartheid policies. While the Methodist approach was almost solely the need to stop tours until teams were selected for ability rather than colour, the Outlook carried more fully the debate between parties wishing to build or break down sporting bridges. The build up of tension prior to Norman Kirk’s instruction to the Rugby Union in 1973 that the tour was off, is well covered in both publications with attention paid to the implications for black and white South Africans, New Zealand race relations, New Zealand’s standing in world opinion, and the Commonwealth Games. Coverage was also provided on theological and practical issues raised by W.C.C. and N.C.C. concerning race relations in New Zealand in the light of apartheid issues, and the N.Z. Methodist published six in depth articles by R. H. T. Thompson who attended the Notting Hill Consultation on Racism from 19th to 24th May, 1969. 100 He pointed out that “racism is just a pretentious way of saying ‘I’ am one of the best people,” 101 and that as we share a common frailty under the sovereignty of God our pretensions to racial superiority are quite ludicrous. 102 The work of HART and CARE was also discussed, and generally the Methodist attitude was more favourable to these groups, although by 1976 the Methodist International Affairs Committee was reported to be investigating the question of continued Methodist support. Information was presented on events in South Africa regarding Soweto,103 legislation,104 Bantustans,105 and migrant labour. Statements by Churches, such as a

100 N. Z. Methodist, 8/5/69, 22/5/69, 5/6/69, 3/7/69, 17/7/69, 31/7/69. 101 R. H. T. Thompson in N.Z. Methodist, 3/7/69, p. 5. 102 Ibid, 31/7/69 p. 5. 103 New Citizen, 19/8/76, p. 8. 104 New Citizen, 31/10/74, p. 1, Outlook, 8/74, p. 31. 27 request from South Africa to Stop the Tour,106 and leaders such as Desmond Tutu 107 and Dr. J. Verkuyl 108 also appeared and provided background for readers. Trading with and investing in South Africa were well explored by the Methodist papers after the question was raised by the W.C.C. Again the pros and cons of building and breaking down bridges were raised. Ending tariffs giving South Africa favourable terms of trade with New Zealand was recommended, and, while acknowledging that N.Z. trade represented only 0.1% of South African imports it was felt that discontinuation of this was desirable. Views were expressed that investing in South Africa supported the apartheid regime, and the reports of church committees on church investments in South African based companies were published. Racism is one of the most explosive situations in the world today. In South Africa white racism is most systematised and developed. There is a focus on all racist problems in the South African situation. It is in South Africa that we are involved since we are part owners of two New Zealand companies that trade there. 109 Shareholders were encouraged to attend 1976 annual meetings of N.Z. Insurance and South British Companies, to push for equal employment opportunities and salary scales for people of all races, and to put motions asking the companies to help end apartheid practices. Although these motions were lost N.Z.I. reported it was favouring equal opportunities for its South African Staff. 110 The Methodist Church proceeded to sell their shares in the companies. 111 Taking an overall view of this coverage it appears that the attitudes of the Methodist and Presbyterian Church of N.Z. to South Africa in publications from 1967-1976 are influenced by three main factors 1. Following similar lines to their church counterparts in South Africa This was easier for the Methodist publications whose editors appear to identify with such views, than for the Presbyterians. As Dennis Brutus pointed out, the

105 Outlook, 6/73, p. 16. 106 N.Z. Methodist, 8/2/73, p. 1 printing letter from All Africa Conference of Churches General Secretary, Burgess Carr. 107 Outlook, 8/76, p. 3. 108 NZ Methodist, 11/3/71, p. 12. 109 Outlook, 9/76 p. 9 report from D.M. Jamieson, convener of the Special Committee on Investment. 110 Ibid. 111 Minutes of Conference, 1976 p. 141. 28 Presbyterian Church of South Africa was viewed as an English speaking version of the Dutch Reformed Church and held conservative pro-apartheid views 112 2. A general division along N.Z. party political lines, with Methodists and Labour party favouring, for instance, stopping the tour and Presbyterians advocating the bridge building National approach of Sir John Marshall. Both the Methodist Church and the Labour Party in Opposition were fulfilling a prophetic role in criticism of the status quo. This common focus led to improved Government/Church relations particularly between Prime Minister Norman Kirk and Rev. Wilf Ford, after Labour’s 1972 election victory. 113 Further emphasis on the division of the politics of the left and the right can be seen in there being more credibility given to allegations of communist influence in Presbyterian questioning of W.C.C., P.C.R., HART and CARE.114 More associations with Naziism are made in Methodist criticisms of apartheid. 115 3. A thinking through of what it means to be Christian in New Zealand at this time, in the light of issues raised by the WCC and Springbok Tours, and in response to initiatives from Conference and Assembly Committees. This resulted in coming to understanding of the implications of New Zealand actions in the world and a greater awareness of the need for love, justice and reconciliation. It also led to more Christians becoming involved in action groups such as HART and CARE. Thus influences initiated and focused by the churches were permeating the community, sharing their concerns and actions. Notwithstanding the point made in 1. above, there is reflected a far greater concern with and awareness of issues related to South Africa on a broader basis than the earlier sectarian interest in missions alone. The improvement in communication world wide made news more instantly available for report. and comment, and its use, particularly in the tabloids is noted. C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports While there is continuing concern in the areas under attention earlier, the focus shifts from domestic to a broader perspective and complexities are recognised. “Up until 1967 there can be little doubt that most thinking within N.Z. was directed towards the domestic situation. Now our thinking is directed more towards those whom we cannot play against because of the laws of their country.” 116

112 N.Z. Methodist 27/2/69. 113 R MarshalI, Interview with Elaine Bolitho 9/9/1986. 114 Outlook 5/76, p. 19. 115 N Z Methodist 6/4/72, p. 12. 116 Presbyterian White Book 1969, p. 157. 29 The question of motivation arises with a bridge building open door policy as this could be a rationalisation of New Zealand’s love of sport. Selection of some Maoris for the 1970 Tour of South Africa was viewed as being in line with the churches’ recommendation at that time, but further consideration brought the Presbyterian Church Committees to the opinion of the Methodists - that tours involving South Africa should be cancelled until such times as all teams are selected on merit irrespective of colour. The Rugby Union was requested to send invitations to South Africa on this basis, 117 and other sporting bodies were urged to discontinue sporting contacts with South Africa. The role of Government was seen as one of offering encouragement to New Zealand teams to desist in playing apartheid sport, and to set an example in U. N. by voting for all means of decreasing racism and oppression - i.e. the Government was urged to ratify the U. N. Treaty for Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, and this was done on 24th November 1972. Contributions to the U.N. Trust Fund for South Africa were also urged from Government and churches from 1969 (This was the successor to the Defence and Aid Fund initially set up to help Treason Trial Victims.) 118 However when the Kirk Labour Government intervened in 1973, instructing the Rugby Union to not continue with its proposed tour, the churches accepted this as being justified, but regretted that it was necessary. 119 While there was focus on what New Zealand should not do, there was also concern with what could be done, in relation to South Africa and to New Zealand. In 1969 the Presbyterian Assembly sent down to churches for study the “Message to the People of South Africa”, received from the South African Council of Churches. This includes what the gospel says, their concern, the gospel’s claim, their task, and the affirmation that they must obey God rather than men. In 1973 the Methodist International Affairs Committee produced a list of eleven ways of being informed about the South African situation, and exercising some care and involvement, while recognising the difficulties associated with Government surveillance in South African both churches promoted the N.C.C. Anti-apartheid Kitset produced in 1972.120 When the Programme to Combat Racism was inaugurated in 1970 both churches, through Conference and Assembly urged its support. The Methodists and

117 Minutes of Conference, 1972 p. 167. 118 Minutes of Conference, 1969, p. 160. 119 Presbyterian White Book, 1973, p. 222, International Relations Committee Report. 120 Minutes of Conference, 1972, p. 163. 30 Presbyterians donated $100 and $500 respectively initially, and asked people to contribute. 121 And what could be done in New Zealand? Firstly the churches supported the W.C.C. recommendations for eliminating racism, and joined the N.C.C. programmes and HART and CARE to this end. The second issue raised by W.C.C. was that of New Zealand investment in and trade with South Africa. This was raised by the Methodist conference in 1971. 122 In 1973 the attitude of the Methodist Ecumenical Affairs Committee was concern for people above profits.123 By 1975 both Methodist and Presbyterian International Affairs Committees were working together on the issue. Three options were considered - increased involvement, reform, and withdrawal. The Resolutions which Conference 1974 adopted regarding church investments in South Africa were a) Conference affirms its total opposition to Apartheid. b) Conference recognises that the withdrawal of funds by the Methodist Church from New Zealand Companies with subsidiaries in South Africa may ultimately be the only effective protest. c) However, as a first step, this Conference directs that the Church and her official Boards be represented at the Annual Meetings of such Companies in which the Church has financial interests and from operations by their Company in South Africa. . . . d) That the International Affairs Committee investigates the possibility of alternative investments . . . . e) That Conference draws the attention of Methodist people with investments in such Companies to the opportunities for expressing Christian concern available at their Annual Meetings.124 Attendance at 1976 Annual Meetings of N.Z.I. and South British was planned to press for equal opportunities for South African employees of these firms. D. Attitudes Revealed From the foregoing, New Zealand Methodist and Presbyterian attitudes to South Africa appear to be much more in agreement and less influenced by their South African sister churches views.

121 Presbyterian Blue Book, 1972, p. 117. 122 Minutes of Conference, 1971, pp. 154-7. 123 N.Z. Methodist, 4/10/73, p. 1. 124 Minutes of Conference, 1974, p. 164 - Report of the International Affairs Committee. 31 Apartheid is completely rejected, believed to be in direct opposition to the gospel,125 and concern is expressed for the need for change. Issues are viewed in a broader perspective and implications for New Zealand are interpreted not only from the domestic viewpoint but also from those of non white South Africans, and world opinion, including the Olympic principle of no racial discrimination in sport. As consciousness is raised in the churches, identifying along sectarian lines and with white ‘kith and kin’ sportsmen (encouraged by South African Consulate staff in New Zealand 126) changes to identification with the oppressed from the gospel perspective of Jesus identifying with the poor - with people getting a raw deal 127 and declaring a stand with them for liberation. Bridge building with Government and white sports’ authorities is replaced by actions such as recommending tour cancellations, giving solidarity with the oppressed. Attitudes of concern are matched with a desire for action leading to justice and reconciliation.

125 Minutes of Conference, 1969, p. 158. 126 Foreign Affairs interview 25/8/88. 127 G.A. McIver, Telephone interview with Elaine Bolitho, 30/8/88. 32 RELATING IN SOLIDARITY IN THEOLOGY AND ACTION – 1977-1987 A Events in South Africa During this period a pattern which can be traced from the inception of apartheid policies continues in the move towards the political right and control by party and police. Bishop Tutu as Secretary of the S.A.C.C. emphasised this point by challenging his critics to debate “that apartheid is the most vicious system since Nazism.” 128 The political leadership of the Republic changed in 1979 to become the responsibility of P.W. Botha. 129 This coincided with a “further hardening of internal policies, and a draft bill on education which would seek to silence students, teachers and parents while ignoring such basic issues as rigid segregation in education and the disparity in education spending among blacks and whites.” 130 Although attempts at apartheid reforms were introduced reaction depended upon which sector of the population was viewing the changes - to the white sector desegregation of some international hotels, restaurants, beaches and buses and the abolition of the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act in 1985 131 and Influx Control Laws (Pass Laws) in 1986 132was too much. To the rest of the population it was merely cosmetic change to “petty apartheid” with no major shift in the “grand apartheid” plans such as those involving homelands, Group Areas Act, or differences in education spending. 133 Likewise, the new Constitution introduced on 2nd November 1983 gave a three house Parliament - representing white, Indian and Coloured voters - but still no members or voting rights for the 24 million black people. 134 Continuing the policy of “divide and rule” divided not only black from white, but also produced divisions within the white population. In the 1987 whites-only election twenty three seats were won by the Conservative Party campaigning for a return to

128 Focus, 6/61, p. 1. 129 Outlook, 5/79, p. 9. 130 Ibid. 131 No Easy Road, shown on TVNZ, 6/3/88. 132 Beyond the Rubicon, Telecast by TVNZ Channel 1, 9.00p.m. 28/6/88. 133 Outlook, 7/81, p. 30. 134 Outlook, 2/84, p. 18. 33 total apartheid. They are supported by the white supremacist Afrikaaner Weerstandsbeweging Movement (A.W.B.) which is modelled on Hitler’s Nazi Party.135 The Dutch Reformed White Churches (NOK, NHK and Gereformeerde Kerk) also continued to move to the right, taking more conservative stands regarding the immorality of sexual relations between different races,136 and dissociating from the “mother” Dutch Reformed Church in the Netherlands when the latter aligned herself with the W.C.C. Programme to Combat Racism.137 In 1979 the black “daughter” Dutch Reformed Churches told the white D.R.C. that separate development was no longer tenable on scriptural grounds.138 Theological justification of apartheid was declared a heresy by the World Alliance of Reformed Churches at Ottawa on 25th August, 1982, and membership privileges were suspended until it repented of the heresy.139 The D.R.C. had State support in their shared opposition to the W.C.C. In 1978 the Rand Daily Mail revealed secret spending by the South African Government (through a right wing British barrister) of $450,000 to insert full page advertisements in worldwide newspapers, including some in New Zealand. These denigrated the W.C.C. by alleging it supported terrorism and violence. 140 From 1974 the Government had also paid the Christian League as a front to pursue an uninterrupted campaign against the S.A.C.C.141 The Elhoff Commission investigated it for financial irregularities;142 the Government threatened to make it ineligible for overseas funding of projects; its Director, Sol Jacobs was arrested, and its offices raided when a State of Emergency was declared on 12th June, 1986.143 This attention resulted from the efforts of a group committed to reforming apartheid policies and bringing reconciliation and justice by non-violent means. As effective political opposition through the Liberal and Progress parties had long been silenced, pressure for change was coming through churches, trade unions and combined groups such as the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) which was formed in 1993.144

135 Evening Post, 15/1/88. 136 Presbyterian White Book, 1980, p. 182. 137 Outlook, 6/78, p. 17. 138 Outlook, 5/79, p. 23. 139 J. W. de Gruchy and C. Villa-Vicencio, Apartheid is a Heresy pp. 168-173. 140 New Citizen, 10/8/78, p. 8 quoting Rand Daily MaiI. 141 du Bourlay p. I70 quoting Ecunews Vol. 9, 1979. 142 Focus, 3/84, p. 1. 143 Focus, 9/86, p. 1. 144 Outlook, 8/85, p. 6. 34 This decade sees important changes in the source of pressure, the analysis of the problem and the proposals for action. A step along the route initiated by the black consciousness movement was the formation of ABRECSA (Alliance of Black Reformed Christians in Southern Africa.) Membership brought together the black mission churches who were leaving divisions not of their own making, in search of their own authentic identity, autonomy and independence.145 It was also open to any people opting to be on the side of the oppressed. Their 1981 Charter “unequivocally declare(s) that apartheid is a sin, and that the moral and theological justification of it is a travesty of the gospel, a betrayal of Reformed tradition and a heresy.” 146 They were thus rejecting the interpretation of the Reformed tradition being equated with oppression, racism, justification of tyranny and distortion of the gospel. They asked overseas churches to be guided by ABRECSA judgment, as complicity with white South Africa had made the overseas church part of the problem rather than part of the solution. 147 Christians taking a leap forward along the path of black consciousness and ABRECSA in 1986 produced the Kairos Document — ‘A Challenge to the Church - A Theological Comment on the Political Crisis in South Africa.’ The Kairos theologians submitted this for testing by a broad group of Christians and it was signed by 151 people from Catholic and Protestant, black, white, coloured and Indian, charismatic, evangelical and independent churches. 148 They view the present time as Kairos - the moment when God gives grace opportunity and challenge to decisive action. The crisis providing this Kairos is the division in South Africa between oppressor and oppressed, both claiming loyalty to the same church.149 Criticisms are made of the theology of the state and the church, and a prophetic theology offered in their place. State theology is criticised for its theological justification of the status quo - “It blesses injustice, canonises the will of the powerful and reduces the poor to passivity, obedience and apathy It does this by misusing the concepts and biblical texts for its own purposes.” 150

145 de Gruchy and VilIa-Vicencio, p. I62. 146 Ibid, p. 162. 147 Ibid, p. 166. 148 Challenge to the Church, pp. 32-5. 149 Ibid, p. 13. 150 Ibid. 35 For example, Romans 13 1—7 is used to give absolute and divine power to the State, and objections are raised to giving to unjust law obedience reserved for God alone. Criticism is also levelled at using the label ‘communist’ for everything opposed to the status quo, and to using the name of God to justify apartheid particularly in the new constitution where God is portrayed as “on the side of white settlers, dispossessing the black people of the land. . . State theology is viewed not only as heretical, but also as blasphemous. Church theology is analyzed from statements made by the English speaking churches, which are seen in a limited, guarded and cautious way, as critical of apartheid. Their criticism is seen as limited by dependence on stock ideas of reconciliation, justice and non-violence. Reconciliation cannot be used as an absolute principle as good and evil cannot be reconciled. Oppression is seen as an irreconcilable evil, and repentance by the oppressor is necessary before justice can be present. The justice sought is not the justice of reform, where appeals are addressed to the white leaders at the top, but a changing of structures brought about by pressure from the oppressed themselves. 151 The church, in deploring the use of violence in self defence has not addressed the question of tacit support to the oppressor The fundamental problem as seen by the Kairos Theologians is lack of social analysis and of political strategy. This came about by the emphasis on spirituality as other worldly and individualistic, and leaving intervention to God. A social analysis sees of one side committed to maintaining the status quo at all costs, and the other side committed to changing it at all costs. 152 Oppression is described as tyranny, and a tyrant as an enemy of the common good. A tyrannical government introduces reforms only to serve its good, and becomes more and more violent and totalitarian when the oppressed demand their rights. As such a government cannot be reformed and the apartheid regime is placed in this category, it is an enemy of the people and God. Christians are called on to love enemies:- “The most loving thing we can do for both the oppressed and for our enemies who are oppressors is to eliminate the oppression, remove the tyrants from power, and establish a just government for the common good of all the people.153 This leads to the need to move from “ambulance ministry” to action - transforming church activities by relevance; campaigning with the peoples’ organisations for change; obeying God rather than state when expected to collaborate with tyranny of

151 Ibid, pp. 17-19. 152 Ibid, p. 24. 153 Ibid, p. 27. 36 a morally illegitimate regime; praying, working planning for a change of government and providing moral guidance.154 This document did not arise in a vacuum. It is the response to finding appropriate theology and plan of action for living in crisis times. The whole period 1977-1987 can be seen as one continuing crisis with the initial eruption of Soweto triggering it. The death in police custody of Steve Biko, a young black medical student leader in the black consciousness movement, drew world wide attention again to events in South Africa. The British Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Gleneagles Agreement attempted to discourage sporting contact with South Africa as a protest against their apartheid policies and action, and the W.C.C. made calls for disinvesting and trade and diplomatic boycotts. The South African Consul in New Zealand was sent home in 1984.155 The South African Government found ways of getting around these irritations and continued to implement its policies, making only minor concessions to consolidate its position, and using police and army to control the rising discontent and anti-apartheid riots in black townships. One example of this was the mob killing in Sharpeville on 3rd September, 1984 of Joseph Dlamini, a black councilor, regarded as a collaborator with the white government. Five men and a woman were tried for the offence, not convicted of the killing, but found guilty in a non-jury trial by white judges, “because they had a common purpose with the perpetrators. “ For this they were sentenced to death, and world wide appeals seek their reprieve. 156 Even children were detained without trial, tortured and grossly maltreated by South African authorities during the States of Emergency declared from 1985. Commonwealth Heads of Government “called on the Pretoria regime immediately to open all its places of detention. to regular international inspection, and to provide an effective legal framework to guarantee to children the special protection to which their vulnerability entitled them. 157 Almost forty years from its inception, the Nationalist Government having tried to silence the opposition to its policies by force, legislation and propaganda, and having moved further to the right politically, is still faced with a voteless black majority of twenty four million people to whom its rule still not acceptable. Put forty years on

154 Ibid, pp. 28-9. 155 Evening Post 17/6/88, p. 13. 156 Evening Post 16/3/88 and Dominion, 18/3/88. 157 Notes on the Commonwealth The Dkanagan Statement and Programme of Action on Southern Africa, issued by Commonwealth Heads of Government from the Retreat at Lake Okanagan held in the course of their meeting in Vancouver Canada, 1987. 37 the unacceptability is clearly identified and addressed in the hope of actually changing the government for the good of all. B. Reports in Methodist and Presbyterian Papers This is a time of change in church publications. The Methodist tabloid The New Citizen moved from fortnightly to monthly issues in 1979 and ceased publication in June 1979. The Editor also changed from John Bluck in March, 1997 to Ewing Stevens in June of that year. Church news was then published in five or six issues of Focus a year until monthly publication D.V. McNicol became editor in 1984. The Outlook Editor changed on 1st April, 1978 from C.L. Gosling to H. Kuiper until December 1986, when Outlook and Focus combined in a new joint publication, Crosslink to whom R. Casinder was appointed as Editor. The South African related issues which were given the most coverage over this period were matters concerning rugby tours, investment and trade, the W.C.C. Programme to Combat Racism, the declaration of apartheid as a heresy, and a renewed interest in mission associated with New Zealanders working in Southern Africa. The catalysts for this interest were the planning for 1981 and 1986 Rugby Tours, and church committees’ actions concerning these and the other issues. The tabloids continued to act in a news service role reporting events from South Africa, and both church publications gave more prominence to what South African church leaders such as Archbishop Tutu, 158 Sol Jacobs, Arnold Stofile 159 and Allan Boesak160 were saying and doing.161 In this way the papers were responding to the ABRECSA request to be guided by their judgment. Another example of this response, stimulated by reading ‘The Reuben Option’ in Allan Boesak’s book of sermons Walking on Thorns 162 is the letter written by Dr. J. Veitch as Secretary of the Co-ordinating Committee of the Council for Mission and Ecumenical Co-operation to Allan Boesak, following the announcement that the N.Z.R.U. had accepted the South African invitation to tour. He moves from seeing the tour as a tragic blunder to applying the sermon to the New Zealand situation, and ends, Our anger and protest will become a ‘holy rage’ as you call it.... we will take every peaceful means of protest we can to try and change this decision. We will stand in solidarity with the black people of South Africa and all who work for Justice in your country until apartheid is dismantled, and all, black, white,

158 Outlook 9/81, p. 19. 159 Outlook, 5/86, pp. 13-14. 160 Outlook, 9/86, p. 10. 161 Focus, 9/81, p. 1. 162 A. Boesak, Walking on Thorns, pp. 35-41. 38 coloured and Asian people have the freedom to be South Africans. Our obedience to the gospel demands nothing less than this by way of protest.163 This letter made front page news in the Sunday Times and its headline was featured on the billboard of the day. The Crosslink report ‘Black Christmas’ in its first issue shows S.A.C.C. members mourning the detention of 25,000 children, and expressing solidarity with the black peoples’ longing for equal rights. 164 A letter to the editor of Outlook from Rev. Kim Bathgate requesting an end to the superficial “I-have-been-there-and-I-know” reports from New Zealanders visiting South Africa appears to have been noted, as reports from South African leaders have a higher profile from then on. 165 The only other time when letters to the editor played a significant role was at the time of the 1981 Springbok Tour of New Zealand when a total of twenty one appeared in the Outlook, raising a wide variety of view points. Apart from a small number of dissenting letters, the Methodist attitude to the Rugby Tour was that it should not take place, and this was also more emphasised in the Outlook than in the previous decade. The total number of articles in both publications relating to South Africa also peaked In 1981 with forty five, continuing the pattern of previous years when an increase in South African related items appeared in years of Rugby Tours. (See Tables 1 and 2) An issue which surfaced for New Zealanders in relation to the 1981 tour was that of law and order, which South African Christians had faced much earlier. While admitting to excesses on both sides the Outlook Editor in September 1981 comments. “As for the law, it deserves respect,...But must the law always be slavishly obeyed? Isn’t there a divine law which supersedes man’s law?”166 Questions were also asked about the N.C.C paying court costs for clergy protestors arrested during the tour. 167 New Zealand race relations issues, as a reaction from considering racism also played a role, and controversy was aired about the Churches being associated with HART

163 Focus, 5/85, p. 1. 164 Crosslink, 3/87, p. 1. 165 Outlook, 7/84, p. 4. 166 Outlook, 9/81, p. 2. 167 Outlook, 10/82, p. 4. 39 and CARE in this way, as a number of criticisms of their actions during the 1981 Springbok Tour were raised. 168 The declaration of apartheid as a heresy by the W.A.R.C. in 1982 and matters relating to the Dutch Reformed Church received more attention in the Outlook, 169 but otherwise reporting seems to have a low bias towards sectarian news. In connection with P.C.R. grants, the annual allocation of funds was regularly reported in the church papers, 170 and it is interesting to ponder whether the South African Government’s propaganda alleging W.C.C. terrorism and violence 171 played any role in NZ. letters making similar accusations, or in the worldwide controversy over grants.172 173 The publicity given to the issues of trading and investing in South Africa is continued in both church papers. As this is another issue which was initially raised by the W.C.C. in 1973 it is also another example of the fact that the work of church committees continued to provide the catalyst for South African related issues in the Outlook, the New Citizen and the Focus. C. Conference and Assembly Proceedings and Reports The Committees of Conference and Assembly underwent a number of amalgamations between 1977 and 1987, the first being that the International Affairs Committees came to work together from 1981 and were then incorporated into the Council for Mission and Ecumenical Co-operation from 1st July, 1984. The Council has its foundations in hearing and responding to people in their situations of need or oppression, in line with the gospel standpoint of concerned identifying with them. This has the corollary of aid and development being not hand outs but for empowering. 174 The Public Questions Committees were also working together by 1977. The Methodist Public Questions and International Affairs Committees had worked with a shoestring budget, utilising busy ministers, and thus had to be selective of the issues which they could study in depth. With increased personnel and funding more

168 See Focus, 6/81, p3 for Alan Brash answering this from N.C.C. 169 Outlook, 4/84, p. 22. 170 Outlook, 10/78, 11/83, p11; 12/85, p. 8. 171 New Citizen, 10/8/78, p. 8 quoting Rand Daily Mail. 172 Outlook, 3/79, pp. 3-4, (letter to editor from Trevor Roberts.) 173 Outlook, 12/78, p. 3. 174 G.A. McIver, telephone interview with Elaine Bolitho, 30/8/1988. 40 effective and unified actions and attitudes towards South African issues came to be expressed in this period.175 Interest in the continuing support of the Programme to Combat Racism and the question of trade and investment with South Africa continued through from the previous period studied. As N.Z.’s representative on the P.C.R. in 1978 Rev. Rua Rakena was able to satisfy the Methodist Church that it was justified in making an annual grant of $500 to the fund. 176 He also urged closer communication between the South African and New Zealand Churches. The Moderator Designate, Joan Anderson commented in March 1979, that “the P.C.R. and its special fund serve as a concrete indication of where we are in the ecumenical movement as regards the Church’s witness in the world with the Kingdom of God and his justice.” 177 It is noted that disbursements by the Council for Mission and Ecumenical Co- operation for 1986/7 include a $1500 grant to the P.C.R. 178 With reference to trade and investments, in 1980 the Methodist attitude favoured withdrawal of investments as the only ultimately effective protest, while the Presbyterian church policy was to work to improve conditions for black and coloured employees. 179 Assembly carried (91/52) a motion requesting N.Z.I. and South British to withdraw their business and investments from South Africa but the motion for Presbyterian withdrawal from companies refusing this action was lost. (49/87) 180 The N. Z. I. sold its South African connections before its merger with South British, 181 but the Methodists had disinvested of all but a token shareholding in the companies, 182 announcing that the church’s new insurers were an overseas company not operating in South Africa. 183 In 1981 the Race Relations Committee considered it an important act of witness for the Presbyterian Church to disinvest its 560,000 shares in N.Z. South British whose South African connection paid taxes to support the social and economic framework

175 Ibid. 176 Minutes of Conference, 1978, pp. 157-8. 177 Outlook, 3/79, p. 15. 178 Presbyterian White Book, 1987, p. 20. 179 Minutes of Conference, 1980, p. 222. 180 Presbyterian Year Book, 1981 pp. 136-7. 181 Outlook, 4/61, p. 8. 182 Presbyterian White Book, 1981, p. 132 183 New Citizen, 6/79, p. 8. 41 of apartheid. 184 The Public Questions Committees’ request to Conference and Assembly to prepare a set of individual and corporate Investment guidelines was duly met. Conference and Assembly in 1985 unanimously endorsed the call for economic sanctions. 185 Following the action of W.A.R.C. in declaring apartheid a heresy at Ottawa in 1982 186 both Methodist and Presbyterian Churches considered this. At Assembly, 1984, the Presbyterians carried by 190 votes to 27 a motion that “We declare with Black Reformed Christians of South Africa that apartheid (separate development) is a sin and that the moral and theological justification of it is a travesty of the gospel, and in its persistent disobedience to the Word of God, a theological heresy.” 187 The Methodist Church, as a member of the N.C.C. responded to the N.C.C. affirmation that apartheid is a heresy by declaring this to be so, adopting a statement on the matter, and forwarding this to the N.C.C., the N.G.K. and the Methodist Church of Southern Africa. 188 Appreciation of the N.Z. churches’ expression of solidarity, and desire for closer contact was notified in a letter from S.B. Ngcobo, General Secretary of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. 189 In 1980 the Churches called on the N.Z.R.U. to not invite a Springbok Team, or continue contacts with white dominated rugby in South Africa. Throughout 1981 the Springbok Tour absorbed the largest part of the work of the Public Questions Committee who produced a great many documents, including organising a 10,000 signature petition to have the tour called off 190 and used all persuasive powers on Government and N.Z.R.U. to get the tour stopped. Finally the heads of all the mainstream churches called on their people to protest non-violently against the tour, as “the Churches have no Gospel alternative but to continue to speak and work for justice and mercy in this issue both in New Zealand and overseas.” 191

184 Presbyterian White Book, 1981, p. 132. 185 Presbyterian White Book, 1986, p. 26. 186 Presbyterian White Book, 1983, p. 126. 187 Presbyterian Year Book, 1985, p. 125. 188 Minutes of Conference, 1984, pp. 639-40. 189 Outlook, 7/86 p. 3. 190 Minutes of Conference, 1981 pp. 219-222. 191 Presbyterian White Book, 1981, p. 169. 42 The resulting “legacy of polarisation, confusion and distrust” 192 caused by the tour brought a call for reconciliation, hope for growth, and realisation of the need for the church to accept both its prophetic and its pastoral roles. 193 When in 1985 a Rugby Tour of South Africa was proposed, both churches through their International Affairs Committee expressed opposition, 194 and having commended the Prime Minister for signing the Gleneagles Agreement, urged its honouring. To go meant alignment with the policies of apartheid, the doctrine of which was declared a heresy, while non co-operation with apartheid sport was seen by Bishop Tutu, other church leaders and the U.N. as an effective form of non violent action against apartheid. 195 Conference and Assembly called on the N.Z.R.U. to not accept the invitation and on the Government to use all practical means to persuade the N.Z.R.U. to not tour South Africa in 1985. The International Relations Committee also listed initiatives for action regarding anti-apartheid policies the Government and churches should take as soon as possible, and actions to try to stop a Rugby Tour. 196 Rev. Arnold Stofile of the U.D.F. came to New Zealand to help stop the tour by being a key witness in the High Court case which resulted in the tour being stopped. The Public Questions Committee wrote commending the successful plaintiffs. However, the following year, when the rebel Cavaliers team went to South Africa the Council for Mission and Ecumenical Co-operation made known their views regarding the insensitivity of the Tour. 197 Prime Minister David Lange saw links between the Cavaliers’ presence and Arnold Stofile’s arrest in South Africa, and the Presbyterian Church saw it as yet another example of the oppressive way the South African Government tried to stamp out legitimate opposition. They also appealed to the Ciskei authorities for a fair hearing and asked the police to not torture Stofile. He was released on 19th April, 1986, being given no reason for his detention, which included three or four days of roughing up. 198 In line with the recommendations of ABRECSA and the Kairos Document reports to Conference and Assembly reflect the concern to view things from the perspective of the oppressed. The work undertaken by the Churches, particularly since the formation of the Council for Mission and Ecumenical Co-operation is likewise guided by this perspective, with the building up of relationships and expression of solidarity being a high priority.

192 Ibid, p. 146. 193 Ibid, p. 207. 194 Minutes of Conference, 1984, p. 640. 195 Ibid, p. 149. 196Presbyterian White Book, 1994, pp. 76-8. 197 Presbyterian White Book, 1986, p. 26. 198 Outlook, 5/86, pp. 13-14. 43 This is reflected in visits to New Zealand by South Africans. These include Mr I.C. Aitken and Mrs Jolobe from the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa in 1981, Bishop Tutu in 1992, Arnold Stofile in 1995, and Oliver Tambo at Easter 1997. New Zealand visits to South Africa also feature in the building up relationships. Rev. Bill Best visited in 1979 and Dr Peter Utting and Ms Jeya Wilson, members of the Methodist International Affairs Committee, took part in the South African Methodist Church Conference ‘Obedience 81.’ 199 Other visits include those made by Rev. Sam McCay in 1983, and Dr. J. Veitch, in 1985. In addition to the personal contacts, appointments have been made to Southern Africa - L. and H. Schroeder to Botswana, and G. and M. Whaley to Dadaya, Rhodesia. Workers such as Celeste Roberts in Capetown and those at the Winnie Mandela Health Centre are also supported financially, with $19,252.77 being spent in this way in 1996-7. 200 A one year scholarship for a ministerial student at Knox College was taken up in 1985 by Rev. Fraser Paterson, a white minister from Zimbabwe. 201 Communication is maintained between churches in N.Z. and South Africa 202 and the system of sending greetings from Conference and Assembly used in the 1940’s and 1950’s has been revived. Important events in the lives of South African leaders have been marked by communications from the New Zealand Churches - events such as Archbishop Tutu’s enthronement, and the banning or imprisonment of Beyers Naude, Sol Jacobs, Arnold Stofile and Allan Boesak. Communication with the South African Government is not neglected either. It is noted that following Bishop Tutu’s 1982 visit to N.Z., Assembly “thank(ed) the South African Minister of Internal affairs for his Government’s issuing of a temporary travel document allowing Bishop Desmond Tutu to visit N.Z. and reminded the Minister of the Assembly conviction that Bishop Tutu, and all South Africans, ought to have access to a passport as of right.” 203

199 P. Utting and J. Wilson, Babes in Verwoerds, Chapter 5, pp. 60-89, and Chapter 8, Hamilton match cancelled. See also Appendix to International Affairs Committee Report, in Minutes of Conference, 1981, pp. 204a and 204b. 200 Presbyterian White Book, 1987, pp. 19-20. 201 Outlook, 10/85, pp. 14-15. 202 See, for example, Presbyterian White Book, 1982, p. 172; 1983, p. 149. 203 Presbyterian Year Book, 1984, p. 138. 44 An appeal was made to the Ciskei authorities for a fair hearing for and no torture of Arnold Stofile in April, 1986, 204 and witnessed to the integrity of Allan Boesak when he was on trial in 1985. 205 The Very Rev. Dr. I. W. Fraser in his essay on the Presbyterian Church’s Concern with International Affairs wishes to see the valuable work done in the past by the International Affairs Committee in informing and leading the church being continued by the new Council for Mission and Ecumenical Cooperation.206 It is noted that “it is the retiring committee’s hope that issues dealt with under internatioinal relations will be continued in the units of the Council for Mission.” 207 The new emphasis on mission and relationships in Southern Africa appears to add to rather than detract from the attitudes developed since the inception of the Council, making it possible to align with the wishes for solidarity in the ABRESCA Charter and the Kairos Document. D. Attitudes Revealed The concern expressed for the need for change and desire for action in the previous era is picked up by the Rev. Bill Best in 1979 when he says, “Change is no longer a luxury for debate, it is an urgent necessity of action.” 208 With closer liaison of the two churches in joint Public Questions and lnternational Affairs Committees, and the Joint Council for Mission, and Ecumenical Cooperation, a more unified New Zealand Methodist and Presbyterian Church attitude to South Africa is presented. For example, “Our two churches, along with almost all Christians everywhere, have declared such a system (apartheid) to be evil. We have committed ourselves to support moves aimed at ending this unChristian policy.” 209 This is also seen In response to groups of South African Christians, such as ABRECSA. Communication is maintained with individual denominations, but a more ecumenical approach is being taken in both countries. In three ways attitudes developed in N.Z. Methodist and Presbyterian Churches towards South Africa are similar to the attitudes of Black Africans towards apartheid.

204 Outlook, 5/86, p. 13. 205 Presbyterian Year Book, 1986, p. 137. 206 I. W. Fraser, p. 20. 207 Presbyterian White Book, 1984, p. 74. 208 Outlook, 5/79, p. 23. 209 Minutes of Conference, 1985, p. 143. 45 a) Having become involved in New Zealand In the issue of obedience to the law In relation to the Springbok Tour, a closer solidarity is expressed with South Africans who have had to face this situation for much longer. b) The 1981 Springbok Tour was a catalyst for “making members think through existing opinions and prejudices and measure contemporary events against the gospel message.” 210 In South Africa this exercise produced the ABRECSA Charter and the Kairos Document. c) The New Zealand response to the “legacy of polarisation, confusion and distrust” 211 left by the 1981 Springbok Tour led to a call here for reconciliation of the prophetic role of the church In society with the pastoral care of Its people. 212 The Kairos Document calls for a response from Christians that is biblical, spiritual, pastoral, and above all prophetic. 213 In 1981 The President of Conference and Moderator of Assembly said “Christians should Identify with the suffering of black Africans and do their utmost to stop the tour.” 214 The attitude of the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches towards action has been to try to build relationships by regular communications, visits and support of New Zealand and South African workers within Southern Africa. The comment regarding Celeste Roberts work with pre-school Capetown children sums this up well – “we are glad to provide this practical support as a clear sign of solidarity with church life in South Africa.” 215 Bishop Tutu said, “We don’t hate white South Africans. We love them. We hate apartheid.” 216 This is picked up in the Kairos document in the call to love enemies, and it application in working to remove oppression for the common good of all South African people. 217 This aspect of their hopes needs to be remembered when the Methodist and Presbyterian Church of New Zealand express attitudes of solidarity with the oppressed South Africans.

210 Minutes of Conference, 1981, p. 155, Report of Public Questions Committee. 211 Ibid, p. 146. 212 Ibid, p. 207. 213 Challenge to the Church, p. 23. 214 Outlook, 5/81, p. 15. 215 Presbyterian White Book, 1986, p. 27. 216 Outlook, 10/83, p. 15. 217 Challenge to the Church, p. 27. 46 CONCLUSION Summary of catalysts for developing attitudes The events and issues having the greatest influence in developing the attitudes of the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches of New Zealand to South Africa from 1947 to 1987 appear to be 1. The South African Government’s apartheid legislation and the results of its implementation. 2. The reaction to this by (a) South African churches, in declarations, theology and practice. (b) The world church bodies - (i) The World Council of Churches and its Programme to Combat Racism (ii) The World Alliance of Reformed Churches and its declaration of heresy. (c) The NZ. National Council of Churches, including Rev. A Brash, A. Gnanasunderam and R. H. T. Thompson. 3. Rugby and sporting exchanges and the issue of building or breaking down bridges. 4. Reports of specific events from South Africa - (a) bannings and other results of apartheid (b) Sharpeville and Soweto As the church reacted to these influences to develop appropriate theology and action for New Zealand Christians in relation to apartheid, racism, rugby, trade and investment, other factors also came into play as the forty year period was a time of change - 1. Change from a colonial paternalistic outlook to an independent one, accompanied by loosening of ties with Britain. 2. The churches through developing links with Asian Churches appreciated that the world had changed since World War II. The emergence of newly independent countries producing new forces on racial issues ensured that race relations and sporting policies were going to have to be reassessed. 218 3. A gradual move from a race relations policy of assimilation and integration to bi- and multi-cuIturalism. 4. A closer relationship with world and church bodies.

218 R. H. T. Thompson, letter to Elaine Bolitho, dated 4/9/1988. 47 5. Less influence by sectarian doctrines such as Arminianism and Predestination, and more emphasis on Christian unity. 6. Some awareness of the need to move from privatised secularised Christianity to prophetically attempt to influence peace and justice issues in line with gospel perspectives, socially, nationally and internationally. 7. Awareness of the value of contextual and indigenous theology - that the gospel heart message must be interpreted meaningfully for its situation, free of earlier cultural packaging. Rugby Issues The above factors, events and issues interacted most clearly when New Zealand and South African Rugby teams planned exchanges. This is borne out by increased numbers of South African related articles appearing in church publications at the time tours were planned, played or stopped. Tables 1 and 2 show this as particularly marked in 1970, 1976, and 1981. The number of statements, approaches and actions planned and executed by Conference and Assembly led to raised consciousness concerning the implications of apartheid, and consideration of its significance in domestic, moral and international areas. The Methodist Church of N.Z. in line with its history of presenting a social gospel has been recommending since 1953 that sports tours be stopped until South African teams are all chosen on merit rather than colour, and the Presbyterian Church has adopted this stance too, after debate. Working with the N. C. C. and Roman Catholic Churches they led public opinion in the 20 months from October, 1958, in the domestic related area of allowing Maori All Blacks to tour South Africa. They initiated and maintained the controversy, raising awareness of the implications of apartheid and using sport as a lever for change. This amazed politicians and Rugby administrators who expected it to blow over. As public support grew for upholding racial equality many voices joined the churches’ lead.219 Criticisms can be levelled at this lead in that it was largely given by the top echelons, 220 with an appearance of unanimity encouraged by the silence of the apathetic. Church spokesmen also tended to be politically naive, not understanding their prophetic role as social reformers and critics, and they failed to add an element of commitment to their appeals and admonitions. 221

219 R. H .T. Thompson, ’The Church and Community Conflict’ in Theology, No. 502, April 1962, p. 14. 220 Brown, p .100. 221 R. H. T. Thompson, ibid, pp. 143-7. 48 From this beginning, however, the Churches, individually and collectively through N.C.C. continued to call on the N.Z.R.U. to refrain from accepting or offering Springbok invitations for tours, and on the Government to use all reasonable means to discourage tours. In 1976 when events at Soweto stung world opinion into anger against a government that could kill 600 protesting black school children, sympathy and support were expressed for the black people wishing to take the initiative to end oppression. The Methodist and Presbyterian Churches of N.Z. expressed their solidarity with the people of Soweto and slated the N. Z. Government for its insensitivity for allowing an All Black Rugby Team to go to South Africa at such a time. The churches’ involvement in this ongoing issue has been costly in terms of its divisive nature, resulting in loss of members 222 particularly at the time of the 1981 Springbok Tour of N.Z. when New Zealanders were faced with the law and order issue and whether to obey God or man - a dilemma long experienced by oppressed South Africans. Some church members were prepared to add an element of commitment to their words by demonstrating at Hamilton, Molesworth Street or Parliament, giving them a sense of solidarity with South Africans. These joint actions in which the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches played a part were reported in the South African Press, and seen live on television, according to Peter and Jeya Utting who were there at the time. 223 The actions were also appreciated by Bishop Desmond Tutu who wrote, On behalf of the churches in South Africa and many of the Christians here, I want to say that we are very deeply appreciative of your peaceful efforts on our behalf in trying to oppose the system of apartheid, and to say straight away that what you are doing in your country is giving very considerable encouragement and support to people who are voiceless. 224 The Tour left a “legacy of polarisation, confusion and distrust” and the attitude of the churches to this was to call for reconciliation of their prophetic role in society and pastoral role in caring for the people. Other questions arose - if it is not morally right to play sport with a heresy, is it right to trade with and invest in the country implementing its policies? Was it possible to use shareholding to change company policy to give equal employment opportunities to all South African insurance workers? The latter was tried with limited success, but as reform was favoured less than withdrawal the Methodist Church disinvested of all

222 C. Nicol and J. Veitch, ‘Apartheid, the New Zealand Churches and the 1981 Springbok Tour,’ in J.T.S.A. No. 46. 223 Utting, pp. 112-7. 224 Presbyterian White Book, 1981 p. 156. 49 but a token shareholding in its South African based investments. This was an important moral decision but one which because of the small investments involved would not have had a great deal of effect in South Africa. Thus from considering the implications of excluding Maori All Blacks grew awareness of the plight of non-whIte South Africans, and from sympathy grew empathy and solidarity. The attitude of building bridges with white South Africans to change apartheid policies from the top, changed to that of building the bridges with oppressed South Africans to apply the pressure for change of government with them, from below. This attitude is in line with the recommendations of ABRECSA that overseas countries follow their guidance regarding the best ways of achieving change. Theological Issues The attitude of solidarity was also reached via the route of theological understanding, one example of this being Ian Harris writing in 1970, With whom do we choose to identify? The answer depends on with whom do we think Christ would have identified himself. . . There are no New Testament examples of Christ hobnobbing with the rich and powerful at the expense of the poor and weak. Christ was never content to just show a good example, but to show love and called the oppressors to repent. 225 Theology like this was also applied in the support of the W.C.C. Programme to Combat Racism. The Church is committed to the liberation of the oppressed. It therefore stands with those who are oppressed against those who wish to continue policies of repression . . . We are also committed to those acts which will enable men to gain freedom in peace with justice.” 226 As the apartheid regime moved further towards the political right and became more of ‘an enemy of the common good’ 227 it became increasingly identified with Nazism, and its treatment of non-white citizens likened to treatment of the Jews. In black theology the oppressed people identify with the Jews in oppression. Ironically, Afrikaaners also identify themselves as the chosen people, but in elitist exclusive sense. Their apartheid theology fitted their situation as oppressed people under British domination, but they have maintained and developed their cultural

225 N.Z. Methodist, Editorial, 4/6/70, p. 2. 226 Presbyterian White Book 1979, p. 105, International Affairs Committee Report. 227 Challenge to the Church, p. 25, section 4.3. 50 packaging of Christianity using it to become the new oppressors. This is viewed by others as a heresy because the isolated elements chosen to justify it are taken out of context and are out character with the whole Biblical message of man’s equality and God’s universal love. The Nationalist Government views itself as the last bastion of white Christian civilisation but, at the time of the demise of colonial power, the doctrine and policies of apartheid are anachronistic as well as unjust. Black theology, growing out of black consciousness, also starts with where the people are, interpreting the Bible in ways seen as relevant to their situation. Their approach is not reverse racism as it is offered freely to all who share its emphases, with no limitation by way of skin colouring. What it has to say is much like what Ian Harris was writing above, and Christians world wide can identify with it and express solidarity with those who formulate and practice it. The attitude of relating in solidarity of theology and action has been expressed since the formation of the Joint Council for Mission and Ecumenical Communication by way of developing relationships between South African and New Zealand churches through visits, letters and supporting both New Zealand and South African workers in Southern Africa. This gives a degree of contact and interaction and bridge building in line with the wishes of the oppressed people, and also gives the N.Z. Methodist and Presbyterian Churches continuity in the ways of interacting with South Africa which have grown up from the interplay of events, issues and change factors over the past forty years. Relating in this way also links both the prophetic role of the church in society, in identifying with liberation groups and ABRECSA, and its pastoral role, in providing support for their workers. Submissions As ABRECSA and the South African Council of Churches encouraged nonviolent means of change, such as trade boycotts, the churches through International Affairs and other Committees, Conference and Assembly were active in making submissions to Government, Foreign Affairs and the Rugby Union to encourage them to effect change. In order to assess the effectiveness of this area of the churches’ work six public figures were supplied with summaries of church submissions to their institution and asked the following questions: a) How were the submissions and communications of the Churches regarded by (Foreign Affairs, The Rugby Union, Government) during your term of office? b) What actions, if any, were taken as a result of the submissions?

51 Mr Ces Blazey advises that he and the Rugby Union were aware of all the issues before the Churches raised them, but all submissions were replied to after careful consideration. Decisions were made on the basis of all evidence available at the time.228 Submissions to Govt. and Foreign Affairs concerned wider international issues as well as Rugby - asking for ratification of U.N. Conventions, withdrawing preferential tariffs, voting consistently in U.N and encouraging economic sanctions. Sir Robert Muldoon considers that the church submissions during his time in office were “somewhat naive although we certainly appreciated the feelings behind them. Given the public statements by various Ministers of Religion my Government rather felt that some of these attitudes were simply part of the bandwagon effect and that the churches were following rather than leading a certain section of public opinion” 229 He recalls no specific action resulting from the church submissions. 230 Warren Cooper comments that while the churches were visible and vocal within the lobby there is no guarantee that any submission carries any more weight than any other, and that there was an accumulative effect - part of a huge fleshing out of public opinion which in total meant sporting contacts were terminated. 231 Sir John Marshall echoed the opinion of church representations being one influential pressure group contributing to the moulding of public opinion. As Prime Minister he responded to all points raised by the churches. 232 He added that the Government always appreciates support for policies they are carrying out - such as the Ratification of the Convention on Racial Discrimination in 1971. 233 Hon. Russell Marshall provided perspectives on Methodist (from 1960), Labour Opposition (1976-84) and Government (1972-5 and 1984-8) attitudes. He considers that up to 1972 church approaches to government were regarded as “a bit of a pest,” and attacks were made on the churches by Sir Robert Muldoon and Hon. Bert Walker. Other National members, who were practising Presbyterians - including A. Hyatt, D. Thompson, H. Templeton and Sir John Marshall, found it

228 Letter from C A. Blazey to Elaine Bolitho dated 11th July, 1988. 229 Letter from Sir Robert Muldoon to Elaine Bolitho, dated 14th July 1988. 230 Ibid. 231 Letter from Warren Cooper to Elaine Bolitho dated 14th July, 1988. 232 For example letters to Rev. W.F. Ford 10/3/72 and to G.R. Ferguson 24/8/72. 233 Letter from Sir John Marshall to Elaine Bolitho, dated 12th July, 1988. 52 embarrassing to have church leaders promoting views which they did not share. He feels relationships improved after 1973, particularly due to good communications between Rev. Wilf. Ford and Prime Minister Norman Kirk. When Labour was in Opposition they were pleased to hear anti-apartheid views in agreement with their own policies being presented by the churches as it was all “grist to their mill.” (He has been an anti-apartheid contact inside Parliament for fifteen years.) He feels that the 1981 Prayer Protest in Parliament was a brave and imaginative action, seen in better light outside the House than in it, where it had a polarising effect, decreasing the credibility of the churches in the eyes of many Members of Parliament. He also added that the way submissions are viewed by individual politicians depends upon their own background, and felt that he and Sir John Marshall would have responded from within their Methodist and Presbyterian traditions, Sir Wallace Rowling as an Anglican “fellow-traveller,” while Sir Robert Muldoon and Sir Keith Holyoake would have responded from outside the Christian tradition. With reference to any actions resulting from Church submissions, Russell Marshall feels that the churches tend to over-rate the importance of their contributions, and that these have more effect in a general educative role within congregations and in the media. Generally submissions have not changed views of Parliamentarians and there are still people “on the South African side” in the present opposition. However he does recount that following the 1981 Molesworth Street incident that he and Sir Wallace Rowling got leaders of Churches, Labour Party, Unions, and Police together to see if they could form a coalition to get the tour called off. This shows the influence and efforts of church leaders being valued, and he adds that if the churches are not vocal in such causes as the anti- apartheid movement they would be seen to be failing in their (prophetic) role. Further to the comment on the churches over rating the value of their contributions he adds that in 1960, as a senior student at Trinity Methodist Theological College he was unaware of the Churches’ stand on sporting contacts with South Africa. It was not until 1964 that his conscience was aroused by a Baptist building his manse - Jim Pollock - and when he raised the issue in the North Canterbury Methodist Synod he got no response from the members. By reading W.C.C. material and becoming the N.Z. adversary of the N.Z. Rhodesia Society he developed his own views, and attempted to influence Methodist Church opinion rather than being influenced by it. His liberating theological views, related to the perception of every person with

53 human potential and capacity was fleshed out and spilled over into political views as he could not accept society with black oppression. 234 Questions addressed to Mr Mervyn Norrish Secretary of Foreign Affairs were answered by a spokesperson for African Affairs who advises that church submissions were considered seriously by any Government of any political persuasion as part of a whole spectrum of inputs. He agrees with Dr. Ian Fraser’s comment that Presbyterian International Affairs Committee submissions were well researched and presented. 235However, single points are easier to deal with than “umbrella-type” submissions. While he cannot pinpoint actions resulting from submissions, nor would it sit legitimately with him to do so, he sees value in the submissions for a) The Government, accountable to electors, must take cognisance of reputable groups. b) Anything in our society which contributes to the democratic process is important. c) As churches have an accepted place in society their views need to be made known to Government. The Government accepts and values them and considers them in conjunction with other advice in the formulation of policy. With reference to the N.Z. Churches 7 point submission in December 1980 in support of preventing the Springbok Tour of New Zealand, 236 he feels that the following statement is “Fair Comment:” While this submission did not gain “the desired decision to have the tour cancelled, it showed clearly the unequivocal stance of the Churches, based on the moral, social and political issues involved, to be part of the anti-tour movement.” 237 The Foreign Affairs spokesperson also advises that initiatives proposed in the Methodist and Presbyterian 1984 submissions to “build positive links with Black Africa” 238 are all being implemented or considered. a) A diplomatic post has been opened at Harare and the Labour Manifesto has the aspiration for a second post, but difficulty financing this at $800,000 per post.

234 R. Marshall, interview with Elaine Bolitho, 9/9/1988. 235 Telephone conversation between Very Rev Dr Ian Fraser and Elaine Bolitho on 15th February 1988. 236 See Appendix I. 237 Minutes of Conference, 1981, p. 206 Report of Joint Public Questions Committee. 238 See Appendix II. 54 b) $1,000,000 bi-lateral and $2,000,000 multilateral aid is currently given annually for South African oppressed people. c) Change in the U.N. Voting pattern is being implemented. Rather than abstain because of disagreeing with imprecise language, New Zealand representatives are now giving a qualified vote in favour of the content and explaining position. Agreements are not signed just for political impact. d) There are problems in promoting educational programmes about apartheid as the Government policy is to not issue visas to any South Africans (non-racial policy) but some visits such as that from Oliver Tambo have taken place. (This does not mean that the N.Z. Government recognises Oliver Tambo and the A.N.C. as the South African Government in exile.) A scholarship is currently being offered to a South African person disadvantaged by apartheid. e) Encouragement is given to sporting codes refusing to operate in apartheid sport, and it is noted that the N.Z.R.F.U. has discouraged players from accepting invitations to play in a World XV to tour South Africa. Submissions have also been made recommending sanctions. There is a clear government policy to follow the U.N. lead, and willingness to impose total sanctions when the U.N. does so, even though South African trade with New Zealand is of token amount only. It is currently down 34% on last year’s figure, and a comprehensive list exists of imports and exports excluded by Government directive or Act. While church submissions do not appear to have individually made any impact they are valued for the role they fill as part of the larger body of influence considered by decision makers, in their efforts to work towards the ending of apartheid in South Africa. Assessment In looking at the attitudes of concern, solidarity, rejection of apartheid and desire for change which have emerged through consciousness raising in the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches over the past 40 years, these can be seen as part of the overall perspective of at least two centuries of church responses to need at the grass roots level. While methods of responding have varied from era to era, and are with hindsight criticised for their failings, the pattern of response in ways then currently viewed as relevant nevertheless exists. Questions do arise as to what these attitudes have achieved in New Zealand and in South Africa over the past forty years and how effective these achievements have been. 1. The chief achievement in New Zealand has been consciousness raising with regard to South African events and issues. 55 2. The churches have on occasion led public opinion, have stayed with the issues, being ‘visible and vocal,’ and taken ‘flack’ from people inside and outside the churches. 3. Identifying with South African oppressed people, and responding in terms of the gospel standpoint and South African wishes. 4. Submissions have been considered by Government, Rugby Union, and Foreign Affairs in their decision making processes. 5. Efforts have been made to improve communications and provide empowering aid of the type desired by South Africans. This includes donations through the P.C.R. funds for Treason Trial Victims, and currently supporting workers. In order to achieve these results there have been both general and specific aims, an example of the former being the aim of the Presbyterian International Affairs Committee “to identify the Christian viewpoint on all issues arising in the international arena and commend such views to the church and general public.” 239 Such general aims generate general results, such as consciousness raising regarding domestic moral and international aspects of apartheid. This has led to increased awareness of N.Z. race relations issues and involvement in programmes through the N.C.C. leading to bi- and multi- culturalism. Specific goals have also been worked towards and as goals have been achieved aims have been ‘stepped up.’ For instance once the goal of inclusion of Maoris in All Black Teams to tour South Africa had been achieved, the goal was extended to include merit selection for all South African players. Declarations that apartheid is a heresy were made by Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in support of the views of W.A.R.C. and S.A.C.C. and communicated to South African Churches, but it appears to be easier to communicate with the heads of the churches etc. than with their people. At times N.Z. attitudes and actions were not communicated to South Africa, remaining a largely self-contained New Zealand phenomenon. There has been little contact with South Africa by N.Z. workers in Botswana and Rhodesia, and the scholarship offered by the N.Z. Presbyterian church was filled by a white South African minister who wrote his M.Th. thesis on the post 1945 N.Z. church situation and its relation with society, which he saw as having parallels with South Africa. 240 The scholarship has not been offered again.

239 Fraser pp. 19-20. 240 Outlook, 10/85, pp. 14-15. 56 N.Z. Churches and Rev. Allan Boesak have been asking the New Zealand Foreign Affairs Minister Russell Marshall to reach out more to oppressed South Africans, and it is Government policy to do this by giving aid through bi- and multi-lateral channels. As the current Labour Government has a high emotional commitment to South Africa, church submissions are more likely to be in line with government thinking and more likely to be achieved than when these stand in the prophetic role of criticising the status quo and seeking change. What the church does with its money is as much part of its programme as a service of worship, 241 and New Zealand church giving via the Winnie Mandela Health Centre and to Celeste Roberts is identifiable as an expression of N.Z. solidarity. The question arises however of whether it is more important for the aid given to be identified with N.Z. or for it to get through. The more anonymous giving through the Programme to Combat Racism is still our expression of solidarity, to empower the oppressed. The Methodist and Presbyterian Churches of N.Z. have monitored the South African scene for 40 years, at times being vocal and visible in helping raise consciousness concerning apartheid related issues. While a lot of thIs has gone on within the churches, there have been times when the public have been made aware of the views too, particularly in the 1955 initiating of awareness in the issue of Maori All Blacks being excluded from South Africa, and during the 1991 Springbok Tour of N.Z. There may have been only one occasion when a church statement made the front page news 242 but church views concerning South Africa are now accepted, valued and considered by Government in conjunction with other advice in the formulation of policy, being viewed by Foreign Affairs as a ‘distinctive flavour within the salad of public opinion.’ 243 Attitudes which have grown from concern to solidarity with the oppressed people over the forty year period and the desire to move from words to action are expressed through revival of interest in supporting mission workers and through the P.C.R. and permeated through Christian involvement in community groups concerned with South African issues. Consciousness raIsing in New Zealand has been a valuable first step, opening the way to respond to initiatives from South African churches, but because of the N.Z. Government’s current non-racial policy of not giving visas to any South Africans, there are difficulties in carrying out dialogue with people who are ‘quarantined.’ The Ministry of Foreign Affairs points out that it would be much easier to effect change with representatives on the spot. It is difficult to build bridges if you cannot see the

241 John Bluck, editorial in The New Citizen, 4/10/1973. 242 Dr J. Veitch’s letter to Rev AlIan Boesak, dated 18th April 1985 which made the front page and billboard of the Sunday Times. 243 Foreign Affairs Interview 25/8/88. 57 other bank! The churches can however utilise the ‘bridges’ in existing relationships, “listen to what they read,” 244 and respond with raised consciousness to the struggles and hopes of the South African Christians, identifying with the universal hope within their theology.

“The signs of hope in South Africa are like candles on a dark night. Our task in New Zealand is to affirm the flickering candlelight so that the gospel may retain its credibility.” 245

244 G.A McIver telephone interview with Elaine Bolitho, 30/8/1988. 245 Interview with J. Veitch, ‘Flickering Candlelight’ in Outlook, 10/85, p. 16. 58 BIBLIOGRAPHY Sources Beyond New Zealand Sarkat AM, and Mutaebirwa J.: Challenge to the Church, A Theological Comment on the Political Crisis in Southern Africa. The Kairos Document and Commentaries 1985, W.C. C. Geneva. Boesak, A. : Walking on Thorns, 1984, W.C.C. Geneva, Black and Reformed, Apartheid, Liberaton and the Calvinist Tradition, 1984, Orbis, New York. de Gruchy J.W. and Vilia-Vicencio, C. (Eds): Apartheid is a Heresy,1933, David Philp, Capetown. Hastings, A. : A History of African Christianity 1950-1975, 1979, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Huddleston, T. : Naught for Your Comfort, 1956 Collins London. Moore, B. (Ed.): Black Theology The South African Voice, 1973, C. Hurst & Co., London. Paton, A. : Ah, But Your Land is Beautiful, 1981, Penguin, London, Cry the Beloved Country, Jonathan Cape, condensed by Readers’ Digest Condensed Books, London, undated. Paton, D. N. (Ed ) : Church and Race in South Africa, Papers from South Africa 1952- 7 illustrating the Churches search for the will of God, 1958, S.C.M. London, Notes on the Commonwealth, The Dkanagan Statement and Programme of Action on Southern Africa, issued by Commonwealth Heads of Government from the Retreat at Lake Okanagan held in the course of their meeting in Vancouver Canada, 1987, Commonwealth Secretariat, London.

Television Documentaries Buerk, M. (B.B.C.): No Easy Road shown by TVNZ 8/3/88. Uys, Pieter Dirk: Crossing the Rubicon shown by TVNZ 28/6/88.

New Zealand Sources Anderson, C. : ‘Church Militant, in Comment, New Series No. 14 November, 1981, pp. 3-5 . Brash, A. ‘Apartheid- in New Zealand Rugby?’ in Church and Community, 12/58, p. 9. 59 Brown, C. : Forty Years On, A History of the National Council of Churches in New Zealand, 1941-1981, 1981, N.C.C., Christchurch. Nichol, C. and Veitch, J. : ‘Apartheid, the New Zealand Churches, and the 1981 Springbok Tour, in Journal of Theology for Southern Africa No. 46, March, 1984, pp. 39-47. Parish, K. : ‘The Christian Church and the Springbok Tour Suffer to Survive’, in Counting the Cost: the 1981 Springbok Tour in Wellington, 1982, V.U.W. History Dept, Occasional Papers, No. 1, Wellington. Thompson, R.H.T. : Race Relations in New Zealand, 1963, N.C.C. in N.Z., Christchurch. Retreat from Apartheid, N.Z.’s Sporting Contacts with South Africa, 1975, Oxford University Press, Wellington. Race and Sport, 1964, Oxford University Press, London. Race Discrimination in Sport, A New Zealand Controversy, 1969, N.C.C., Christchurch. ‘The Church and Community Conflict’, in Theology Vol. LXV, No. 502, April, 1962. ‘The All White All Blacks’, in Church and Community, 10/58, p. 7. ‘Apartheid and the 1960 Tour,’ in Church and Community, 3/59, p. 10. ‘The Cricket Tour’, in Church and Community, 3/61, p. 12. Letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 4/9/1988. Wilson, J. and Utting, P. : Babes in Verwoerds, 1982, Price Milburn, Petone. Methodist Church of N.Z. : Minutes of Conference, 1947 - 1987. Methodist Times, Vol. 37, No. 18, 18/1/47 to Vol.56, No, 1., 1/4/66, Christchurch. New Zealand Methodist, Vols.1 - 8, 26/5/66 - 1/12/73, Dunedin (continues as New Citizen). New Citizen, Vol. 9 No.1, 24/1/74 - Vol.14, 6/79, Dunedin. Focus, No. 1, 9/79 - No. 28, 11/83, Dunedin. Focus, No.29, 3/84 - No.53, 11/86, Wellington. Presbyterian Church of New Zealand : Reports of Committees and other Papers to be Presented to General Assembly (Known as Presbyterian White Book) 1947 - 1987. Reports of Proceedings of General Assembly, 1947 - 1968. Reports of General Assembly and Year Book, 1970 - 1987. (Known as Presbyterian Blue Books). The Outlook, 1947-1986, Christchurch and Wellington. Methodist and Presbyterian Church in N, Z. : Crosslink, Vol 1 No.1, 3/8 - No. 10, 12/87. Wellington. 60 Blazey, C.A. : Letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 11/7/1988, and N.Z.R.U. Press releases dated 12/9/80, 5/12/80, 10/7/81, 27/7/81, 17/4/85. Cooper, W.A. : Letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 14/7/1988. Fraser, LW. : ‘The Methodist Church and International Affairs,’ unpublished essay, 1980. ‘The Presbyterian Church’s Concern with International Affairs,’ essay to be published 1988. Also oral communication 15/2/88. McIver, G.M. : Telephone Interview with Elaine Bolitho 30/8/1988. Notes in the author’s possession. Marshall, J. : Letter to Elaine Bolitho dated 13/7/1988. Press Release dated 7/3/1972. Copies of letters written to (1) Rev. W.F. Ford, President of Methodist Conference, 10/3/72; (2) Rev. P.S. Andrews, Secretary Methodist Church of N.Z., 11/8/72; (3) Mr G.R. Ferguson, Convenor International Relations Committee, Presbyterian Church of N.Z., 24/8/72. Marshall, F. : Interview with Elaine Bolitho 9/9/1988, Notes in the author’s possession. Muldoon, P. : Letter to Elaine 8olitho dated 14/7/1988 ------: Interview 25/8/88, with Foreign Affairs spokesperson on African Affairs who requests that he not be named. Name and Notes in the Author’s possession.

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62 63 APPENDIX I Submission from the Heads of the Churches, in support of the Petition of the Churches, December 1980: For these reasons 1. that the apartheid system, which is the law in South Africa, is unjust, inhuman and un-Christian. 2. that under the system, there is no equality of opportunities or facilities for black and coloured rugby players. 3. that the Gleneagles Agreement embodies the moral obligation of Governments within the Commonwealth to end sporting contacts with South Africa. 4. that if the Tour goes ahead, there may be further boycotts against New Zealanders in sports other than rugby. 5. that if the Tour goes ahead, there could well be social and racial conflict in New Zealand. 6. that the Rugby Union has failed to accept its responsibility to support black and coloured rugby players in South Africa, and to help maintain the peace and welfare of New Zealand at home and abroad. 7. that the issue now rests fairly and squarely in the hands of Parliament to act in accordance with its stated policy of opposition to the Tour and in the best interests of New Zealand. We, members of Churches being opposed to sporting contacts with South Africa as long as the apartheid system continues, ask Parliament to take action now to prevent the Springbok Team from coming to New Zealand in 1981.

64 APPENDIX II Methodist and Presbyterian Churches, 1984: Call on Government to use all practical means to persuade the N.Z.R.F.U. not to proceed with a tour to South Africa in 1985. We do not advocate that the government refuse passports to N.Z. citizens to travel overseas. There are however a great many ways that the government can demonstrate its conviction concerning ongoing contacts with apartheid. Some are being done - others need to be explored. The government needs to look at this issue in two ways. 1) new initiatives which demonstrate that we as a nation are serious in our desire to build positive links with ‘black Africa’; a) extend our diplomatic links throughout the rest of Africa, beginning with at least one resident post; b) increase our volume of aid to Africa, through such multilateral channels as the United Nations and the churches; c) maintain a more consistent voting pattern in the United Nations on matters concerning South Africa. (In 1983, in 11 votes on resolutions about South Africa, NZ supported 4, abstained on 2 and voted against 5); d) promote a vigorous educational programme in NZ about apartheid, especially by inviting prominent black South Africans from the Churches, trade unions, sporting bodies etc. as the Australian government is doing; e) support and encourage those sporting codes which refuse to co-operate in apartheid sport. 2) direct actions which clearly divorce the government from any support of or collusion in a rugby tour. Methodist and Presbyterian Churches, 1985: “Conference (Assembly) declares itself in favour of economic sanctions against South Africa in order to try and bring about peaceful change and the dismantling of apartheid.”

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