Infunde Amorem Cordibus: an Early 16Th-Century Polyphonic Hymn Cycle from Seville

Juan Ruiz Jimeńez Infunde amorem cordibus: an early 16th-century polyphonic hymn cycle from Seville he manuscript Tarazona Cathedral 2–3 has from 1482 and chapelmaster from 1491, a position Treceived a good deal of attention from eminent he held until 1497. His name reappears in docu- scholars over the last half century. While they have ments from 1503 until his death in September 1504. differed in their findings as to its dating and proven- The identification of Pedro de Porto and Pedro de ance, they have been unanimous in concluding that Escobar remains to be clarified, but only the name it is the most important surviving source for sacred Escobar appears in Seville during the time he music from the time of the Catholic Monarchs, was chapelmaster there (1507–14), and this was 1 7 Ferdinand and Isabella. I have studied the dating how he signed his name ( illus.1). The third and of the manuscript elsewhere, and proposed a Sevil- most prominent composer in Tarazona Cathedral 2 lian origin for it, but here I shall concentrate on 2–3, as well as in the hymn cycle, is Francisco de one important aspect: the cycle of polyphonic Penãlosa. hymn settings included in it (see table 1). Indeed, My recent research in the cathedral archives has it was this cycle that first drew attention to the shown that Penãlosa was present in Seville more manuscript through the study and edition by often than has been thought, since he was obliged 3 Rudolf Gerber. The Tarazona cycle has since been to reside there in order to obtain the income from studied in the broader context of the hymn cycle the benefices he held at the cathedral. It is clear of this period by Tom R. Ward and Carmen Julia that, although the archdeaconate of Carmona, held 4 Gutie´rrez; Bruno Turner has also considered it by Penãlosa, was the last dignity to be founded at 5 from the viewpoint of performance practice. Yet the cathedral, it was more important, and more luc- up till now, no one has examined it in detail in the rative than previously believed, yielding 50 per cent context of Spanish liturgy of the first decades of more than a standard canonry; it was thus a major 8 the 16th century, an approach that proves to be step in his career, both socially and economically. enlightening as regards the provenance of the cycle, During his sojourn in Rome (1517–20), albeit only and thus the polyphonic repertory of the manu- after a fierce lawsuit, he managed to receive part script as a whole. of the income, but never that part that required The Sevillian origins of Tarazona 2–3 are immedi- his actual presence. Between 1506 and 1509 his ately suggested by the profile of the composers time in Seville was irregular, but from July 1510 he included in the manuscript. The proportion of maintained a house, rented from the cathedral 9 works by composers with ties to Seville Cathedral chapter, in the Abades area of the city. From 1516, is so high that it is difficult to imagine that its com- following the death of King Ferdinand, he rented pilation could have been carried out at any other a second house in Borciguenerıá Street; both prop- 6 institution. While there were several musicians erties were transferred to his nephew Luis de with the name ‘Alba’, I have shown that the works Penãlosa, also a canon at Seville, on his death in attributed to ‘Alonso/A dalua’ must have been by 1528. Between 1513 and 1517 he resided in Seville for Alonso Pe´rez de Alba, a singer at Seville Cathedral long periods, as he did on his return from Rome Early Music, Vol. XXXIII, No.4 Ó The Author 2005. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. doi:10.1093/em/cah153, available online at www.em.oupjournals.org 619 Table 1 The hymn cycle in Tarazona 2–3 Folios Feast Hymn Composer Voices Verse iv–iir Christmas Veni redemptor gentium Escobar 42 iiv–iiir Epiphany Hostis Herodes impie Escobar 41 iiiv–iiiir Passion Sunday Vexilla regis prodeunt Pe´rez de Alba 41 iiiiv–vr Octave of Easter Ad cenam agni providi Sanabria 42 vv–vir Ascension Day Iesu nostra redemptio Penãlosa 42 viv–viir Pentecost Beata nobis gaudia Pe´rez de Alba 41 viiv–viiir Pentecost Veni Creator Spiritus Pe´rez de Alba 41 viiiv–ixr Trinity Sunday O lux beata Trinitas Penãlosa 41 ixv–xr Corpus Christi Pange lingua Urreda 41 xv–xir Corpus Christi Sacris sollemniis Penãlosa 41 xiv–xiir St John the Baptist Ut queant laxis Pe´rez de Alba 41 xiiv–xiiir Sts Peter and Paul Felix per omnes Escobar 42 xiiiv–xiiiir Marian feasts Ave maris stella Escobar 42,4 xiiiiv–xvr Marian feasts Ave maris stella Escobar 42,4 xvv–xvir St Michael Tibi Christe splendor Pe´rez de Alba 41 xviv–xviir All Saints Christe redemptor omnium Pe´rez de Alba 41 xviiv–xviiir Common of Apostles Exsultet caelum laudibus Escobar 42 xviiiv–xixr Common of one Martyr Deus tuorum militum Escobar 42 xixv–xxr Common of Martyrs Sanctorum meritis Penãlosa 41 xxv–xxir Common of Confessors Iste confessor Escobar 41 have been composed or compiled according to certain local requirements, and many survive in a unique source, often without attribution. They are usually copied in liturgical order: the temporal feasts first, followed by those of the sanctorale in chronological order, with those used in a generic form (feasts of the apostles, virgins etc.) included 1 Pedro de Escobar’s signature (Seville, Cathedral Arch- at the end. From about 1500 and throughout the ive, Section II, book 251) (By permission of Seville 16th century polyphonic hymn-settings were usually Cathedral Archive) constructed over a cantus firmus in either the super- ius or tenor parts, and in some hymns the cantus in 1520 until his death some eight years later. He was firmus was highlighted by the use of chant notation buried in the nave dedicated to St Paul in the in that voice, though at other times mensural nota- cathedral, near to the epistle pulpit; his burial tion was used. Usually only alternate verses of a inscription reads: ‘Here lies the illustrious Francisco hymn were set polyphonically, with the chant sung de Penãlosa, archdeacon of Carmona, canon of this in alternatim; in the polyphonic settings the chant 10 Holy Church who died on 1 April 1528.’ might be more or less elaborated, or its identity 11 Thus the composer profile of Tarazona Cathedral might be clearly preserved. It is the chant on which 2–3 is decidedly Sevillian, and it should come as no the hymn-setting was based that can often give a 12 surprise that the hymn cycle it contains should rein- clue as to the origin of the cycle as a whole. force the idea that the manuscript was compiled This study will focus on the Spanish breviaries there. In general, collections of hymns, by their most closely associated with the places with which nature short and functional pieces, would seem to the Tarazona cycle has been connected, as well as 620 early music november 2005 on the chant melodies used and their place specific- Cathedral (SevBC 2), in which the majority of the ally within the Sevillian liturgy. Scholars are agreed psalm- and hymn-settings can be attributed that the Tarazona manuscript was not originally through concordances in other sources to Guerrero. compiled for that cathedral, though some have In some cases these settings are clearly earlier ver- linked it with the royal chapel, since several of the sions of those published subsequently in the Liber composers also worked there at some time in their vesperarum; in others, they appear to be intermedi- careers. Papal bulls promulgated by Sixtus IV in ate versions between those of the printed edition July 1474 confirmed that both the Roman and and those found in a manuscript preserved in Gua- the Toledan rites were authorized for use in the temala Cathedral (GuatC 2). This manuscript is Castilian royal chapel, as well as the Cistercian rite very worn, and some of the hymn-settings it con- 13 in the Aragonese royal chapel. It should also be tains have been drastically altered to conform to pointed out that until the reformed breviary of the reforms of Urban VIII, reflecting its continued 15 Pius V, a great diversity of rite was maintained in use after that date. A recently discovered, previ- the different churches of Spain, which encouraged ously unknown inventory, dating from 1721, of the the copying, and later printing, of breviaries for polyphonic books held at the cathedral describes use in a particular diocese. Those breviaries and the manuscript in detail, and provides an index of other musico-liturgical sources of possible interest all the works it contains; this confirms that all but to this study, including Roman, Sevillian, Toledan three of the hymn settings (and one verse of a 16 and Cistercian books are listed in the appendix fourth) were by Guerrero. It was not until the first below, together with others from different parts of half of the 17th century that we find a hymn cycle Spain, including Tarazona, to ensure a wide spread containing new polyphonic settings for different of region and rite. feasts of special importance in the Sevillian sanctor- Basically, vespers hymns for first-ranking feasts ale, those of first rank which had apparently not 17 were set polyphonically. The ranking of feasts could previously been set polyphonically.

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