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Strong Reciprocity and Human Sociality∗
Strong Reciprocity and Human Sociality∗ Herbert Gintis Department of Economics University of Massachusetts, Amherst Phone: 413-586-7756 Fax: 413-586-6014 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www-unix.oit.umass.edu/˜gintis Running Head: Strong Reciprocity and Human Sociality March 11, 2000 Abstract Human groups maintain a high level of sociality despite a low level of relatedness among group members. The behavioral basis of this sociality remains in doubt. This paper reviews the evidence for an empirically identifi- able form of prosocial behavior in humans, which we call ‘strong reciprocity,’ that may in part explain human sociality. A strong reciprocator is predisposed to cooperate with others and punish non-cooperators, even when this behavior cannot be justified in terms of extended kinship or reciprocal altruism. We present a simple model, stylized but plausible, of the evolutionary emergence of strong reciprocity. 1 Introduction Human groups maintain a high level of sociality despite a low level of relatedness among group members. Three types of explanation have been offered for this phe- nomenon: reciprocal altruism (Trivers 1971, Axelrod and Hamilton 1981), cultural group selection (Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 1981, Boyd and Richerson 1985) and genetically-based altruism (Lumsden and Wilson 1981, Simon 1993, Wilson and Dugatkin 1997). These approaches are of course not incompatible. Reciprocal ∗ I would like to thank Lee Alan Dugatkin, Ernst Fehr, David Sloan Wilson, and the referees of this Journal for helpful comments, Samuel Bowles and Robert Boyd for many extended discussions of these issues, and the MacArthur Foundation for financial support. This paper is dedicated to the memory of W. -
Me, Myself & Mine: the Scope of Ownership
ME, MYSELF & MINE The Scope of Ownership _________________________________ PETER MARTIN JAWORSKI _________________________________ May, 2012 Committee: Fred Miller (Chair) David Shoemaker, Steven Wall, Daniel Jacobson, Neil Englehart ii ABSTRACT This dissertation is an attempt to defend the following thesis: The scope of legitimate ownership claims is much more narrow than what Lockean liberals have traditionally thought. Firstly, it is more narrow with respect to the particular claims that are justified by Locke’s labour- mixing argument. It is more difficult to come to own things in the first place. Secondly, it is more narrow with respect to the kinds of things that are open to the ownership relation. Some things, like persons and, maybe, cultural artifacts, are not open to the ownership relation but are, rather, fit objects for the guardianship, in the case of the former, and stewardship, in the case of the latter, relationship. To own, rather than merely have a property in, some object requires the liberty to smash, sell, or let spoil the object owned. Finally, the scope of ownership claims appear to be restricted over time. We can lose our claims in virtue of a change in us, a change that makes it the case that we are no longer responsible for some past action, like the morally interesting action required for justifying ownership claims. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Much of this work has benefited from too many people to list. However, a few warrant special mention. My committee, of course, deserves recognition. I’m grateful to Fred Miller for his many, many hours of pouring over my various manuscripts and rough drafts. -
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations Hein Goemans Course Information: Harkness 337 Spring 2016 Office Hours: Wed. 2 { 3 PM 16:50{19:30 Wednesday [email protected] Meliora 203 The last fifteen years or so saw a major revolution in the social sciences. Instead of trying to discover and test grand \covering laws" that have universal validity and tremendous scope| think Newton's gravity or Einstein's relativity|the social sciences are in the process of switch- ing to more narrow and middle-range theories and explanations, often referred to as causal mechanisms. Recently, however, a new so-called \behavioral" approach { often but not always complementary { is currently sweeping the field. Since mechanisms remain the core theoretical building blocks in our field, we will continue to focus on them. In the bulk of this course students will be introduced to a range of such causal mechanisms with applications in international relations. Although these causal mechanisms can loosely be described in prose, explicit formalization { e.g., math { allows for a much deeper and richer understanding of the phenomena of study. In other words, formalization enables simplification and thus a better understanding of what is \really" going on. To set us on that path, we begin with some very basic rational choice fundamentals to introduce you to formal models in a rigorous way to show the power and potential of this approach. In other words, there will be some *gasp* Algebra. For much of the very brief but essential introduction to game theory we will use William Spaniel's Channel (http://gametheory101.com/courses/game-theory-101/, also on YouTube), as well as his cheap but very highly rated introductory book Game Theory 101: The Complete Textbook available at Amazon (http://www.amazon.com). -
A Review of the Social Science Literature on the Causes of Conflict
Research Report Understanding Conflict Trends A Review of the Social Science Literature on the Causes of Conflict Stephen Watts, Jennifer Kavanagh, Bryan Frederick, Tova C. Norlen, Angela O’Mahony, Phoenix Voorhies, Thomas S. Szayna Prepared for the United States Army Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ARROYO CENTER For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/rr1063z1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The recent spike in violence in places like Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen notwithstanding, the number of conflicts worldwide has fallen since the end of the Cold War, and few of those that remain are clashes between states. -
Chemical Game Theory
Chemical Game Theory Jacob Kautzky Group Meeting February 26th, 2020 What is game theory? Game theory is the study of the ways in which interacting choices of rational agents produce outcomes with respect to the utilities of those agents Why do we care about game theory? 11 nobel prizes in economics 1994 – “for their pioneering analysis of equilibria in the thoery of non-cooperative games” John Nash Reinhard Selten John Harsanyi 2005 – “for having enhanced our understanding of conflict and cooperation through game-theory” Robert Aumann Thomas Schelling Why do we care about game theory? 2007 – “for having laid the foundatiouns of mechanism design theory” Leonid Hurwicz Eric Maskin Roger Myerson 2012 – “for the theory of stable allocations and the practice of market design” Alvin Roth Lloyd Shapley 2014 – “for his analysis of market power and regulation” Jean Tirole Why do we care about game theory? Mathematics Business Biology Engineering Sociology Philosophy Computer Science Political Science Chemistry Why do we care about game theory? Plato, 5th Century BCE Initial insights into game theory can be seen in Plato’s work Theories on prisoner desertions Cortez, 1517 Shakespeare’s Henry V, 1599 Hobbes’ Leviathan, 1651 Henry orders the French prisoners “burn the ships” executed infront of the French army First mathematical theory of games was published in 1944 by John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern Chemical Game Theory Basics of Game Theory Prisoners Dilemma Battle of the Sexes Rock Paper Scissors Centipede Game Iterated Prisoners Dilemma -
Bringing in Darwin Bradley A. Thayer
Bringing in Darwin Bradley A. Thayer Evolutionary Theory, Realism, and International Politics Efforts to develop a foundation for scientiªc knowledge that would unite the natural and social sci- ences date to the classical Greeks. Given recent advances in genetics and evolu- tionary theory, this goal may be closer than ever.1 The human genome project has generated much media attention as scientists reveal genetic causes of dis- eases and some aspects of human behavior. And although advances in evolu- tionary theory may have received less attention, they are no less signiªcant. Edward O. Wilson, Roger Masters, and Albert Somit, among others, have led the way in using evolutionary theory and social science to produce a synthesis for understanding human behavior and social phenomena.2 This synthesis posits that human behavior is simultaneously and inextricably a result of evo- lutionary and environmental causes. The social sciences, including the study of international politics, may build upon this scholarship.3 In this article I argue that evolutionary theory can improve the realist theory of international politics. Traditional realist arguments rest principally on one of two discrete ultimate causes, or intellectual foundations. The ªrst is Reinhold Niebuhr’s argument that humans are evil. The second is grounded in the work Bradley A. Thayer is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota—Duluth. I am grateful to Mlada Bukovansky, Stephen Chilton, Christopher Layne, Michael Mastanduno, Roger Masters, Paul Sharp, Alexander Wendt, Mike Winnerstig, and Howard Wriggins for their helpful comments. I thank Nathaniel Fick, David Hawkins, Jeremy Joseph, Christopher Kwak, Craig Nerenberg, and Jordana Phillips for their able research assistance. -
Making Sense of State Socialization
Review of International Studies (2001), 27, 415–433 Copyright © British International Studies Association Making sense of state socialization KAI ALDERSON Abstract. At present, International Relations scholars use the metaphor of ‘state socializ- ation’ in mutually incompatible ways, embarking from very different starting points and arriving at a bewildering variety of destinations. There is no consensus on what state socializ- ation is, who it affects, or how it operates. This article seeks to chart this relatively unmapped concept by defining state socialization, differentiating it from similar concepts, and exploring what the study of state socialization can contribute to important and longstanding theoretical debates in the field of international relations. Introduction Norms are gaining ground in the study of International Relations.1 Not only are they the focus of extensive conceptual and theoretical work, but international norms are increasingly seen as weight-bearing elements of explanatory theories in issue- areas ranging from national security to the study of international organization.2 Regime theory continues to generate an extraordinarily fecund research pro- gramme,3 and its central insight—that relations among competitive sovereign states are shot through with norms of cooperation—links contemporary scholarship to long-standing reflections on the nature of the international.4 Constructivist scholars, for their part, argue that social norms offer a radical alternative to interest- and power-based accounts of international politics.5 1 As readily attested by the contributions to the recent fiftieth anniversary edition of International Organization, 52: 4 (1998). See, in particular, contributions by Peter J. Katzenstein, Robert O. Keohane and Stephen D. Krasner (esp. -
Adam Przeworski: Capitalism, Democracy and Science
ADAM PRZEWORSKI: CAPITALISM, DEMOCRACY AND SCIENCE Interview with Adam Przeworski conducted and edited by Gerardo L. Munck February 24, 2003, New York, New York Prepared for inclusion in Gerardo L. Munck and Richard Snyder, Passion, Craft, and Method in Comparative Politics. Training and Intellectual Formation: From Poland to the United States Q: How did you first get interested in studying politics? What impact did growing up in Poland have on your view of politics? A: Given that I was born in May of 1940, nine months after the Germans had invaded and occupied Poland, any political event, even a minor one, was immediately interpreted in terms of its consequences for one’s private life. All the news was about the war. I remember my family listening to clandestine radio broadcasts from the BBC when I was three or four years old. After the war, there was a period of uncertainty, and then the Soviet Union basically took over. Again, any rumbling in the Soviet Union, any conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States, was immediately seen in terms of its consequences for our life. It was like this for me until I first left for the US in 1961, right after the Berlin Wall went up. One’s everyday life was permeated with international, macro-political events. Everything was political. But I never thought of studying politics. For one thing, in Europe at that time there really was no political science. What we had was a German and Central European tradition that was called, translating from German, “theory of the state and law.” This included Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, the kind of stuff that was taught normally at law schools. -
This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. A LeftLeft----LibertarianLibertarian Theory of Rights Arabella Millett Fisher PhD University of Edinburgh 2011 Contents Abstract....................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements.......................................................................................................v Declaration.................................................................................................................. vi Introduction..................................................................................................................1 Part I: A Libertarian Theory of Justice...................................................................11 -
The Governance Problem in Aggregate Litigation
THE GOVERNANCE PROBLEM IN AGGREGATE LITIGATION Samuel Issacharoff* Recent developments in class action law and scholarship have forced new attention on the question of how class representation should be assessed. This Article begins with an examination of the governance problem in class action analyzed from the perspective of the customary political theories that would justify legitimate government in public and private domains. Customary accounts of democratic legitimacy or contractual voluntarism poorly capture the distinct world of the one-time aggregation of a class under court-assigned leadership. What emerges is an assessment of how various class action doctrines serve to fill the void in customary indications of legitimacy in governance. The Article concludes with a review of alternative efforts to structure class governance to avoid the agency problems inherent in the power to manage the affairs of others. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 3165 I. GOVERNANCE OUTSIDE POLITICS ....................................................... 3169 A. The Single Term ...................................................................... 3169 B. Voice and the Epistemic Moment ............................................ 3172 C. The Right To Exit .................................................................... 3175 D. Intermediaries ........................................................................ 3177 E. Rivals for Leadership ............................................................. -
Integrating Economic and Sociological Approaches to International Relations?
Integrating Economic and Sociological Approaches to International Relations? A Classic Puzzle and the Logic of Synthesis Tristan Volpe and Robert Adcock [email protected] ! [email protected] Department of Political Science The George Washington University Paper presented at panel “QMMR meets IR: Rethinking Classic and Contemporary Methodological Issues in International Relations,” co-sponsored by the Interpretive Methodologies and Methods Related Group and the Section for Qualitative and Multi-Method Research, Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington DC. September 5, 2010. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Abstract Our paper is motivated by the rationalism / constructivism contrast in the International Relations (IR) field. By reinterpreting this contrast we seek to redirect reflection about theoretical synthesis in the field. Our argument has four steps. First, we introduce a broader intellectual setting for the rationalism / constructivism contrast by situating it as a contemporary iteration of the economic / sociological contrast classically articulated throughout the history of the modern social sciences. Second, we pragmatically give concrete content to each side of this contrast in relation to recent IR. Engagement with Weber and Parsons helps us to subdivide the economic side into parametric vs. strategic variants, and the sociological in terms of traditional vs. value-rational action. Third, we argue that synthesis of economic and sociological approaches is both viable and desirable in concrete studies of strategic interaction. Fourth, to conclude, we compare our argument to recent efforts to promote analytic eclecticism in political science. " 1" Our paper is motivated by the rationalism / constructivism contrast in the contemporary International Relations (IR) field. By resituating this contrast we seek to redirect, perhaps even revitalize, reflection about theoretical synthesis in the field. -
Bounded Rationality
Center for American Politics and Public Policy Department of Political Science University of Washington Seattle, WA 98195 Bounded Rationality Bryan D. Jones Department of Political Science University of Washington Seattle, WA 98195 November 1998 To appear in the Annual Review of Political Science, Nelson Polsby, Editor Discussion Paper Policy Agendas Project Bounded Rationality Abstract Findings from behavioral organization theory, behavioral decision theory, survey research and experimental economics leave no doubt about the failure of rational choice as a descriptive model of human behavior. But this does not mean that people and their politics are irrational. Bounded rationality asserts that decision-makers are intendedly rational; that is, they are goal-oriented and adaptive, but because of human cognitive and emotional architecture, they sometimes fail, occasionally in important decisions. Limits on rational adaptation are of two types: procedural limits, which are limits on how we go about making decisions, and substantive limits, which affect particular choices directly. Rational analysis in institutional contexts can serve as a standard for adaptive, goal-oriented human behavior. In relatively fixed task environments, such as asset markets or elections, we should be able to divide behavior into adaptive, goal-oriented behavior (that is, rational action) and behavior that is a consequence of processing limits, and measure the deviation. The extent of deviation is an empirical issue. These classes are mutually exclusive and exhaustive, and may be examined empirically in situations in which actors make repeated similar choices. Bounded Rationality1 Do people make rational decisions in politics and economics? Not if by ‘rational’ we mean conformity to the classic expected utility model.