Zimbabwe 2020 Human Rights Report
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Mozambique Zambia South Africa Zimbabwe Tanzania
UNITED NATIONS MOZAMBIQUE Geospatial 30°E 35°E 40°E L a k UNITED REPUBLIC OF 10°S e 10°S Chinsali M a l a w TANZANIA Palma i Mocimboa da Praia R ovuma Mueda ^! Lua Mecula pu la ZAMBIA L a Quissanga k e NIASSA N Metangula y CABO DELGADO a Chiconono DEM. REP. OF s a Ancuabe Pemba THE CONGO Lichinga Montepuez Marrupa Chipata MALAWI Maúa Lilongwe Namuno Namapa a ^! gw n Mandimba Memba a io u Vila úr L L Mecubúri Nacala Kabwe Gamito Cuamba Vila Ribáué MecontaMonapo Mossuril Fingoè FurancungoCoutinho ^! Nampula 15°S Vila ^! 15°S Lago de NAMPULA TETE Junqueiro ^! Lusaka ZumboCahora Bassa Murrupula Mogincual K Nametil o afu ezi Namarrói Erego e b Mágoè Tete GiléL am i Z Moatize Milange g Angoche Lugela o Z n l a h m a bez e i ZAMBEZIA Vila n azoe Changara da Moma n M a Lake Chemba Morrumbala Maganja Bindura Guro h Kariba Pebane C Namacurra e Chinhoyi Harare Vila Quelimane u ^! Fontes iq Marondera Mopeia Marromeu b am Inhaminga Velha oz P M úngu Chinde Be ni n è SOFALA t of ManicaChimoio o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o gh ZIMBABWE o Bi Mutare Sussundenga Dondo Gweru Masvingo Beira I NDI A N Bulawayo Chibabava 20°S 20°S Espungabera Nova OCE A N Mambone Gwanda MANICA e Sav Inhassôro Vilanculos Chicualacuala Mabote Mapai INHAMBANE Lim Massinga p o p GAZA o Morrumbene Homoíne Massingir Panda ^! National capital SOUTH Inhambane Administrative capital Polokwane Guijá Inharrime Town, village o Chibuto Major airport Magude MaciaManjacazeQuissico International boundary AFRICA Administrative boundary MAPUTO Xai-Xai 25°S Nelspruit Main road 25°S Moamba Manhiça Railway Pretoria MatolaMaputo ^! ^! 0 100 200km Mbabane^!Namaacha Boane 0 50 100mi !\ Bela Johannesburg Lobamba Vista ESWATINI Map No. -
AJCR Volume 15 No 1, 2015
AFRICAN JOURNAL ON CONFLICT RESOLUTION Volume 15, Number 1, 2015 Democratisation in Africa: The role of self-enforcing constitutional rules ‘We cannot reconcile until the past has been acknowledged’: Perspectives on Gukurahundi from Matabeleland, Zimbabwe Transitional justice and peacebuilding in the Volume 15, Number 1, 2015 2015 Number 1, 15, Volume Democratic Republic of Congo Informal peacebuilding initiatives in Africa: Removing the table Women, war and peace in Mozambique: The case of Manica Province African Journal on Conflict Resolution Volume 15, Number 1, 2015 The African Journal on Conflict Resolution is a peer-reviewed journal published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) for the multidisciplinary subject field of conflict resolution. There are two regular issues per year, and occasionally also a special issue on a particular theme. It appears on the list of journals accredited by the South African Department of Higher Education and Training. ACCORD is a non- governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. The journal seeks to publish articles and book reviews on subjects relating to conflict, its management and resolution, as well as peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding in Africa. It aims to be a conduit between theory and practice. Views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this journal contains. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Bulawayo City Mpilo Central Hospital
Province District Name of Site Bulawayo Bulawayo City E. F. Watson Clinic Bulawayo Bulawayo City Mpilo Central Hospital Bulawayo Bulawayo City Nkulumane Clinic Bulawayo Bulawayo City United Bulawayo Hospital Manicaland Buhera Birchenough Bridge Hospital Manicaland Buhera Murambinda Mission Hospital Manicaland Chipinge Chipinge District Hospital Manicaland Makoni Rusape District Hospital Manicaland Mutare Mutare Provincial Hospital Manicaland Mutasa Bonda Mission Hospital Manicaland Mutasa Hauna District Hospital Harare Chitungwiza Chitungwiza Central Hospital Harare Chitungwiza CITIMED Clinic Masvingo Chiredzi Chikombedzi Mission Hospital Masvingo Chiredzi Chiredzi District Hospital Masvingo Chivi Chivi District Hospital Masvingo Gutu Chimombe Rural Hospital Masvingo Gutu Chinyika Rural Hospital Masvingo Gutu Chitando Rural Health Centre Masvingo Gutu Gutu Mission Hospital Masvingo Gutu Gutu Rural Hospital Masvingo Gutu Mukaro Mission Hospital Masvingo Masvingo Masvingo Provincial Hospital Masvingo Masvingo Morgenster Mission Hospital Masvingo Mwenezi Matibi Mission Hospital Masvingo Mwenezi Neshuro District Hospital Masvingo Zaka Musiso Mission Hospital Masvingo Zaka Ndanga District Hospital Matabeleland South Beitbridge Beitbridge District Hospital Matabeleland South Gwanda Gwanda Provincial Hospital Matabeleland South Insiza Filabusi District Hospital Matabeleland South Mangwe Plumtree District Hospital Matabeleland South Mangwe St Annes Mission Hospital (Brunapeg) Matabeleland South Matobo Maphisa District Hospital Matabeleland South Umzingwane Esigodini District Hospital Midlands Gokwe South Gokwe South District Hospital Midlands Gweru Gweru Provincial Hospital Midlands Kwekwe Kwekwe General Hospital Midlands Kwekwe Silobela District Hospital Midlands Mberengwa Mberengwa District Hospital . -
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU
The London School of Economics and Political Science Making EU Foreign Policy towards a ‘Pariah’ State: Consensus on Sanctions in EU Foreign Policy towards Myanmar Arthur Minsat A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2012 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 97,547 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Dr. Joe Hoover. 2 Abstract This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
ZIM Education Cluster Situational Report 04
Zimbabwe Education Cluster Humanitarian Response & COVID-19 Sitrep: 05 Oct 2020 Cluster focal points Sibangani Shumba, Cluster Coordinator, [email protected] Dominic Muntanga, Cluster Co-coordinator, [email protected] Isaac Macha, Information Management Specialist, [email protected] Reporting period 21st September – 5th October 2020 Report number #12 Key figures • 853,032 learners (ECD to Grade 7, ages 3 to 12) targeted under the Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) through Education in Emergency support across 33 districts with severe needs. • 3.5 Million learners are currently affected under the COVID-19 pandemic. The cluster is targeting to reach these learners with various activities to address their needs. • 105,252 people have benefitted from activities related to the HRP and 398,023 people have benefitted from COVID-19 related activities as of August 2020. • Cluster Partners are appealing for US $41 Million through the Humanitarian Response Plan 2020 and US $10.26 Million to meet the emergent needs outlined in the COVID-19 Addendum. • 20 operational partners within the cluster have planned, ongoing or completed activities. Humanitarian needs • The education system in Zimbabwe was already stretched before the COVID-19 pandemic as a result of multiple crises, including the impact of Cyclone Idai, which struck Zimbabwe in March 2019, , the economic crisis coupled with hyperinflation and the ongoing drought. Before the onset of the COVID-19 epidemic, estimates by the Education Cluster were that at least 1.2 million out of more than 3.4 million (about 35 per cent) children of school going age (3 to 12 years), would need emergency and specialized education services in 2020. -
ISO Country Codes
COUNTRY SHORT NAME DESCRIPTION CODE AD Andorra Principality of Andorra AE United Arab Emirates United Arab Emirates AF Afghanistan The Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan AG Antigua and Barbuda Antigua and Barbuda (includes Redonda Island) AI Anguilla Anguilla AL Albania Republic of Albania AM Armenia Republic of Armenia Netherlands Antilles (includes Bonaire, Curacao, AN Netherlands Antilles Saba, St. Eustatius, and Southern St. Martin) AO Angola Republic of Angola (includes Cabinda) AQ Antarctica Territory south of 60 degrees south latitude AR Argentina Argentine Republic America Samoa (principal island Tutuila and AS American Samoa includes Swain's Island) AT Austria Republic of Austria Australia (includes Lord Howe Island, Macquarie Islands, Ashmore Islands and Cartier Island, and Coral Sea Islands are Australian external AU Australia territories) AW Aruba Aruba AX Aland Islands Aland Islands AZ Azerbaijan Republic of Azerbaijan BA Bosnia and Herzegovina Bosnia and Herzegovina BB Barbados Barbados BD Bangladesh People's Republic of Bangladesh BE Belgium Kingdom of Belgium BF Burkina Faso Burkina Faso BG Bulgaria Republic of Bulgaria BH Bahrain Kingdom of Bahrain BI Burundi Republic of Burundi BJ Benin Republic of Benin BL Saint Barthelemy Saint Barthelemy BM Bermuda Bermuda BN Brunei Darussalam Brunei Darussalam BO Bolivia Republic of Bolivia Federative Republic of Brazil (includes Fernando de Noronha Island, Martim Vaz Islands, and BR Brazil Trindade Island) BS Bahamas Commonwealth of the Bahamas BT Bhutan Kingdom of Bhutan -
In Defence of Humanity: WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS and the STRUGGLE AGAINST SILENCING in Defence of Humanity in Defence of Humanity
In Defence of Humanity: WOMEN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SILENCING In Defence of Humanity In Defence of Humanity The lack of access to justice and resources, together with the failure of states to provide protection for Executive summary WHRDs, affects the work of WHRDs around the world. Accordingly, WHRDs need appropriate protection that is flexible to their needs. However, very little is done to respond to threats that WHRDs receive, In recent years, combined with existing threats, the rise of right-wing and nationalist populism across the and often, as Front Line Defenders reports, killings are preceded by receipt of a threat.1 This means that world has led to an increasing number of governments implementing repressive measures against the protection mechanisms need to focus too on prevention of harm by perpetrators to ensure that the right to space for civil society (civic space), particularly affecting women human rights defenders (WHRDs). The life is upheld for WHRDs and take seriously the threats that they receive. Despite efforts to implement the increasingly restricted space for WHRDs presents an urgent threat, not only to women-led organisations, Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the United Nations but to all efforts campaigning for women’s rights, gender equality and the rights of all people. In spite of (UN) Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the Maputo Protocol - which calls for “corrective and these restrictions, WHRDs have campaigned boldly in the face of mounting opposition: movements such positive” actions where women continue to face discrimination - WHRDs still operate in dangerous contexts as #MeToo #MenAreTrash, #FreeSaudiWomen, #NiUnaMenos, #NotYourAsianSideKick and #AbortoLegalYa and are at risk of being targeted or killed. -
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe Toward Stability
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe toward Stability Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°164 Johannesburg/Nairobi/Brussels, 17 December 2020 What’s new? As Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises worsen, South Africa is moving beyond its policy of “quiet diplomacy” with its northern neighbour and apply- ing more pressure on Harare to open up political space and reform its economy. Why does it matter? With Zimbabwe’s people slipping further into destitution, crackdowns fostering a growing sense of grievance within the opposition, and politi- cal divisions pitting ruling-party members against one another, the country could tip into even greater crisis through mass unrest or another coup. What should be done? Pretoria should press Harare to halt repression and start dialogue with the political opposition to address Zimbabwe’s economic woes. It should work with Washington on a roadmap for reforms that the U.S. and others can use to guide decisions on reversing sanctions and supporting debt relief for Zimbabwe. I. Overview Three years after a coup ended Robert Mugabe’s rule, the situation in Zimbabwe has gone from bad to worse, as political tensions mount, the economy falls apart and the population faces hunger and COVID-19. Having signalled a desire to stabilise the economy and ease repression, President Emmerson Mnangagwa has disappointed. The state is arresting opponents who protest government corruption and incompe- tence. Meanwhile, government-allied businessmen are tightening their grip on what is left of the economy, while citizens cope with austerity measures and soaring infla- tion. Violence and lawlessness are on the rise. -
Gonarezhou National Park (GNP) and the Indigenous Communities of South East Zimbabwe, 1934-2008
Living on the fringes of a protected area: Gonarezhou National Park (GNP) and the indigenous communities of South East Zimbabwe, 1934-2008 by Baxter Tavuyanago A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the Department of Historical and Heritage Studies at the UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA FACULTY OF HUMANITIES SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR A. S. MLAMBO July 2016 i © University of Pretoria Abstract This study examines the responses of communities of south-eastern Zimbabwe to their eviction from the Gonarezhou National Park (GNP) and their forced settlement in the peripheral areas of the park. The thesis establishes that prior to their eviction, the people had created a utilitarian relationship with their fauna and flora which allowed responsible reaping of the forest’s products. It reveals that the introduction of a people-out conservation mantra forced the affected communities to become poachers, to emigrate from south-eastern Zimbabwe in large numbers to South Africa for greener pastures and, to fervently join militant politics of the 1960s and 1970s. These forms of protests put them at loggerheads with the colonial government. The study reveals that the independence government’s position on the inviolability of the country’s parks put the people and state on yet another level of confrontation as the communities had anticipated the restitution of their ancestral lands. The new government’s attempt to buy their favours by engaging them in a joint wildlife management project called CAMPFIRE only slightly relieved the pain. The land reform programme of the early 2000s, again, enabled them to recover a small part of their old Gonarezhou homeland. -
I FACULTY of SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT of POLITICS AND
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT THE ZIMBABWE NATIONAL ARMY AND THEIR MANDATE IN ZIMBAWE: 1980-2015 BY DAVID NDLOVU R121495B A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN POLITICS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AT MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY OCTOBER 2015 i RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR : DAVID NDLOVU TITLE OF PROJECT : THE ZIMBABWE NATIONAL ARMY AND ITS MANDATE IN ZIMBBABWE: 1980 - 2015 DEGREE PROGRAMME : BACHELOR OF SOCIAL SCIENCES HONOURS DEGREE IN POLITICS AND PUBLIC MANAGEMENT YEAR THIS DEGREE WAS GRANT :2015 Permission is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce single copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author does not reserve other publication rights and the dissertation nor may extensive extracts from it be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED…………………………………………………………… PERMANENT ADDRESS : Fullers Aggregate 288 Bindura EMAIL : [email protected] DATE : OCTOBER 2015 2 APPROVAL FORM The undersigned certify that they have read and recommend to Midlands State University for acceptance, a research project entitled: The Zimbabwe National Army and their mandate in Zimbabwe: 1980- 2015 submitted by David Ndlovu in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Bachelor of Science in Politics and Public Management Honours degree. ------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------