The Territorial Politics of Welfare

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Territorial Politics of Welfare The Territorial Politics of Welfare Nicola McEwen and Luis Moreno (eds.) Contents Chapter 1 Luis Moreno and Nicola McEwen: Exploring the Territorial Politics of Welfare Chapter 2 Nicola McEwen and Richard Parry: Devolution and the Preservation of the British Welfare State Chapter 3 Jörg Mathias: Welfare Management in the German Federal System: the Emergence of Welfare Regions? Chapter 4 Alistair Cole: Territorial Politics and Welfare Development in France Chapter 5 Raquel Gallego, Ricard Gomà and Joan Subirats: Spain, From State Welfare to Regional Welfare? Chapter 6 Valeria Fargion: From the Southern to the Northern Question. Territorial and Social Politics in Italy Chapter 7 Pierre Baudewyns and Régis Dandoy: The Preservation of Social Security as a National Function in the Belgian Federal State Chapter 8 Kaisa Lähteenmäki-Smith: Changing Political Contexts in the Nordic Welfare States. The central-local relationship in the 1990s and beyond Chapter 9 Daniel Béland and André Lecours: Nationalism and Social Policy in Canada and Quebec Chapter 10 Steffen Mau: European Social Policies and National Welfare Constituencies: Issues of Legitimacy and Public Support Chapter 11 Maurizio Ferrera: European Integration and Social Citizenship. Changing Boundaries, New Structuring? PREFACE Writing in 1979, Robert Pinker expressed dismay at the lack of analysis within the social sciences literature of the ‘...positive links between social policy and the recovery of a sense of national purpose’ (1979: 29). It is only now, over two decades later, that literature is beginning to emerge to explore the ways in which the welfare state informs, and is informed by, territorial identity and the politics of regionalism. This collection aspires to be a worthy contribution to this debate, situating the expansion and ongoing development of the welfare state within the framework of territorial politics. The collection began life at the ECPR Joint Sessions 2003 in Edinburgh in a workshop, directed by the editors, entitled The Welfare State and Territorial Politics: an under- explored relationship. The workshop was initiated in recognition of a gap in both the territorial politics and social policy literature. Existing work on the politics of sub-state regionalism and nationalism has tended to focus upon examinations of culture and identity, political economy and institutional change. Spatial cleavages and the quest for political decentralisation have often been examined as responses to sub-state claims for autonomy, recognition and democratic accountability. The significance of social policy and social welfare has hitherto been rather neglected. Likewise, welfare state scholars have tended to neglect the territorial dimension in welfare development. Much of the literature on the welfare state implicitly examines welfare development within the framework of the nation-state, assuming an all- embracing state national identity rooted in both cultural and civic axes. The nation-state, in other words, is taken for granted. However, many advanced welfare states are territorially heterogeneous, with citizens often holding multiple territorial identities, and these identities have been given political significance in recent years with establishment and reinforcement of sub-state political institutions. The restructuring of the welfare state in recent years has thus coincided with a reconfiguration of the core-periphery relationship, yet explicit analytical linkage between these two processes has been largely missing. The relation ship between the welfare state and territorial politics is explored theoretically and examined empirically in the chapters in this volume. Three themes emerge. Firstly, consideration is given to the extent to which welfare development has played a part in the politics of nation-building. Scholars of state formation have regarded the welfare state as ‘crystallising’ the nation-state in the latter phase of modernity in the twentieth century. Indeed, within heterogeneous or multinational states, the welfare state may have played an important nation-building function by institutionalising shared solidarity and shared risks. In providing for the basic needs of ‘the people’, through the provision of income security, health care, housing, and education, the welfare state may also have strengthened the ties that bind citizens to the state, reinforcing identification with, belonging to and consent for the state as a national community. The weakening of the welfare state since the mid-1970s - as a result of political, financial and demographic pressures - has curtailed the state’s capacity to generate social solidarity across internal territorial boundaries and has in some cases led to a decline of the centralising ‘command-and-control’ planning model. Such a loss of internal power and core hegemony may have contributed to the destabilising existing territorial settlements, fuelling demands for political autonomy among national and regional minorities. The emergence of sub-state nationalism in many advanced western democracies has been reflected in the establishment or strengthening of regional legislatures. In 2002, about half of the EU-15 regions, in almost half of the member states, were ‘partner regions’, or regions with legislative powers. The process of political decentralisation in recent years has usually entailed the decentralisation of some areas of social policy. We consider the extent to which decentralisation has given rise to the establishment of distinctive sub- state welfare regimes, and the impact this decentralisation process has had for inter- regional solidarity. On the one hand, stateless nations, like small nation-states, often share a strong sense of national identity that may sustain a higher degree of internal solidarity and cohesion, and recreate 'lost' social citizenship rights at the sub-state level. On the other hand, sub-state governments are subject to similar welfare pressures as their state counterparts, and critics of decentralisation have argued that the need to maintain competitiveness in today's market economy is more likely to provoke a 'race to the bottom' in welfare provision. Finally, consideration is given to the supranational dimension of welfare and its consequence for territorial politics and national solidarity. In Europe, the reassertion of territorial identities and the corresponding process of political decentralisation have taken place within the context of Europeanisation. As a multi-level political framework, the European Union shapes the context in which national, regional and local policies are formulated, and we consider the manner in which this new context informs welfare development across the Union. In particular, European law and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) is generating a degree of harmony between welfare rights and provision across the Union, to secure labour mobility objectives. In addition, the EU is slowly carving out a role for itself in social policy, evident in measures such as the Social Chapter of the Treaty on European Union, and the Working Time Directive limiting the maximum weekly hours EU citizens may be expected to work. Such initiatives are reflections of new social rights granted in recognition of EU citizenship. In this respect, we consider the extent to which the Europeanisation of welfare policy can contribute to generating cross-national solidarity in Europe, and to further building the European Union as a ‘community of trust’ to which EU citizens feel they belong. These themes are explored theoretically in the opening chapter. The case studies which follow conduct empirical examinations of the territorial politics of welfare, focusing in particular on the first two themes. The third theme is taken up in the final two chapters. In selecting the case studies, we have placed particular emphasis upon states which encompass within their boundaries local, regional or national communities making political claims on the basis of shared identities. One non-EU case, Canada, has been included in the volume for two reasons. Firstly, the welfare state in Canada shares many of the features of European systems of welfare, which distinguish it from the North American model. Secondly, whereas the relationship between the welfare state and territorial politics has been neglected among scholars of European politics and social policy, this cannot be said of the Canadian scholarly community. Issues of national unity are rarely far from the political agenda in Canada, and the Canadian welfare state emerged with the explicit aim of generating inter-regional solidarity across the Canadian provinces. As Béland and Lecours discuss in their chapter, the Canadian welfare state was at times promoted and hampered by the federal state structure, and social policy development continues to generate tension in federal-provincial inter-governmental relations, particularly vis-à-vis Québec (see also Banting, 1987; McEwen, 2001). Most of the contributors to this book were involved in the original ECPR workshop, and we are enormously grateful to them for their contributions to this collection, as well as for their patience and good will in the editing process. We would like to also take the opportunity to thank those participants at the workshop who do not appear in this volume, but whose contributions helped make the workshop a success, and undoubtedly informed the development of the chapters which do appear here. We are grateful to the ECPR for facilitating the workshop
Recommended publications
  • The Political Culture of Canada
    CHAPTER 2 The Political Culture of Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this chapter you should be able to • Define the terms political culture, ideology, and cleavages. • Describe the main principles of each of the major ideologies in Canada. • Describe the ideological orientation of the main political parties in Canada. • Describe the major cleavages in Canadian politics. Introduction Canadian politics, like politics in other societies, is a public conflict over different conceptions of the good life. Canadians agree on some important matters (e.g., Canadians are overwhelmingly committed to the rule of law, democracy, equality, individual rights, and respect for minorities) and disagree on others. That Canadians share certain values represents a substantial consensus about how the political system should work. While Canadians generally agree on the rules of the game, they dis- agree—sometimes very strongly—on what laws and policies the government should adopt. Should governments spend more or less? Should taxes be lower or higher? Should governments build more prisons or more hospitals? Should we build more pipelines or fight climate change? Fortunately for students of politics, different conceptions of the good life are not random. The different views on what laws and policies are appropriate to realize the ideologies Specific bundles of good life coalesce into a few distinct groupings of ideas known as ideologies. These ideas about politics and the good ideologies have names that are familiar to you, such as liberalism, conservatism, and life, such as liberalism, conserva- (democratic) socialism, which are the principal ideologies in Canadian politics. More tism, and socialism. Ideologies radical ideologies, such as Marxism, communism, and fascism, are at best only mar- help people explain political ginally present in Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • 7. Political Development and Change
    F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Decline of the Military's Political Influence in Turkey
    The decline of the military’s political influence in Turkey By Anwaar Mohammed A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of Master of Philosophy Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham August 2014 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The political role of Turkey’s military has been declining with the strengthening of the civilian institutions and the introduction of new political factors. Turkey’s political atmosphere has changed towards civilian control of the military. The research focuses on analysing the various political factors and their impact on the political role of the military. The military’s loss of political influence in handling political challenges will be assessed against the effectiveness of the military’s political ideology. The shift in civil-military relations will be detected through the AKP’s successful political economy and popular mandate. The EU as an external factor in dismantling the military’s political prerogatives will be assessed. Greece’s route toward democratization of its civil-military relations compared to Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • American Review of Canadian Studies, Volume 46.2
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery AMERICAN REVIEW OF CANADIAN STUDIES, VOLUME 46.2 PUBLISHED ON-LINE 6 JUNE 2016 A Quiet Revolution in Diplomacy—Quebec–UK Relations Since 1960 Tony McCulloch University College London Abstract Quebec’s modern international outlook and its current paradiplomacy can be dated largely from the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Since then, the provincial government in Quebec City and the Federal Government in Ottawa have had to tread a fine line in accommodating each other’s constitutional rights in the field of international relations—a line that has occasionally been breached, especially in the years following the Quiet Revolution and in critical periods such as those prior to the 1980 and 1995 referenda. Foreign governments have also had to engage in careful diplomacy in order to avoid upsetting either Ottawa or Quebec City—and this has been especially true in the case of the countries historically most involved with Canada and Quebec—France, the US, and Britain. But whereas there has been some academic writing on Quebec’s relationships with France and the US, very little attention has been devoted to Quebec–UK relations since the Quiet Revolution. This article seeks to fill that gap and argues that the Quebec–UK relationship since the 1960s can itself best be characterized as a “quiet revolution” in diplomacy that has largely avoided the controversies that have sometimes dogged Quebec’s relations with France and the US. Keywords: Quebec; United Kingdom; Quiet Revolution; patriation; monarchy; paradiplomacy Introduction While diplomatic relations between Quebec and the UK can be dated back to before the First World War—the first Quebec legation in London opened in 1908—it was not until the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, associated with Jean Lesage and the Quebec Liberal party, that the province began to take full advantage of its international potential.
    [Show full text]
  • Quebec Women and Legislative Representation
    Quebec Women and Legislative Representation Manon Tremblay Quebec Women and Legislative Representation TRANSLATED BY KÄTHE ROTH © UBC Press 2010 Originally published as Québécoises et représentation parlementaire © Les Presses de l’Université Laval 2005. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher, or, in Canada, in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying, a licence from Access Copyright (Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency), www.accesscopyright.ca. 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in Canada on FSC-certified ancient-forest-free paper (100% post-consumer recycled) that is processed chlorine- and acid-free. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Tremblay, Manon, 1964- Quebec women and legislative representation / written by Manon Tremblay ; translated by Käthe Roth. Originally published in French under title: Québécoises et représentation parlementaire. ISBN 978-0-7748-1768-4 1. Women legislators – Québec (Province). 2. Women in politics – Québec (Province). 3. Representative government and representation – Canada. 4. Legislative bodies – Canada. I. Roth, Käthe II. Title. HQ1236.5.C2T74513 2010 320.082’09714 C2009-903402-6 UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP), and of the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Open PDF 191KB
    Constitution Select Committee Uncorrected oral evidence: UK Internal Market Bill Thursday 24 September 2020 10.20 am Watch the meeting Members present: Baroness Taylor of Bolton (The Chair); Lord Beith; Baroness Corston; Baroness Drake: Lord Dunlop; Lord Faulks; Baroness Fookes; Lord Hennessy of Nympsfield; Lord Howarth of Newport; Lord Howell of Guildford; Lord Pannick; Lord Sherbourne of Didsbury; Lord Wallace of Tankerness. Evidence Session No. 3 Virtual Proceeding Questions 20 - 27 Witnesses I: Professor Katy Hayward, Professor of Social Divisions and Conflict, Queen’s University, Belfast; Professor Nicola McEwen, Professor of Territorial Politics, University of Edinburgh; Professor Joanne Hunt, Professor in Law, Cardiff University. USE OF THE TRANSCRIPT 1. This is an uncorrected transcript of evidence taken in public and webcast on www.parliamentlive.tv. 2. Any public use of, or reference to, the contents should make clear that neither Members nor witnesses have had the opportunity to correct the record. If in doubt as to the propriety of using the transcript, please contact the Clerk of the Committee. 3. Members and witnesses are asked to send corrections to the Clerk of the Committee by 5pm Thursday 1 October 2020. 1 Examination of witnesses Professor Katy Hayward, Professor Nicola McEwen and Professor Joanne Hunt. Q20 The Chair: The House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution is taking evidence on the UK Internal Market Bill. Our witnesses this morning are Professor Katy Hayward, Professor Joanne Hunt and Professor Nicola McEwen. Welcome to you all and thank you for giving us your time this morning. Certain aspects of the Bill have had quite a lot of attention, in particular aspects of international law.
    [Show full text]
  • Those Who Came and Those Who Left the Territorial Politics of Migration
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadmus, EUI Research Repository Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, February 2012 EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE Department of Political and Social Sciences Those who came and those who left The Territorial Politics of Migration in Scotland and Catalonia Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, EUI (Supervisor) Prof. Michael Keating, EUI (Co-supervisor) Dr Nicola McEwen, University of Edinburgh Prof. Andreas Wimmer, UCLA © 2012, Jean-Thomas Arrighi de Casanova No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author ABSTRACT Whilst minority nationalism and migration have been intensely studied in relative isolation from one another, research examining their mutual relationship is still scarce. This dissertation aims to fill this gap in the literature by exploring how migration politics are being fought over not only across society but also across territory in two well-researched cases of protracted nationalist mobilisation, Catalonia and Scotland. It meets three objectives: First, it introduces a theoretical framework accounting for sub-state elites’ and administrations’ boundary-making strategies in relation to immigrants and emigrants.
    [Show full text]
  • Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’S in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania
    al Science tic & li P Eimantas, J Pol Sci Pub Aff 2016, 4:2 o u P b f l i o c DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000202 l A a Journal of Political Sciences & f n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Public Affairs Research Article Open Access Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’s in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania Abstract Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the Eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing Eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of Eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism; is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Darkness
    From the “Great Darkness” to the “Quiet Revolution”: Michel Tremblay’s Reinterpretation of the Frontier between the Francophone East and the Anglophone West of Montreal in Some Night My Prince Will Come By Marie-Claude Legault “Throughout my childhood I hadn’t even known that Anglos existed, that Montreal was divided in two, with the east end belonging to us Francophones and the west to the Anglos, that there was a conflict between the two solitudes, as we used to say, a conflict dating back to the Conquest in 1760 and that it was doubtful we’d ever see a way out of it” (26). “For a long time I’d thought it strange that there were two Santas, one, Francophone at Dupuis Frères, the other, Anglophone, at Eaton’s. Every December my mother took me to meet both of them and I asked each one for the same presents, in French, suspecting that the second didn’t understand me” (27). Introduction From 1944 to 1959, the province of Québec lived in an oppressive atmosphere called “période de la grande noirceur.” In this period of cultural, social, and sexual darkness, the Catholic Church controlled the government of Maurice Duplessis and the lives of countless Canadiens Français (the term Québécois was not used yet). Families were encouraged to procreate. Birth control was strictly forbidden. As a result, families of 10, 15, and even 20 children were common. Of course, most of those families were extremely poor and destitute. The Catholic Church also controlled what people could read and what people could watch.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a More Effective EU Response to Domestic Sovereignty Conflicts Nicola Mcewen University of Edinburgh Introduction the Eu
    Towards a More Effective EU Response to Domestic Sovereignty Conflicts Nicola McEwen University of Edinburgh Introduction The European Union has assumed an active role in supporting those regions and nations in its near abroad as they emerge from sovereignty conflicts. However, faced with sovereignty conflicts à l’intérieur, especially when these are within, rather than between, member states, the EU response has been found wanting. Instead, EU spokespeople have insisted that these are internal matters for the member states. Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union provides a defence for such a stance, enshrining respect for the national identities of member states and ‘their essential State functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security’. But this overlooks the many other parts of the Treaties that suggest that what takes place inside member states ought to concern the European Union, including respect for the EU’s fundamental values and the rights of citizens. In addition, sovereignty conflicts within the Union, if they came to a head, would inevitably affect the European Union’s interests. Such conflicts could impact the lives and livelihoods of EU citizens and workers, the economic interests of member states, and possibly disrupt the peace and stability of the Union. Other contributions to this conference will consider the question as to whether the European Union ought to intervene in sovereignty conflicts within its borders. This paper takes that as a given. Instead, I offer some preliminary considerations as to the kind of interventions that may be appropriate and effective.
    [Show full text]
  • A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Katsanidou, Alexia; Lefkofridi, Zoe Article — Published Version A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies Provided in Cooperation with: John Wiley & Sons Suggested Citation: Katsanidou, Alexia; Lefkofridi, Zoe (2020) : A Decade of Crisis in the European Union: Lessons from Greece, JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, ISSN 1468-5965, Wiley, Hoboken, NJ, Vol. 58, pp. 160-172, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13070 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/230239 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ www.econstor.eu JCMS 2020 Volume 58.
    [Show full text]