The Territorial Politics of Welfare
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The Political Culture of Canada
CHAPTER 2 The Political Culture of Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this chapter you should be able to • Define the terms political culture, ideology, and cleavages. • Describe the main principles of each of the major ideologies in Canada. • Describe the ideological orientation of the main political parties in Canada. • Describe the major cleavages in Canadian politics. Introduction Canadian politics, like politics in other societies, is a public conflict over different conceptions of the good life. Canadians agree on some important matters (e.g., Canadians are overwhelmingly committed to the rule of law, democracy, equality, individual rights, and respect for minorities) and disagree on others. That Canadians share certain values represents a substantial consensus about how the political system should work. While Canadians generally agree on the rules of the game, they dis- agree—sometimes very strongly—on what laws and policies the government should adopt. Should governments spend more or less? Should taxes be lower or higher? Should governments build more prisons or more hospitals? Should we build more pipelines or fight climate change? Fortunately for students of politics, different conceptions of the good life are not random. The different views on what laws and policies are appropriate to realize the ideologies Specific bundles of good life coalesce into a few distinct groupings of ideas known as ideologies. These ideas about politics and the good ideologies have names that are familiar to you, such as liberalism, conservatism, and life, such as liberalism, conserva- (democratic) socialism, which are the principal ideologies in Canadian politics. More tism, and socialism. Ideologies radical ideologies, such as Marxism, communism, and fascism, are at best only mar- help people explain political ginally present in Canada. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
The Decline of the Military's Political Influence in Turkey
The decline of the military’s political influence in Turkey By Anwaar Mohammed A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham August 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The political role of Turkey’s military has been declining with the strengthening of the civilian institutions and the introduction of new political factors. Turkey’s political atmosphere has changed towards civilian control of the military. The research focuses on analysing the various political factors and their impact on the political role of the military. The military’s loss of political influence in handling political challenges will be assessed against the effectiveness of the military’s political ideology. The shift in civil-military relations will be detected through the AKP’s successful political economy and popular mandate. The EU as an external factor in dismantling the military’s political prerogatives will be assessed. Greece’s route toward democratization of its civil-military relations compared to Turkey. -
American Review of Canadian Studies, Volume 46.2
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery AMERICAN REVIEW OF CANADIAN STUDIES, VOLUME 46.2 PUBLISHED ON-LINE 6 JUNE 2016 A Quiet Revolution in Diplomacy—Quebec–UK Relations Since 1960 Tony McCulloch University College London Abstract Quebec’s modern international outlook and its current paradiplomacy can be dated largely from the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Since then, the provincial government in Quebec City and the Federal Government in Ottawa have had to tread a fine line in accommodating each other’s constitutional rights in the field of international relations—a line that has occasionally been breached, especially in the years following the Quiet Revolution and in critical periods such as those prior to the 1980 and 1995 referenda. Foreign governments have also had to engage in careful diplomacy in order to avoid upsetting either Ottawa or Quebec City—and this has been especially true in the case of the countries historically most involved with Canada and Quebec—France, the US, and Britain. But whereas there has been some academic writing on Quebec’s relationships with France and the US, very little attention has been devoted to Quebec–UK relations since the Quiet Revolution. This article seeks to fill that gap and argues that the Quebec–UK relationship since the 1960s can itself best be characterized as a “quiet revolution” in diplomacy that has largely avoided the controversies that have sometimes dogged Quebec’s relations with France and the US. Keywords: Quebec; United Kingdom; Quiet Revolution; patriation; monarchy; paradiplomacy Introduction While diplomatic relations between Quebec and the UK can be dated back to before the First World War—the first Quebec legation in London opened in 1908—it was not until the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, associated with Jean Lesage and the Quebec Liberal party, that the province began to take full advantage of its international potential. -
Quebec Women and Legislative Representation
Quebec Women and Legislative Representation Manon Tremblay Quebec Women and Legislative Representation TRANSLATED BY KÄTHE ROTH © UBC Press 2010 Originally published as Québécoises et représentation parlementaire © Les Presses de l’Université Laval 2005. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher, or, in Canada, in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying, a licence from Access Copyright (Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency), www.accesscopyright.ca. 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in Canada on FSC-certified ancient-forest-free paper (100% post-consumer recycled) that is processed chlorine- and acid-free. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Tremblay, Manon, 1964- Quebec women and legislative representation / written by Manon Tremblay ; translated by Käthe Roth. Originally published in French under title: Québécoises et représentation parlementaire. ISBN 978-0-7748-1768-4 1. Women legislators – Québec (Province). 2. Women in politics – Québec (Province). 3. Representative government and representation – Canada. 4. Legislative bodies – Canada. I. Roth, Käthe II. Title. HQ1236.5.C2T74513 2010 320.082’09714 C2009-903402-6 UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP), and of the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. -
Open PDF 191KB
Constitution Select Committee Uncorrected oral evidence: UK Internal Market Bill Thursday 24 September 2020 10.20 am Watch the meeting Members present: Baroness Taylor of Bolton (The Chair); Lord Beith; Baroness Corston; Baroness Drake: Lord Dunlop; Lord Faulks; Baroness Fookes; Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield; Lord Howarth of Newport; Lord Howell of Guildford; Lord Pannick; Lord Sherbourne of Didsbury; Lord Wallace of Tankerness. Evidence Session No. 3 Virtual Proceeding Questions 20 - 27 Witnesses I: Professor Katy Hayward, Professor of Social Divisions and Conflict, Queen’s University, Belfast; Professor Nicola McEwen, Professor of Territorial Politics, University of Edinburgh; Professor Joanne Hunt, Professor in Law, Cardiff University. USE OF THE TRANSCRIPT 1. This is an uncorrected transcript of evidence taken in public and webcast on www.parliamentlive.tv. 2. Any public use of, or reference to, the contents should make clear that neither Members nor witnesses have had the opportunity to correct the record. If in doubt as to the propriety of using the transcript, please contact the Clerk of the Committee. 3. Members and witnesses are asked to send corrections to the Clerk of the Committee by 5pm Thursday 1 October 2020. 1 Examination of witnesses Professor Katy Hayward, Professor Nicola McEwen and Professor Joanne Hunt. Q20 The Chair: The House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution is taking evidence on the UK Internal Market Bill. Our witnesses this morning are Professor Katy Hayward, Professor Joanne Hunt and Professor Nicola McEwen. Welcome to you all and thank you for giving us your time this morning. Certain aspects of the Bill have had quite a lot of attention, in particular aspects of international law. -
Those Who Came and Those Who Left the Territorial Politics of Migration
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, February 2012 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA © 2012, Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ABSTRACT Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants. -
Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’S in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania
al Science tic & li P Eimantas, J Pol Sci Pub Aff 2016, 4:2 o u P b f l i o c DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000202 l A a Journal of Political Sciences & f n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Public Affairs Research Article Open Access Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’s in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania Abstract Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the Eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing Eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of Eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism; is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. -
Great Darkness
From the “Great Darkness” to the “Quiet Revolution”: Michel Tremblay’s Reinterpretation of the Frontier between the Francophone East and the Anglophone West of Montreal in Some Night My Prince Will Come By Marie-Claude Legault “Throughout my childhood I hadn’t even known that Anglos existed, that Montreal was divided in two, with the east end belonging to us Francophones and the west to the Anglos, that there was a conflict between the two solitudes, as we used to say, a conflict dating back to the Conquest in 1760 and that it was doubtful we’d ever see a way out of it” (26). “For a long time I’d thought it strange that there were two Santas, one, Francophone at Dupuis Frères, the other, Anglophone, at Eaton’s. Every December my mother took me to meet both of them and I asked each one for the same presents, in French, suspecting that the second didn’t understand me” (27). Introduction From 1944 to 1959, the province of Québec lived in an oppressive atmosphere called “période de la grande noirceur.” In this period of cultural, social, and sexual darkness, the Catholic Church controlled the government of Maurice Duplessis and the lives of countless Canadiens Français (the term Québécois was not used yet). Families were encouraged to procreate. Birth control was strictly forbidden. As a result, families of 10, 15, and even 20 children were common. Of course, most of those families were extremely poor and destitute. The Catholic Church also controlled what people could read and what people could watch. -
Towards a More Effective EU Response to Domestic Sovereignty Conflicts Nicola Mcewen University of Edinburgh Introduction the Eu
Towards a More Effective EU Response to Domestic Sovereignty Conflicts Nicola McEwen University of Edinburgh Introduction The European Union has assumed an active role in supporting those regions and nations in its near abroad as they emerge from sovereignty conflicts. However, faced with sovereignty conflicts à l’intérieur, especially when these are within, rather than between, member states, the EU response has been found wanting. Instead, EU spokespeople have insisted that these are internal matters for the member states. Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union provides a defence for such a stance, enshrining respect for the national identities of member states and ‘their essential State functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security’. But this overlooks the many other parts of the Treaties that suggest that what takes place inside member states ought to concern the European Union, including respect for the EU’s fundamental values and the rights of citizens. In addition, sovereignty conflicts within the Union, if they came to a head, would inevitably affect the European Union’s interests. Such conflicts could impact the lives and livelihoods of EU citizens and workers, the economic interests of member states, and possibly disrupt the peace and stability of the Union. Other contributions to this conference will consider the question as to whether the European Union ought to intervene in sovereignty conflicts within its borders. This paper takes that as a given. Instead, I offer some preliminary considerations as to the kind of interventions that may be appropriate and effective. -
A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Katsanidou, Alexia; Lefkofridi, Zoe Article — Published Version A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies Provided in Cooperation with: John Wiley & Sons Suggested Citation: Katsanidou, Alexia; Lefkofridi, Zoe (2020) : A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, ISSN 1468-5965, Wiley, Hoboken, NJ, Vol. 58, pp. 160-172, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13070 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/230239 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ www.econstor.eu JCMS 2020 Volume 58.