Past Is Another Resource: Remembering the 70Th Anniversary of the Victory Day on Livejournal

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Past Is Another Resource: Remembering the 70Th Anniversary of the Victory Day on Livejournal Nationalities Papers (2021), 49: 2, 375–388 doi:10.1017/nps.2019.64 ARTICLE Past Is Another Resource: Remembering the 70th Anniversary of the Victory Day on LiveJournal Mykola Makhortykh,1* Yehor Lyebyedyev,2 and Daniel Kravtsov3 1Department of Slavonic Studies and Cultures, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2Newfire Partners, Lviv, Ukraine, and 3RTB-Media, San Francisco, California, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract In our article we examine changes experienced by media and memory systems in Russia since the beginning of the Ukraine crisis. Using as an example a popular Russian blogging platform, LiveJournal, we scrutinize how the digital practices related to commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany are influenced by the growing instrumentalization of Second World War memory for media propaganda and manipulation. Using topic modeling to analyze a large set of data on Russian users’ interactions with the platform, we examine how hegemonic and alternative interpretations of the Second World War interact on LiveJournal and how their interactions are influenced by the growing antagonism between Russia and the West. Our findings suggest that LiveJournal constitutes a fractured memory system, which is characterized by uneven representation of Second World War experiences and the growing influence of pro-government actors promoting hegemonic war narratives. However, our observations also show that instrumentalization of the past in the context of the Ukraine crisis does not necessarily interfere with digital practices of Second World War commemoration with the latter remaining unaffected by the events in Ukraine. Keywords: digital media; memory; propaganda; Second World War; Russia Introduction The Ukraine crisis, which started in 2013 with anti-government protests in Kyiv, followed by the ousting of pro-Russian President Yanukovych and the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014, has signified a profound change in the Russian media landscape. The development of the crisis, in particular the ongoing conflict in Eastern Ukraine between the Ukrainian government and pro-Russian insurgents, led to the rise of nationalist propaganda and anti-Western rhetoric in the Russian public sphere. Together with the unprecedented level of state-sponsored cynicism toward the democratic role of mass media (Roudakova 2017), these transformations have led to increased instrumentalization and militarization of traditional and online media in Russia. Under these circumstances, the line between predominantly state-controlled mainstream media outlets and “more independent, international, and oppositional” (Etling et al. 2010) online platforms in the post-2014 period became a blurry one. Both analogue and digital media turned to be susceptible to propaganda and manipulation by pro- and anti-Kremlin actors and, instead of providing more nuanced views on domestic and international affairs, online outlets became fertile grounds for producing fake news and nurturing polarized views (Makhortykh and Lyebyedyev 2015; Gruzd and Tsyganova 2015; Zhdanova and Orlova 2017). © Association for the Study of Nationalities 2020. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 30 Sep 2021 at 19:38:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. 376 Mykola Makhortykh et al. In this article, we discuss the impact of these changes on the media and memory landscape in Russia by examining interactions between cultural memory of the Second World War and the Russian blogosphere after 2014. A number of works (Zvereva 2011; Rutten, Fedor, and Zvereva 2013; Gaufman 2015; Bernstein 2016) note particular interconnectedness between processes of cultural remembrance and media digitalization in Russia, where online spaces form “a pivotal discursive territory” (Rutten and Zvereva 2013, 2) for interacting with the region’s turbulent past and present. For this reason, the instrumental (ab)uses of the Russian media landscape in the course of the Ukraine crisis often involve appropriation of traumatic memories of past conflicts which serve as integral modulators for discursive construction of (in)security in the region (Gaufman 2015, 2017; Makhortykh 2018). By using a cultural remembrance lens to scrutinize changes in the Russian media landscape, we investigate the influence of these alterations on mnemonic functions of the regional media and explore dynamic interactions between changing media and memory systems in Russia. In order to fulfill these goals, we examine digital activity on the major Russian blogosphere platform, LiveJournal, around the 2015 Victory Day, which marked the 70th anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany. Our choice of LiveJournal as a case platform is attributed for three major reasons. First, during the period of study, LiveJournal constituted the largest blogging service in Russia as well as the fourth most popular social media platform among Russian users (Frolova 2015). Second, LiveJournal is characterized by a distinct set of communicative practices which distinguish it from other social networking sites like Vkontakte or Facebook (Kuntsman 2010; Kulyk 2013) and have significant impact on the way the past is narrated (Trubina 2010; Abramov 2011; Kukulin 2013), Third, LiveJournal is recognized as an important platform for political communication in Russia (Etling et al. 2010; Asmolov 2012; Kluyeva 2016) that is used both by pro-government and opposition actors to advance their political agendas. The Victory Day is a central element of cultural remembrance of the Second World War in the post-socialist space (Gudkov 2005; Trubina 2010; Bernstein 2016). For this reason, the jubilee event in 2015 attracted significant coverage both in traditional and online media, which also used this occasion to reinforce their representation and interpretation of the Ukraine crisis. Using a large set of digital data collected from LiveJournal, we discuss the following questions: How was the jubilee of Soviet victory discussed on digital media and in which ways were these discussions affected by evolving memory regimes in the region? How did hegemonic and alternative interpretations of the Second World War interact on LiveJournal and in which ways were these interpretations influenced by the growing antagonism between the West and Russia? And, finally, what are the implications of the ongoing transformations of regional media landscape for war remembrance in Russia? To answer these questions, we start by scrutinizing the changes experienced by media and memory systems in Russia since the beginning of the Ukraine crisis; while doing so, we specifically examine the role of LiveJournal in the context of political communication and cultural remembrance in the region. Following the examination of the platform’s role in the above-mentioned contexts, we present our methodological approach and describe how we used topic modeling techniques to process and analyze the large set of Victory Day-related content from LiveJournal. Then, we discuss our findings, starting with general patterns of representing the 70th anniversary of the Soviet victory on Live- Journal, followed by the investigation of its use by pro- and anti-Kremlin actors in the context of the Ukraine crisis. We conclude by discussing the impact of the growing instrumentalization of digital media in the context of the Ukraine crisis on the memory and media systems in Russia. Russian Blogosphere as Part of a Changing Media System The Russian blogosphere is constituted by a vast collection of digital platforms which originate both in Russia (e.g., Diary.ru) and outside of it (e.g., Twitter). These platforms host communities of Russophone users who run individual and collective blogs; the purposes of these blogs vary from personal diaries to news feeds and from thematic communities to advertisement groups. The Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. 30 Sep 2021 at 19:38:18, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use. Nationalities Papers 377 functions of the Russian blogosphere are not limited to entertainment only: in the context of the Russian public sphere, where ordinary citizens often have limited capabilities to shape public agendas, it also serves as a major outlet for social and cultural self-expression (Kukulin 2013, 112). In this way, the Russian blogosphere allows internet users to participate in the discussion of current political developments, including the Ukraine crisis (Suslov 2014), and share their opinions on the matters of cultural remembrance such as Second World War commemoration in Russia (Trubina 2010). In this article, we examine changes in the Russian blogosphere by focusing on the LiveJournal platform, which is an integral component of its ecosystem. LiveJournal is a popular blogging service which was established in 1999 by Brad Fitzpatrick. Soon after its establishment, LiveJournal became popular among Russophone users and in the following years turned into the most popular blogging platform in Russia (Yandex 2006). In 2007, LiveJournal was acquired by the Russian company, SUP Media, and in 2016 the platform’s US-based servers were relocated to Russia. In 2017, LiveJournal changed its terms of service to comply with the
Recommended publications
  • Putin's Cold, Callous and Calculated Threat to Ukraine and European Security Aug
    Taras Kuzio: Putin's cold, callous and calculated threat to Ukraine and European security Aug. 3, 2014, 12:44 p.m. | Op­ed — by Taras Kuzio Print version An Ukrainian girl cries as she stands on the road with her luggage after she left her home near the village of Hrabove (Grabovo), some 80km east of Donetsk on August 2, 2014. The insurgent stronghold of Lugansk in eastern Ukraine is on the verge a humanitarian catastrophe, the mayor warned Saturday, as a siege by government troops has seen water, electricity and food supplies cut off. AFP PHOTO/ BULENT KILIC © AFP The European Union in consultation with the United States, Canada and its international allies has adopted long over due third stage sectoral sanctions against Russia. The reasons are due to Russian President Vladimir Putin's cold, callous and calculated old­fashioned imperialism towards Ukraine and his threat to European security. The West long harboured illusions about both Putin and former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych only to eventually reach the conclusion they were kleptocratic liars, cold and violent thugs. This was already evident in the case of Putin as soon as he came to power with allegations the FSB, the domestic successor to the KGB that he had been an officer in, blowing up apartments to re­ignite the Chechen conflict, in the massive war crimes committed in Grozny and against Chechens and Russian­ backed separatism and ethnic cleansing in Georgia. Yanukovych's two jail sentences and ties to organised crime should have provided a reliable guide to his likely brutal behaviour in asset stripping Ukraine, murdering unarmed Euromaidan protesters and with big brother Putin fomenting Donetsk terrorism.
    [Show full text]
  • Polarized Ukraine 2014: Opinion and Territorial Split Demonstrated With
    Polarized Ukraine 2014: Opinion and Territorial Split Demonstrated with the Bounded Confidence XY Model, Parameterized by Twitter Data Maksym Romenskyy Department of Life Sciences, Imperial College London, London SW7 2AZ, UK and Department of Mathematics, Uppsala University, Box 480, Uppsala 75106, Sweden Viktoria Spaiser School of Politics and International Studies, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK Thomas Ihle Institute of Physics, University of Greifswald, Felix-Hausdorff-Str. 6, Greifswald 17489, Germany Vladimir Lobaskin School of Physics, University College Dublin, Belfield, Dublin 4, Ireland (Dated: July 26, 2018) Multiple countries have recently experienced extreme political polarization, which in some cases led to escalation of hate crime, violence and political instability. Beside the much discussed presi- dential elections in the United States and France, Britain’s Brexit vote and Turkish constitutional referendum, showed signs of extreme polarization. Among the countries affected, Ukraine faced some of the gravest consequences. In an attempt to understand the mechanisms of these phe- nomena, we here combine social media analysis with agent-based modeling of opinion dynamics, targeting Ukraine’s crisis of 2014. We use Twitter data to quantify changes in the opinion divide and parameterize an extended Bounded-Confidence XY Model, which provides a spatiotemporal description of the polarization dynamics. We demonstrate that the level of emotional intensity is a major driving force for polarization that can lead to a spontaneous onset of collective behavior at a certain degree of homophily and conformity. We find that the critical level of emotional intensity corresponds to a polarization transition, marked by a sudden increase in the degree of involvement and in the opinion bimodality.
    [Show full text]
  • Committee of Ministers Secrétariat Du Comité Des Ministres
    SECRETARIAT / SECRÉTARIAT SECRETARIAT OF THE COMMITTEE OF MINISTERS SECRÉTARIAT DU COMITÉ DES MINISTRES Contact: Zoë Bryanston-Cross Tel: 03.90.21.59.62 Date: 07/05/2021 DH-DD(2021)474 Documents distributed at the request of a Representative shall be under the sole responsibility of the said Representative, without prejudice to the legal or political position of the Committee of Ministers. Meeting: 1406th meeting (June 2021) (DH) Communication from NGOs (Public Verdict Foundation, HRC Memorial, Committee against Torture, OVD- Info) (27/04/2021) in the case of Lashmankin and Others v. Russian Federation (Application No. 57818/09). Information made available under Rule 9.2 of the Rules of the Committee of Ministers for the supervision of the execution of judgments and of the terms of friendly settlements. * * * * * * * * * * * Les documents distribués à la demande d’un/e Représentant/e le sont sous la seule responsabilité dudit/de ladite Représentant/e, sans préjuger de la position juridique ou politique du Comité des Ministres. Réunion : 1406e réunion (juin 2021) (DH) Communication d'ONG (Public Verdict Foundation, HRC Memorial, Committee against Torture, OVD-Info) (27/04/2021) dans l’affaire Lashmankin et autres c. Fédération de Russie (requête n° 57818/09) [anglais uniquement] Informations mises à disposition en vertu de la Règle 9.2 des Règles du Comité des Ministres pour la surveillance de l'exécution des arrêts et des termes des règlements amiables. DH-DD(2021)474: Rule 9.2 Communication from an NGO in Lashmankin and Others v. Russia. Document distributed under the sole responsibility of its author, without prejudice to the legal or political position of the Committee of Ministers.
    [Show full text]
  • VLADIMIR PUTIN: an ASPIRANT METTERNICH? by Mitchell A
    JANUARY 2015 VLADIMIR PUTIN: AN ASPIRANT METTERNICH? By Mitchell A. Orenstein Mitchell A. Orenstein is Professor and Chair of the Department of Political Science at Northeastern University in Boston and an affiliate of both the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies and the Minda de Gunzberg Center for European Studies at Harvard University. As Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his military into Ukraine in 2014, people were quick to compare him to Adolph Hitler, whose annexation of Austria and invasions of Czechoslovakia and Poland set off World War II. Hillary Clinton commented in March 2014 that if Putin’s justification for taking Crimea to protect ethnic Russians sounded familiar, it was because, “it’s what Hitler did back in the ’30s. Germans by ancestry were in places like Czechoslovakia and Romania and other places, [and] Hitler kept saying they’re not being treated right. I must go and protect my people.” Since that time Ukrainian Euromaidan supporters have published dramatic images of Putin as “Putler,” mashups that have trended wildly on social media and become a staple of public protests. Yet, Putin’s approach to world affairs is more similar to that of another Austrian, Prince Klemens von Metternich. Like Metternich, the dominant force in post-Napoleonic era diplomacy, Putin is a conservative imperialist who seeks to create a balance or “concert” between the great powers in Europe, while suppressing liberal democratic politics and the aspirations of small nations. By comparing Putin’s worldview with that of Metternich, one can gain more insight into Putin’s approach to world affairs than can be understood from much contemporary debate.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Trauma of the Great Patriotic War in Russia
    The Post-Trauma of the Great Patriotic War in Russia AN ESSAY BY ELIZAVETA GAUFMAN University of Bremen Abstract: Collective memory often functions as embeddedness for a narrative that can have profound legitimation consequences. In order to make a population ‘buy’ a narrative, mem- ory entrepreneurs can manipulate traumatic memories in a population to justify the subver- sion of democratic processes, which is particularly dangerous. The ‘Great Patriotic War’, as World War II is known in Russia, commemorates not just the defeat of fascism, but also the survival of the nation in the face of extinction. It is also the most important heroic and unify- ing event in recent Russian history and is now actively used in nation-building efforts. The main argument of this essay is that due to the very traumatic nature of the collective memory of the Great Patriotic War in Russia, its citizens are bound to react in an emotional way to the issues that are discursively connected to the war. Keywords: Russia, Ukraine, trauma, fascism, commemoration, memory, epigenetics ‘To have the glory of the past in common, a shared will in the present; to have done great deeds together and want to do more of them, are the essen- tial conditions for the constitution of a people’. Ernest Renan enan was referring to nation-building in late 19th century France, but his words ring R true today. Memory, or to be more precise, emotive memory is indispensable for na- tion-building; almost all nations have foundational myths that are based on more or less au- thentic memories of greatness and suffering.
    [Show full text]
  • 2015 Business Catalog ISSUU.Pdf
    CATBMP_2015_US_Cover_2014 10/23/14 11:26 AM Page 1 Premium Science, Technology, and Medical eBook Collections Ask about Free Trials ✦ More than 12,000 references in over 350 subject areas ✦ Comprehensive, customizable, and cost-effective ✦ Up-to-date information with new titles added monthly Take a Video Tour at www.CRCnetBASE.com Catalog no. CATBMP [email protected] 1-888-318-2367 US VERSION The following subject catalogs are also available from CRC Press. Visit www.crcpress.com/catalogs or contact your local sales representative for copies. www.crcpress.com/catalogs Science, Technology, and Medical 4 Agriculture & Life Sciences 4 Environmental Science & Engineering Knowledge for the Next Generation 4 Biomedical Sciences 4 Ergonomics & Human Factors, Industrial Engineering & Manufacturing 4 Business, Management, & Public Administration 4 Food Science & Nutrition 4 Chemistry & Chemical Engineering 4 Forensic Science, Law Enforcement, & Homeland Security 4 Civil & Mechanical Engineering 4 Mathematics & Statistics 4 Computer Science, Information Technology, & Game Development 4 Medicine & Veterinary Medicine 4 Electrical Engineering 4 Physics & Materials Science Discover More at www.crcpress.com • Related titles, tables of contents, and new and With more than a century of publishing excellence, forthcoming publications as science evolves, so do we. • Book reviews by industry influencers and thought leaders • Authoritative STM references that cover the latest developments • Our Featured Authors community with detailed author bios, and emerging trends news about their work, and the latest research • Textbooks with ancillary materials that make teaching easier • Digital content delivery that provides anywhere, anytime access in multiple formats CRC Press Go to www.crcpress.com to find out more. CRC Press Go to www.crcpress.com for detailed information on every book.
    [Show full text]
  • Baltic-American Anxiety Over Russian Aggression
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Capstones Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism 12-31-2014 Pawns and Paranoia: Baltic-American Anxiety over Russian Aggression Leila Roos How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gj_etds/20 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Leila Roos December 14, 2014 Pawns and Paranoia: Baltic-American Anxiety over Russian Aggression Pia Polikarpus doesn’t consider herself a political person. She would describe herself as more of “an old flower child, I guess.” There is, however, one political topic she will readily discuss — the threat of Russian aggression. Though Polikarpus was born and raised in New York, she is very “Baltic-minded” because of her Estonian parents, Latvian husband and Lithuanian nephew. At 57, Polikarpus has seen Estonia struggle through occupation and flourish through independence. Given Russia’s recent provocations, she’s starting to wonder if it could go back to how it was in the Soviet times. She’ll raise concerns to her insurance firm coworkers, “trying to open their eyes a little, but they don’t even know where these countries are” — let alone what happened there. “I tell them about how Estonia was occupied and no one was allowed to leave during the Cold War. It was a country that would be like ours, except in the third world.” The ease on travel restrictions allowed Polikarpus to visit Estonia in 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • COMMUNICATION STUDIES 2019, Vol. 6, No. 3
    КОММУНИКАТИВНЫЕ COMMUNICATION ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ STUDIES 2019. Т. 6. № 3 2019, Vol. 6, no. 3 Редакционная коллегия Editorial Staff Главный редактор Editor-in-Chief д-р филол. наук, проф. Prof. O.S. Issers О.С. Иссерс (Омск, Россия) (Omsk, Russia) д-р философии, проф. Ph.D. R. Anderson Р. Андерсон (Лос-Анджелес, США) (Los Angeles, USA) д-р филол. наук, проф. Prof. A.N. Baranov А.Н. Баранов (Москва, Россия) (Moscow, Russia), д-р филол. наук, проф. Prof. N.V. Bogdanova-Beglaryan Н.В. Богданова-Бегларян (St. Petersburg, Russia) (Санкт-Петербург, Россия) Prof. V.E. Chernyavskaya д-р философии, проф. (St. Petersburg, Russia) Д. Вайс (Цюрих, Швейцария) Prof. A.P. Chudinov д-р филол. наук, проф. (Yekaterinburg, Russia) М.А. Кронгауз (Москва, Россия) Prof. M.A. Kronhaus д-р филол. наук, проф. (Moscow, Russia) Л.П. Крысин (Москва, Россия) Prof. L.P. Krysin д-р филол. наук, проф. (Moscow, Russia) Л.А. Кудрявцева (Киев, Украина) Prof. L.A. Kudryavtseva д-р филол. наук, проф. (Kyiv, Ukraine) Э. Лассан (Вильнюс, Литва) Prof. E. Lassan д-р филол. наук, проф. (Vilnius, Lithuania) Б.Ю. Норман (Минск, Беларусь) Prof. B.Yu. Norman д-р филологии, проф. (Minsk, Belarus) Р. Ратмайр (Вена, Австрия) Ph.D. R. Rathmayr д-р филологии, проф. (Vienna, Austria) Л. Рязанова (Эдинбург, Великобри- Ph.D. L. Ryazanova тания) (Edinburgh, UK) д-р филол. наук, проф. Prof. I.A. Sternin И.А. Стернин (Воронеж, Россия) (Voronezh, Russia) д-р филол. наук, проф. Prof. A.D. Shmelev В.Е. Чернявская (Санкт-Петербург, (Moscow, Russia) Россия) Ph.D. D. Weiss д-р филол. наук, проф.
    [Show full text]
  • National Museums and the Negotiation of Difficult Pasts
    National Museums and the Negotiation of Difficult Pasts Conference proceedings from EuNaMus, European National Museums: Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and the European Citizen, Brussels 26-27 January 2012 Dominique Poulot, José María Lanzarote Guiral & Felicity Bodenstein (eds) EuNaMus Report No 8 National Museums and the Negotiation of Difficult Pasts Conference Proceedings from EuNaMus, European National Museums: Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past and the European Citizen, Brussels 26–27 January 2012 Editors Dominique Poulot, José María Lanzarote Guiral & Felicity Bodenstein EuNaMus Report No. 8 Copyright The publishers will keep this document online on the Internet – or its possible replacement – from the date of publication barring exceptional circumstances. The online availability of the document implies permanent permission for anyone to read, to download, or to print out single copies for his/her own use and to use it unchanged for non- commercial research and educational purposes. Subsequent transfers of copyright cannot revoke this permission. All other uses of the document are conditional upon the consent of the copyright owner. The publisher has taken technical and administrative measures to assure authenticity, security and accessibility. According to intellectual property law, the author has the right to be mentioned when his/her work is accessed as described above and to be protected against infringement. For additional information about Linköping University Electronic Press and its procedures for publication
    [Show full text]
  • Underlying Meanings of the Hitler Metaphor in Western Media Eugenia Kuznetsova* Department of Social and Human Sciences, Institute of Human Rights, Spain
    un omm ica C tio s n s Kuznetsova, J Mass Communicat Journalism 2014, 4:10 a & M J o f u DOI: 10.4172/2165-7912.1000230 o Journal of r l n a a n l r i s u m o J ISSN: 2165-7912 Mass Communication & Journalism Research Article OpenOpen Access Access Underlying Meanings of the Hitler Metaphor in Western Media Eugenia Kuznetsova* Department of Social and Human Sciences, Institute of Human Rights, Spain Abstract The present research aims to analyse the metaphorical use of Hitler’s personality in the Russian context in contemporary mass media published in English. The brief analysis of the metaphor’s use was also conducted for media published in German and Spanish. The research encompasses 13 years, from May 1st 2001 to May 1st 2014. The first part of the research deals with the dynamics and frequency of the metaphor’s use, exposing the growing popularity of the Hitler metaphor in shaping the ideology of contemporary Russia in media discourse. The second part includes a critical metaphor analysis that involves 268 articles from The Times (UK), 176 articles from The Wall Street Journal (USA) and 265 articles from Die Welt (Germany) in the time range from May 1st 2001 to May 25th 2014. The analysis attempts to discover the underlying meanings of the Hitler metaphor and identify the purposes and ideologies conveyed by this particular metaphor. Keywords: Metaphor; Mass media; Critical metaphor analysis; discourse model known as critical analysis of metaphors includes Linguistic analysis analysis of rhetorical and ideological role of Hitler metaphor in political discourse, focusing on authentic data.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategically Constructing News Content
    Strategically constructing news content A study into frame building by RT and Ukraine Today Bachelor Eindwerkstuk Universiteit Utrecht Faculteit Geesteswetenschappen Media & Cultuur Julia de Lange 3890864 Docent: dr. Linda Duits 2016/2017 – blok 2 26-01-2017 8223 woorden Abstract On the 5th of September 2014 an agreement was signed on a ceasefire and the launch of a political process to resolve the Ukrainian crisis and the fighting in eastern Ukraine. The news coverage on this agreement; the Minsk Protocol, is clearly constructed differently by Russian government-funded international news network RT and Ukraine Today, a Ukrainian-based private international television channel. RT and Ukraine Today strategically frame their broadcasts in the moments leading up to, during, and following the signing of the Minsk Protocol. This research will firstly focus on the organizational and structural factors of both media systems. A frame analysis will furthermore be conducted to reveal the set of frames that RT and Ukraine Today have employed to map out how particular frames have dominated the representation of the signing of the Minsk. Throughout the history of Russia and all its territorial changes news coverage has often been framed as leaders have never shunned the use of censorship and propaganda, making this case and the current Ukrainian crisis both scholarly and socially relevant. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction §1.1 Russia Today vs. Ukraine Today 4 §1.2 Russia-Ukraine relations 5 §1.3 Framing of the Minsk Protocol 6 Chapter 2:
    [Show full text]
  • Federation Without Federalism Relations Between Moscow and the Regions
    49 FEDERATION WITHOUT FEDERALISM RELATIONS BETWEEN MOSCOW AND THE REGIONS Jadwiga Rogoża NUMBER 49 WARSAW APril 2014 FEDERATION WITHOUT FEDERALISM RELATIONS BETWEEN MOSCOW AND THE REGIONS Jadwiga Rogoża © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Content editors Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak Editor Halina Kowalczyk CO-OPERATION Anna Łabuszewska, Katarzyna Kazimierska Translation Jadwiga Rogoża CO-OPeration Jim Todd GraPhic design Para-buch PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia MAPS Wojciech Mańkowski Publisher Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-43-4 Contents KEY POINTS /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. POST-SOVIET NEGOTIATED FEDERALISM /10 II. THE LANDSCAPE AFTER CENTRALISATION /13 III. A MULTI-SPEED RUSSIA /18 IV. FERMENT IN THE REGIONS /29 V. MONOCENTRISM STRIKES BACK /34 VI. PROSPECTS: DECENTRALISATION AHEAD (BUT WHAT KIND OF DECENTRALISATION?) /41 MAPS /44 KEY POINTS • The territorial extensiveness of the Russian Federation brings about an immense diversity in terms of geographic, economic and ethnic features of individual regions. This diversity is reflected by serious disparities in the regions’ levels of development, as well as their national identity, civic awareness, social and political activity. We are in fact dealing with a ‘mul- ti-speed Russia’: along with the economically developed, post-industrial regions inhabited by active communities, there are poverty-stricken, in- ertial regions, dependent on support and subsidies from the centre. Large cities, with their higher living standards, concentration of social capital, a growing need for pluralism in politics and elections characterised by competition constitute specific ‘islands of activity’ on Russia’s map.
    [Show full text]