Tracing Feminisms in Brazil
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The Critical Impact of Transgressive Theatrical Practices Christopher J
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2011 (Im)possibilities of Theatre and Transgression: the critical impact of transgressive theatrical practices Christopher J. Krejci Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the Theatre and Performance Studies Commons Recommended Citation Krejci, Christopher J., "(Im)possibilities of Theatre and Transgression: the critical impact of transgressive theatrical practices" (2011). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 3510. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/3510 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. (IM)POSSIBILITIES OF THEATRE AND TRANSGRESSION: THE CRITICAL IMPACT OF TRANSGRESSIVE THEATRICAL PRACTICES A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Theatre by Christopher J. Krejci B.A., St. Edward’s University, 1999 M.L.A, St. Edward’s University, 2004 August 2011 For my family (blood and otherwise), for fueling my imagination with stories and songs (especially on those nights I couldn’t sleep). ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my advisor, John Fletcher, for his expert guidance. I would also like to thank the members of my committee, Ruth Bowman, Femi Euba, and Les Wade, for their insight and support. -
Psychology: an International 11
WOMEN'S STUDIES LIBRARIAN The University ofWisconsin System EMINIST ERIODICALS A CURRENT LISTING OF CONTENTS VOLUME 13, NUMBER 3 FALL 1993 Published by Phyllis Holman Weisbard Women's Studies Librarian University of Wisconsin System 430 Memorial Library / 728 State Street Madison, Wisconsin 53706 (608) 263-5754 EMINIST ERIODICALS A CURRENT LISTING OF CONTENTS Volume 13, Number 3 Fall 1993 Periodical literature is the cutting edge of women's scholarship, feminist theory, and much ofwomen'sculture. Feminist Periodicals: A Current Listing of Contents is published by the Office of the University of Wisconsin System Women's Studies Librarian on a quarterly basis with the intent of increasing pUblic awareness of feminist periodicals. It is our hope that Feminist Periodicals will serve several purposes: to keep the reader abreast of current topics in feminist literature; to increase readers' familiarity with a wide spectrum of feminist periodicals; and to provide the requisite bibliographic information should a reader wish to subscribe to ajournal or to obtain a particular article at her library or through interlibrary lOan. (Users will need to be aware of the limitations of the new copyright law with regard to photocopying of copyrighted materials.) Tabie of contents pages from current issues of majorfeminist journals are reproduced in each issue ofFeminist Periodicals, preceded by a comprehensive annotated listing of all journals we have selected. As pUblication schedules vary enormously, not every periodical will have table of contents pages reproduced in each issue of IT. The annotated listing provides the following information on each journal: 1. Year of first publication. 2. Frequency of pUblication. -
6 Confronting Backlash Against Women's Rights And
CONFRONTING BACKLASH AGAINST WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND GENDER 1 EQUALITY IN BRAZIL: A LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROPOSAL Cecilia M. B. Sardenberg 2 Maíra Kubik Mano 3 Teresa Sacchet 4 ABSTRACT: This work is part of a research and intervention programme to investigate, confront and reverse the backlash against gender equality and women’s rights in Brazil, which will be part of the Institute of Development Studies – IDS Countering Backlash Programme, supported by the Swedish International Development Agency - SIDA. This Programme was elaborated in response to the backlash against women's rights and gender equality that has emerged as a growing trend, championed by conservative and authoritarian movements gaining space across the globe, particularly during the last decade. In Brazil, this backlash has been identified as part of an ‘anti-gender’ wave, which has spread considerably since the 2014 presidential elections. Significant changes in Brazil have not only echoed strongly on issues regarding women’s rights and gender justice, but also brought disputes over gender and sexuality to the political arena. To better address the issues at hand in this work, we will contextualize them in their historical background. We will begin with a recapitulation of the re-democratization process, in the 1980s, when feminist and women’s movements emerged as a political force demanding to be heard. We will then look at the gains made during what we here term “the progressive decades for human and women’s rights”, focusing, in particular, on those regarding the confrontation of Gender Based Violence (GBV) in Brazil, which stands as one of the major problems faced by women and LGBTTQIs, aggravated in the current moment of Covid-19 pandemic. -
Prostitution, Trafficking, and Cultural Amnesia: What We Must Not Know in Order to Keep the Business of Sexual Exploitation Running Smoothly
Prostitution, Trafficking, and Cultural Amnesia: What We Must Not Know in Order To Keep the Business of Sexual Exploitation Running Smoothly Melissa Farleyt INTRODUCTION "Wise governments," an editor in the Economist opined, "will accept that. paid sex is ineradicable, and concentrate on keeping the business clean, safe and inconspicuous."' That third adjective, "inconspicuous," and its relation to keeping prostitution "ineradicable," is the focus of this Article. Why should the sex business be invisible? What is it about the sex industry that makes most people want to look away, to pretend that it is not really as bad as we know it is? What motivates politicians to do what they can to hide it while at the same time ensuring that it runs smoothly? What is the connection between not seeing prostitution and keeping it in existence? There is an economic motive to hiding the violence in prostitution and trafficking. Although other types of gender-based violence such as incest, rape, and wife beating are similarly hidden and their prevalence denied, they are not sources of mass revenue. Prostitution is sexual violence that results in massive tMelissa Farley is a research and clinical psychologist at Prostitution Research & Education, a San Francisco non-profit organization, She is availabe at [email protected]. She edited Prostitution, Trafficking, and Traumatic Stress in 2003, which contains contributions from important voices in the field, and she has authored or contributed to twenty-five peer-reviewed articles. Farley is currently engaged in a series of cross-cultural studies on men who buy women in prostitution, and she is also helping to produce an art exhibition that will help shift the ways that people see prostitution, pornography, and sex trafficking. -
The Daily Egyptian, September 13, 1984
Southern Illinois University Carbondale OpenSIUC September 1984 Daily Egyptian 1984 9-13-1984 The aiD ly Egyptian, September 13, 1984 Daily Egyptian Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/de_September1984 Volume 70, Issue 19 Recommended Citation , . "The aiD ly Egyptian, September 13, 1984." (Sep 1984). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Daily Egyptian 1984 at OpenSIUC. It has been accepted for inclusion in September 1984 by an authorized administrator of OpenSIUC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bid muddles convention center plans My Bob Tila Simon. said Wednesday that FmHA 5 rcc-c.,s . of 60 da~ s. Monty said. The cIty IS a lso S l a rf\\' rit~r africa Is in Champaign have indica ted Federa l tax legisla tion passed in wailing for a tt.."lsibility report on the that they would approve continued August also affects the plans submitted center to be released later this month. The Carbondale convention center is support for the convention cent er. He by lhe National GroupofCompanies. in a familia r place again - li mbo, Monty said the city will not be actively said an extension of support from The Nationa.l Group of Companies ha s involved in working out an agreement City Council members expressed FmHA officials in Washington is still offered to buIld the conventIOn center in terest in an offer to build the con· between Stan Hoye and the Nalional pending. without financial guarantees irom the League of Companies. He said. -
The National and Transnational Dimensions of Afro-Brazilian
BUILDING FROM AND MOVING BEYOND THE STATE BUILDING FROM AND MOVING BEYOND THE STATE: THE NATIONAL AND TRANSNATIONAL DIMENSIONS OF AFRO-BRAZILIAN WOMEN’S INTERSECTIONAL MOBILIZATION By JESSICA H. FRANKLIN, B.A., M.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctorate of Philosophy McMaster University © Copyright by Jessica H. Franklin, August 2012 McMaster University DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY (2012) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: Building From and Moving Beyond the State: The National and Transnational Dimensions of Afro-Brazilian Women’s Intersectional Mobilization AUTHOR: Jessica H. Franklin, M.A. (The University of Western Ontario) SUPERVISOR: Professor Karen Bird NUMBER OF PAGES: vii, 233 ii ABSTRACT Race and gender categories have rarely operated in isolation in the lives of Afro-Brazilian women, intersecting to shape their historical and social positioning, everyday experiences, and collective activism. Despite opposition from the Brazilian state and some civil society groups, the Afro-Brazilian women’s movement has increased awareness of the specificity of black women’s identities and oppressions. They have become one of Brazil’s most organized proponents of anti-discrimination policy and legislation. In recent years their activism has moved beyond Brazil’s borders through participation in United Nations (UN) Conferences. Yet, the dynamism of Afro-Brazilian women’s intersectional identities and their strategic use to gain legitimacy in these arenas has remained noticeably understudied. This dissertation argues that since activist groups do not participate in transnational forums detached from their specific histories and localized experiences, their actions, and strategies must be historically grounded. -
The Perfect Misogynist Storm and the Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’S Political Crisis
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 20 Issue 8 Issue #2 (of 2) Women’s Movements and the Shape of Feminist Theory and Praxis in Article 6 Latin America October 2019 The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis Cara K. Snyder Cristina Scheibe Wolff Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Snyder, Cara K. and Wolff, Cristina Scheibe (2019). The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis. Journal of International Women's Studies, 20(8), 87-109. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol20/iss8/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2019 Journal of International Women’s Studies. The Perfect Misogynist Storm and The Electromagnetic Shape of Feminism: Weathering Brazil’s Political Crisis By Cara K. Snyder1 and Cristina Scheibe Wolff2 Abstract In Brazil, the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff and the Worker’s Party (PT), and the subsequent jailing of former PT President Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula), laid the groundwork for the 2018 election of ultra-conservative Jair Bolsonaro. In the perfect storm leading up to the coup, the conservative elite drew on deep-seated misogynist discourses to oust Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s progressive first woman president, and the Worker’s Party she represented. -
Fighting Gender Inequality: Brazilian Feminist Movements and Judicialization As a Political Approach to Oppose Violence Against Women
Public Integrity ISSN: 1099-9922 (Print) 1558-0989 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mpin20 Fighting Gender Inequality: Brazilian Feminist Movements and Judicialization as a Political Approach to Oppose Violence Against Women Maria Ligia Rodrigues Elias & Isadora Vier Machado To cite this article: Maria Ligia Rodrigues Elias & Isadora Vier Machado (2017): Fighting Gender Inequality: Brazilian Feminist Movements and Judicialization as a Political Approach to Oppose Violence Against Women, Public Integrity, DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2017.1364948 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999922.2017.1364948 Published online: 28 Sep 2017. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=mpin20 Download by: [University of San Francisco] Date: 28 September 2017, At: 12:58 Public Integrity, 0: 1–16, 2017 Copyright © American Society for Public Administration ISSN: 1099-9922 print/1558-0989 online DOI: 10.1080/10999922.2017.1364948 none defined Fighting Gender Inequality: Brazilian Feminist Movements and Judicialization as a Political Approach to Oppose Violence Against Women Maria Ligia Rodrigues Elias and Isadora Vier Machado State University of Maringa How can oppressive structures be undermined in the pursuit of gender equality? Facing and combating violence against women is essential to reduce this inequality. This article explores the need for the judicialization of violence against women and gender inequality and the importance of the constitution of this process as a political arena in Latin America, especially in Brazil. In an unequal world, the juridical field, like many others, is characterized by complex social relations, and is therefore itself an object of dispute in the quest for greater freedom and autonomy for women. -
Contemporary Feminisms in Brazil: Achievements, Challenges, and Tensions
CONTEMPORARY FEMINISMS IN BRAZIL: ACHIEVEMENTS, CHALLENGES, AND TENSIONS Cecilia M. B. Sardenberg Ana Alice Alcantara Costa INTRODUCTION mainstreaming” in all spheres and levels major changes in that direction have yet to be enacted in Brazil has been known for the strength and diversity of formal power structures, such as those of the its social movements and for women having always legislative, judiciary and executive branches constituted an important part of them. More (ALCÂNTARA COSTA, 2008; ARAÚJO, 2003; importantly, over the last three decades, women in NOGUEIRA, 2005). They have remained notoriously Brazil have forged and carried their own specific resistant to the inclusion of women, such that, so too in struggles, feminists representing a rather small segment Brazil, “[…] the new wave of democratization has not, but a very active one of women’s movements at by any means, had a feminizing effect on the large in the country (SOARES ET AL., 1996; COSTA, parliaments, cabinets and public administrations of the 2005). Contemporary feminist activism in Brazil new democracies” (RAZAVI, 2000, p. 2). This has emerged in a moment of political upheaval, playing an resulted in a major paradox for Brazilian feminists: on important role in the process of re-democratization of the one hand, the presence of a wide and well articulated the country and stretching the very concept of women’s movement, and on the other, a notorious democracy in this process (ALVAREZ, 1990; absence of women in decision making positions PITANGUY, 2003). Moreover, within Latin America – (Alcântara COSTA, 2008). One of the consequences of and even beyond Brazilian feminisms have drawn this state of affairs is that we still lack a “critical mass” special attention for having articulated what has been of women to push forth the implementation of new state regarded as “perhaps the largest, most radical, most institutions and policies, such as those for confronting diverse, and most politically influential of Latin violence against women (SARDENBERG, 2007a). -
Case Study Brazil Flávia Biroli 01
Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 07 Case Study Brazil Flávia Biroli 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights. -
May Hiraga Said Dukakis Promised a Cure for Address the AIDS Issue," He Said
MH ———' •"*- —iw-TiBwaB-i vmmmm unat-Minw Protestors demand candidates' attention to AIDS epidemic at Rochester debate By Michele Moore fered over whether they would acknowledge Demonstrators from Rochester, New York to thc public if they or one of their children City, Ithaca and Cleveland protested the had AIDS presidential candidates' silence on AIDS- Jackson said without hesitation that he related issues in a picket at thc April 16 would make it known if he had AIDS as a Democratic presidential debate at the "healing procedure" and to calm hysteria, Eastman Theatre. thc D & C story said. The demonstration was sponsored by thc Dukakis did not answer the question, but local chapter of the national AIDS political said thc president must "create an environ action group ACT UP (AIDS Coalition to ment of understanding" aliout AIDS. Unleash Power). Gore said he might choose for personal Atiout 120 people, carrying "Silence = reasons not to publicly reveal an AIDS Death. Vote'* signs and chanting slogans like diagnosis, Just as he might not go public with '32,000 people arc dead! What do thc can a cancer diagnosis, the D&C reported. didates say about AIDS?", '^Educate, don't "He attempted to address the real ques isolate!" and **Gcorgc Mike, Jesse, A1--AIDS tion, which was, 'Is AIDS an important issue photo by Autumn Craft won't wait!" walked, jumped and danced in to you in thc campaign?' and he was cut a picket line for two hours on East Main short" by debate co-moderator Bernard About 120 people demonstrated on April 16 to demand that ttie Street across from thc theater. -
General Editor's Introduction
General Editor’s Introduction PAISLEY CURRAH n the last decade, movements for transgender equality appear to have advanced I with astonishing speed, while other issues of concern to women’s movements have largely stalled, either making little progress (equal pay) or suffering real set- backs (abortion access). From policy reforms to public opinion trends, it seems that the situation has changed faster, and in a more positive direction, on issues char- acterized as “transgender rights” than it has on those understood as “women’s rights.” This apparent gap may be exacerbated in the United States: at the con- clusion of the culture wars of the last forty years, the almost inseparable bond between movements for sexual and gender freedom that marked liberationist discourse of the 1970s has been torn asunder, reconstituted through the logic of an identity politics that affirms the demands for recognition of sexual and gender minorities but finds the misogyny that still structures all women’s lives largely unintelligible, outside the scope of the liberal project of inclusion. One poll, for example, found that 72 percent of the millennial generation in the United States favor laws banning discrimination against transgender people—a proportion very close to the 73 percent who support protections for gay and lesbian people. But only 55 percent of this generation, born between 1980 and 2000, say abortion should be legal in all (22 percent) or some (33 percent) cases (Jones and Cox 2015: 42, 3). In a three-month period ending July 31, 2015, when this introduction was written, the New York Times editorial board came out in support of transgender issues seven times—and that number does not include the several almost uni- versally positive op-ed contributions published during the same period.