Historia De La Provincia De Buenos Aires : Tomo 5
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Alfredo Atanasof
INFORME DEL JEFE DE GABINETE DE MINISTROS D. ALFREDO NESTOR ATANASOF A LA HONORABLE CAMARA DE SENADORES DE LA NACION 2 de OCTUBRE de 2002 INFORME Nº 56 PODER EJECUTIVO NACIONAL PRESIDENTE DE LA NACIÓN Doctor Eduardo Alberto DUHALDE VICEPRESIDENTE DE LA NACIÓN JEFE DE GABINETE DE MINISTROS Señor Alfredo Néstor ATANASOF MINISTRO DEL INTERIOR Doctor Jorge MATZKIN MINISTRO DE RELACIONES EXTERIORES, COMERCIO INTERNACIONAL Y CULTO Doctor Carlos Federico RUCKAUF MINISTRO DE DEFENSA Doctor José Horacio JAUNARENA MINISTRO DE ECONOMÍA Licenciado Roberto LAVAGNA MINISTRO DE JUSTICIA, SEGURIDAD Y DERECHOS HUMANOS Doctor Juan José ALVAREZ MINISTRO DE EDUCACIÓN, CIENCIA Y TECNOLOGÍA Doctora Graciela GIANNETTASIO MINISTRO DE TRABAJO, EMPLEO Y SEGURIDAD SOCIAL Señora Graciela CAMAÑO MINISTRO DE SALUD Doctor Ginés GONZALEZ GARCIA MINISTRO DE DESARROLLO SOCIAL Licenciada Nélida DOGA MINISTRO DE LA PRODUCCIÓN A/C Licenciado Roberto LAVAGNA SECRETARIO GENERAL DE LA PRESIDENCIA DE LA NACIÓN Doctor Aníbal Domingo FERNANDEZ SECRETARIO LEGAL Y TÉCNICO Doctor Antonio ARCURI SECRETARIO DE INTELIGENCIA DE ESTADO Licenciado Miguel Ángel TOMA SECRETARIO DE CULTURA Señor Rubén STELLA SECRETARIO DE MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN Doctor Carlos BEN SECRETARIO DE PROGRAMACIÓN PARA LA PREVENCIÓN DE LA DROGADICCIÓN Y LA LUCHA CONTRA EL NARCOTRÁFICO Doctor Willbur Ricardo GRINSON SECRETARIO DE TURISMO Y DEPORTE Señor Daniel Osvaldo SCIOLI ASESOR PRESIDENCIAL EN MATERIA DE OBRAS PÚBLICAS Escribano Hugo TOLEDO PODER LEGISLATIVO HONORABLE CAMARA DE SENADORES DE LA NACIÓN PRESIDENTE -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
S-1098-0141-02-00004.Pdf
U504439 PROGRAMA NAC. UN1DAS P DES VISITOR CARD Vto. 20/JuUn KOFI ANNAN En caso de emergencia medica llamar a: In case of a medical emergency call: En cas d'urgence (de sante) appeler aux numero: In arztlichen Notfail rufen: UNITED NATIONS NACIONE u SEP - 8 1998 OFICINA DEL COORDINADOR RESIDENTS DE LAS ACTIVIDADES OPERACIONALES DEL SISTEMA DE IAS NACIONES UNIDAS lOSG/CENTRAt ESMERALDA 130-PISO 13a 1035 - BUENOS AIRES TEL.: 54-1-320-8700 CASILLA DE CORREO 2257 FAX: 54-1-320-8754 1000 - BUENOS AIRES 15 July 1998 INTERNET: [email protected] REF Mr. Secretary General: The UN Resident Coordinator and the Director of the United Nations Information Centre are honoured to welcome you to Buenos Aires and take this opportunity to wish you a most successful and fruitful official visit to Argentina. In the enclosed folder you will find all relevant information pertaining to your visit, which we hope could be useful during your stay in Buenos Aires. In case you need to contact us, we may be reached at the following numbers: Gilberto Flores Cellular: (15) 417-9347 Home: 775-1043 Angel Escudero de Paz Cellular: (15) 417-6946 Home: 815-4556 Sincerely yours, h>u rilberto Flores Angel Escudero de Paz UN Resident Coordinator UNIC Director Mr. Kofi Annan Secretary-General UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY-GENERAL'S VISIT TO ARGENTINA 15 TO 18 JULY 1998 LIST OF HOTEL ROOMS AT THE ALVEAR PALACE HOTEL AND CAR NUMBERS CONSIGNED TO THE DELEGATION NAME ROOM NO. CAR NO. MR. AND MRS. KOFI ANNAN 603 VIP 1 (*) MR. -
The Argentine Financial Crisis: a Chronology of Events
Order Code RS21130 January 31, 2002 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web The Argentine Financial Crisis: A Chronology of Events J. F. Hornbeck Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Argentina’s current crisis resulted from a confluence of events, some external to Argentina’s policy process, others directly related to its political and economic choices. Although it is not easy to discern at what specific point in time Argentina’s economic situation turned into a crisis, it is clear that by early 2001, political, economic and social events had taken a significant turn for the worse. The following is a summary of these events from before Argentina’s adoption of the currency board in 1991 to developments in early 2002. This report will be updated periodically. Chronology of Events1 1980s Argentina suffers through an extended period of economic instability including the Latin American debt crisis and hyperinflation. 1989 Peronist candidate Carlos Menem is elected President of Argentina and appoints Domingo Cavallo as Minister of Economy. Together they enact a major structural adjustment program including tax reform, privatization, trade liberalization, deregulation, and adoption of a currency board. April 1, 1991 Argentina’s Congress enacts the Convertibility Law, which legally adopts the currency board guaranteeing the convertibility of peso currency to dollars at a one-to-one fixed rate and limiting the printing of pesos only to an amount necessary to purchase dollars in the foreign exchange market. Effectively, each peso in circulation is backed by a U.S. dollar and monetary policy is forcibly constrained to uphold that promise. -
PERONISM and ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES of POLITICAL IDENTITY in ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California
PERONISM AND ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California at Berkeley Department of Political Science 210 Barrows Hall Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] Paper presented at the LASA meeting, in Guadalajara, Mexico, on April 18, 1997 This paper is about political identity and the related issue of types of political appeals in the public arena. It thus deals with a central aspect of political behavior, regarding both voters' preferences and identification, and politicians' electoral strategies. Based on the case of Argentina, it shows the at times unsuspected but unmistakable impact of class-cultural, and more precisely, social-cultural differences on political identity and electoral behavior. Arguing that certain political identities are social-culturally based, this paper introduces a non-ideological, but socio-politically significant, axis of political polarization. As observed in the case of Peronism and anti-Peronism in Argentina, social stratification, particularly along an often- used compound, in surveys, of socio-economic status and education,1 is tightly associated with political behavior, but not so much in Left-Right political terms or even in issue terms (e.g. socio- economic platforms or policies), but rather in social-cultural terms, as seen through the modes and type of political appeals, and figuring centrally in certain already constituted political identities. Forms of political appeals may be mapped in terms of a two-dimensional political space, defined by the intersection of this social-cultural axis with the traditional Left-to-Right spectrum. Also, since already constituted political identities have their origins in the successful "hailing"2 of pluri-facetted people and groups, such a bi-dimensional space also maps political identities. -
Introduction: the Great Unraveling: Argentina 1973-1991
Introduction: The Great Unraveling: Argentina 1973-1991 In spite of its enormous advance which the Republic has made within the last ten years, the most cautious critic would not hesitate to aver that Argentina has but just entered upon the threshold of her greatness. Percy F. Martin, Through Five Republics of South America, 19051 The truth is that Argentina is bankrupt – economically, politically and socially. Its institutions are dysfunctional, its government disreputable, its social cohesion unstuck. Ricardo Caballero and Rudiger Dornbusch, Financial Times, March 8 20022 By the end of the nineteenth century, Argentina’s economic future looked indeed bright. On the eve of World War I, the Argentine capital Buenos Aires proudly displayed its affluence and modernity in its big administrative buildings, extensive parks and an underground railway. European fashion and consumer goods were in high demand and Buenos Aires even attracted a sizeable intellectual and scientific community.3 By all measures of the time, Argentina could be regarded a modern country. Yet, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, Argentina is seen as the “sick man of Latin America”.4 The economic and political crisis, which Argentina experienced in 2001 and 2002, was arguably the worst since the country’s independence. Over the course of two years, output fell by more than 15 percent, the Argentine peso lost three-quarters of its value, and registered unemployment exceeded 25 percent while more than half of the population of the erstwhile rich country lived below the poverty line.5 1 Percy F. Martin, Through five republics (of South America) : a critical description of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Venezuela in 1905 (New York, 1906). -
Las Relaciones Exteriores Del Gobierno De Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003): Relaciones Con Estados Unidos
Ramírez, Gabriela; Sánchez, Leandro Las relaciones exteriores del gobierno de Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003): Relaciones con Estados Unidos EN: A. Simonoff (Comp.) (2008). Informe sobre la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando de la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde. La Plata : UNLP. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales. pp. 54-58 Ramírez, G.; Sánchez, L (2008). Las relaciones exteriores del gobierno de Eduardo Duhalde (2002-2003) : Relaciones con Estados Unidos. EN: A. Simonoff (Comp.). Informe sobre la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando de la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde. La Plata : UNLP. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales. pp. 54-58. (Estudios e investigaciones ; 33). En Memoria Académica. Disponible en: http://www.memoria.fahce.unlp.edu.ar/libros/pm.1171/pm.1171.pdf Información adicional en www.memoria.fahce.unlp.edu.ar Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 Serie: Estudios e Investigaciones Nº 33 – Abril 2008 Informe sobre de la política exterior argentina durante los gobiernos de Fernando De la Rúa y Eduardo Duhalde Coordinador Alejandro Simonoff Colaboradores: Bárbara Bravi Maria Almendra Bossi Lucia Esposto Mariana Gallo Federico Gómez Agustina González Ceuninck Gabriela Ramírez Leandro Sánchez Marianela Serra Renzo Sosaya Gómez Maria Eugenia- Zamarreño Juan Pablo Zabala Victoria Zapata María -
El Opus Dei Entra En El Gobierno Argentino Con El Ministro Gustavo Beliz En Justicia
El Opus Dei entra en el Gobierno argentino con el Ministro Gustavo Beliz en Justicia Extrait du El Correo http://www.elcorreo.eu.org/El-Opus-Dei-entra-en-el-Gobierno-argentino-con-el-Ministro-Gustavo-Beliz-en -Justicia El Opus Dei entra en el Gobierno argentino con el Ministro Gustavo Beliz en Justicia - Empire et Résistance - Saint Siège - Date de mise en ligne : mercredi 21 mai 2003 Copyright © El Correo - Tous droits réservés Copyright © El Correo Page 1/16 El Opus Dei entra en el Gobierno argentino con el Ministro Gustavo Beliz en Justicia Los ministros de Néstor Kirchner presentan un favorable perfil que supera, en parte, la etapa menemista, duhaldista y del gobierno de Fernando de la Rúa. Hay, sin embargo, una discutible designación, la de Gustavo Béliz, ex ministro del Interior de Carlos Menem y que expresa a la secta franquista denominada Opus Dei, como lo demostró en aquella gestión. El presidente Néstor Kirchner, torpedeado por una clase política decadente, por banqueros mafiosos, el gobierno norteamericano a través del Consejo para las Américas, y otros grupos de poder, a los que se suma una parte importante de la prensa al servicio de intereses espurios, ha designado a sus ministros y principales colaboradores. Hay solo dos duhaldistas netos : José Pampurro (Defensa) y Aníbal Fernández (Interior). Ginés González García (Salud) y Roberto Lavagna (Economía y¨Producción) no puede incluírselos dentro del aparato duhaldista. Se trata de técnicos. González García es odiado por los laboratorios multinacionales por su ley de genéricos y a Lavagna, todos los grupos reaccionarios del establishment, incluido los diarios Ambito Financiero, Infobae, El Cronista -amigo del Opus Dei-, y la prensa menemista (Radio 10, Canal 9 TV) le atribuyen temerariamente ser un "populista" y "neokeynesiano". -
Protagonista Opositor, Peronista Desplazado: La Confederación General Del Trabajo Durante El Gobierno De Raúl Alfonsín
Protagonista opositor, peronista desplazado: la Confederación General del Trabajo durante el gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín MARÍA DOLORES ROCCA RIVAROLA* 7 Resumen Abstract En este artículo, la autora analiza la evolución The author analyzes in this article the paradoxical paradójica de la Confederación General del Trabajo evolution of the General Confederacy of Labor (CGT). Por un lado, su papel protagónico dentro de la (Confederación General del Trabajo) (CGT). On one oposición durante el gobierno de Raúl Alfonsín; por side, its leading role within the opposition during otro, como fuerza en incipiente proceso de debili- the government of Raúl Alfonsín: on the other as tamiento al interior del Partido Justicialista (PJ) en a force in an incipient weakening process at the el marco de la victoria de la fracción del “peronismo interior of the Partido justicialista (PJ) within the r e n o v a d o r ”. E l o b j e t i v o e s p e c í fi c o e s c o m p r e n d e rcó - frame of the victory of the fraction “peronismo mo fue posible esta paradoja y el objetivo general es renovador”(peronism renovated). The specific objec- el examen de un periodo (1983-1989) caracterizado tive is to understand how this paradox was possible por el establecimiento de las bases institucionales and the general objective is the study of a period de una posterior transformación sustantiva al inte- (1983-1989) characterized by the establishment of rior del PJ. the institutional basis of a later substantial trans- formation at the interior of the PJ. -
Private Investment Response to Neoliberal Reforms: Implications of the Argentine Case, 1989-1996
Private Investment Response to Neoliberal Reforms: Implications of the Argentine Case, 1989-1996 March 1997 Juan J. López Assistant Professor Department of Political Science The University of Illinois at Chicago 1007 West Harrison Street (M/C 276) Chicago, IL 60607-7137 Phone: (312) 413-3783 Fax: (312) 413-0440 E-mail: [email protected] Draft: comments welcome Prepared for delivery at the 1997 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Continental Plaza Hotel, Guadalajara, Mexico, April 17-19, 1997. 1 Introduction Warren Christopher, then the U.S. Secretary of State, in visit to Buenos Aires in February 1996 declared that Menem and Cavallo "had done in Argentina one of the great economic successes of the century."1 This is the official line in Argentina, echoed by fervent supporters of neoliberal economic reforms abroad. If one only looked at some official statistics on economic growth and investment, one might conclude that economically Argentina is doing wonderfully. Budget deficits have been significantly reduced.2 Since April 1991, after the Convertibility Plan, inflation has been kept at low levels. For the period 1990 to 1995, the annual average rate of GDP growth was 5 percent.3 Gross domestic investment grew at an average annual rate of 12 percent between 1990 and 1995.4 Yet a sober look at the data on the economic situation in Argentina raises serious doubts as to whether a solid foundation is being build in the country for sustainable economic growth. The economic growth since 1991 is to a large extent due to the influx of dollars from abroad and to the utilization of idle productive capacity that firms had.5 Unemployment and 1 Clarín, Edición Internacional, February 27 to March 14, 1996, p. -
An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M
University of Miami Law School Institutional Repository University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 1-1-1994 An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995 Christopher M. Nelson Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Part of the Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Christopher M. Nelson, An Opportunity for Constitutional Reform in Argentina: Re-Election 1995, 25 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 283 (1994) Available at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol25/iss2/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter- American Law Review by an authorized administrator of Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 283 COMMENT AN OPPORTUNITY FOR CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN ARGENTINA: RE-ELECTION 1995 I. INTRODUCTION ............................................ 284 II. THE RE-ELECTION INITIATIVE ................................... 286 A. Menem's Ambition and Article 77 ............................ 286 B. The Unlikely Coalition .................................. 287 C. Change in Position ..................................... 291 D. The Menem-Alfonsin Agreement ............................ 294 III. CENTRALIZATION OF POWER UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1853 ....... 297 A. History of a Centralist Constitution ......................... 298 B. PresidentialPower Under the Argentine Constitution ........... 300 IV. INCREASING THE POWER OF THE PRESIDENT -
The Peronist Revolution and Its Ambiguous Legacy
University of London Institute of Latin American Studies Occasional Papers No. 17 THE PERONIST REVOLUTION AND ITS AMBIGUOUS LEGACY Tulio Halperin-Donghi Institute of Latin American Studies 31 Tavistock Square London WC1H 9HA The Institute of Latin American Studies publishes as Occasional Papers selected seminar and conference papers and public lectures delivered at the Institute or by scholars associated with the work of the Institute. Tulio Halperin-Donghi is Muriel McKevitt Sonne Professor of History, University of California at Berkeley. This paper was given as the Third John Brooks Memorial Lecture, in November 1997. Occasional Papers, New Series 1992- ISSN 0953 6825 © Institute of Latin American Studies University of London 1998 THE PERONIST REVOLUTION AND ITS AMBIGUOUS LEGACY Tulio Halperin-Donghi More than four decades after Peronism's triumphant invasion of the Argentine political scene, the country is still ruled by the movement born on that occasion, which - notwithstanding several dramatic reversals of fortune - still retains a solid and apparently durable hold on the Argentine electorate. That revolution in itself offers part of the explanation for such durable success: as is the case with the reforms introduced in Uruguay earlier in the century under batllismo, the model of society it strove to build never lost its attraction for the Argentine masses. However, while the nostalgic memory of the Peronist golden age is as much alive in Argentina as that of the times when Uruguay was a model country on the opposite shore of the River Plate, that memory does not offer the inspiration for the present that the batllista activist state still provides in Uruguay.