ARIZONA DURING THE CIVIL WAR; THE IMPACT OF THE CALIFORNIA VOLUNTEERS, 1861-1866

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MASICH, ANDREW EDWARD

ARIZONA DURING THE CIVIL WAR; THE IMPACT OF THE CALIFORNIA VOLUNTEERS, 1861-1866

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA M.A. 1984

University IVIicrofilms international 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106

Copyright 1934 by

MASICH, ANDREW EDWARD All Rights Reserved

ARIZONA DURING THE CIVIL WAR; THE IMPACT OF THE CALIFORNIA VOLUNTEERS,

1861-1866 •

by Andrew Edward Masich

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

19 8 4

Copyright 1984 Andrew Edward Masich STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfill­ ment of requirements for an advanced degree at The Uni­ versity of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowl­ edgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder.

SIGNED ;^\AC Ll\ d

APPROVAL BY THESIS DIRECTOR

This thesis has been approved on the date shown below:

^ HARWOOD P. HINTON Professor of History ® 1984

ANDREW EDWARD MASICH

All Rights Reserved PREFACE

The Civil War was a pivotal period in the history of Arizona. The years between 1861 and 1866 not only saw the creation of the Territory but also provided the stage for the grouping of forces that started the new political entity on a path toward economic development, social change, and, eventually, statehood. During these years, the state of California played a critical role in this process. The results of this influence can be clearly seen in the nature of Arizona's growth, its laws and institutions, and the character of its people. The California Volunteers who served in Arizona during the war years became a vehicle for change. They not only encouraged Arizona's development as a distinct geo­ political unit, but also explored, prospected, warred against hostiles, mapped, and publicized the Territory. These volunteers provided political leadership, invested in Arizona businesses, and helped establish local institutions

based on the California model. The volunteer troops from California were a unique body of men. A majority had emigrated West during the Gold Rush, and exhibited traits seen in many peoples undertaking voluntary migrations, viz., large stature, good health,

adaptability, education, and intelligence. These men

iii iv provided the foundation upon which the new Territory would be built.

There are no book-length treatments of the Civil War in Arizona. Historians who have dealt with the subject have concentrated primarily on the ousting of the Confederates by the California Column in 1862. Others have covered in detail the Navajo war of 1863, and the Ccunpaigns against hostile Arizona tribes. The dearth of secondary sources dealing with the impact of the war on the territory has resulted in a grossly uninformed public. I am constantly amazed at the lack of knowledge exhibited by well-informed historians on the subject of the Civil War in Arizona. The usual response to the question: "What happened in Arizona during the Civil War?" is a quip about the "battle" of Picacho Pass and its relative insignificance. The story of the California Volunteers is more interesting and their impact is greater than the published works would lead one to believe. For this reason, I have endeavored to set down, in a roughly chronological format, the fascinating account of the trials and contributions of the Californians and have attempted to provide an assess­ ment of their role in Arizona history. Several years of research, primarily in California and Arizona, plus extended correspondence with the National

Archives in Washington, have yielded a wealth of primary source material relating to the service of the California V

Volunteers in Arizona. In California, the staffs of the Bancroft Library, U. C. Berkeley, the Huntington Library, the California Historical Society, the California State Library, the California State Archives, and the Los Angeles City Library were all most helpful in ferreting out information pertinent to my research. The Arizona Heritage

Center Library, the University of Arizona Library and its

Special Collections Department, the Arizona Historical Foundation at Arizona State University, the Sh^rlot Hall Museum, the Recorder's Offices of Mohave, Yavapai, and Yuma Counties, the staff of the San Augustin Cathedral in Tucson, and many individuals, too numerous to mention, provided data, tips on sources, and clues to interpretation. Most especially, I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Dr. Harwood Hinton, University of Arizona, for his tutelage and encouragement during the research and writing of this thesis. Finally, credit must go to my wife, Deborah Niermeyer Masich, whose typing skills and criticism were indispensable, and my mother, Mary Gibson Masich, for her limitless moral support. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ABSTRACT vii

PREPARATIONS FOR INVASION . . 1

CHAPTER I—NOTES 15

THE ARIZONA INVASION 17

CHAPTER II—NOTES 31

INDIAN FIGHTING 33

CHAPTER III—NOTES 45

ARMS AND EQUIPAGE 47

CHAPTER IV—NOTES 74

OCCUPATION DUTY 79

CHAPTER V—NOTES 117

BORDER PATROL AND MUSTERING OUT 123

CHAPTER VI—NOTES 143

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY .... 146

vi ABSTRACT

During the Civil War, a large body of volunteer troops from California entered the western portion of New Mexico Territory, now known as Arizona. The contributions and impact of these soldiers on Arizona is most significant. During the years 1861 to 1866, the California Volunteers prevented a rebel concentration in Arizona, regarrisoned posts abandoned by regular U.S. troops, and waged war against hostile Indians on an unprecedented scale. The Californians guarded against a Confederate re-invasion attempt and provided the show of force needed to face French

Imperialists in Mexico. Their military accomplishments, under the most difficult circumstances, are worthy of atten­ tion by historians.

The California Volunteers were uniquely suited to these tasks, and their influence in military and civilian enterprises was remarkable during and immediately following the war. Soldiers prospected and developed mines. Volunteer officers actually established Arizona Territory in 1862, pro­ viding citizens with law and order, mail, and other social services. Arizona's population boomed, as did freighting and mining, as a result of the military occupation. After the war, the volunteers provided the young territory with citi­ zens and leaders.

vii CHAPTER I

PREPARATIONS FOR INVASION

In the spring of 1862, a large contingent of United States Volunteers from California crossed the Colorado River and entered southern Arizona. During the next four years, the men composing the "Column from California," plus the additional California regiments which followed, endured exhausting marches, brushed aside minor resistance by Confederate troops, reestablished mail services and military posts, subdued hostile Indian tribes, and provided a variety of other services resulting in the establishment and growth of the Territory of Arizona. The California Volunteers had

a profound social, economic, and political impact on Arizona during and immediately following the war years. Though the Californians were sorely disappointed in not having an oppor­ tunity to show their mettle in battle with the rebels on a

scale that characterized the war in the East, their tireless energy and military accomplishments secured the Southwest for the Union. Although receiving faint praise from their contemporaries, these Californians played a singular role in the beginnings of Arizona's territorial history. In July of 1861, the United States government made a call on the State of California for volunteer troops for

1 2 federal service. These men were needed to protect the overland mail routes from secessionists and Indians and to aid in suppressing a rebellion that seemed to be brewing in Southern California. President Abraham Lincoln endorsed the "Volunteer Employment Act" the day after the Bull Run disaster on July 21, 1861. The act specified that volunteer enlistments would be for terms of not less than six months nor longer than three years. Later that month, Congress amended the act to allow soldiers to be enlisted for the duration of the war. As a result of calls in July and also in August, California enrolled and mustered two regiments of cavalry and five regiments of infantry for federal ser­ vice. By the end of the war, the state raised three addi­ tional regiments of infantry, a battalion of "Native Cavalry," and a battalion of "Mountaineers." When enlist­ ment terms began to expire in 1864, commanders organized a battalion of "Veteran Volunteers" for duty in New Mexico and Arizona. Two mountain howitzer batteries, trained in

Arizona, composed the California artillery complement.^ The 15,725 volunteers raised by the State of Cali­ fornia represented a military force as large as the United States Regular Army at the time the Civil War began. This enormous undertaking was necessary, however. These soldiers replaced the regular troops sent to the "seat of the rebellion," provided a bulwark to prevent rebel units from gaining a foothold in the West, and patrolled the 3 countryside to guarantee the safety of citizens and over­ land mail routes from marauding Indians. The California volunteer regiments served as far north as Fort Colville,

Washington, and as far east as Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. They also made forays from Arizona into Sonora and Chihua- hua, Mexico.2 While the California Volunteers were mobilizing under the direction of Brigadier General George Wright, news of a Confederate invasion of New Mexico and Arizona reached the Department of the Pacific. Colonel John R. Baylor, with several companies of Mounted Riflemen, principally from Texas, captured Major Isaac Lynde's entire command of regular troops as they fled from Fort Fillmore,

New Mexico, in July. This humiliating defeat prompted the army to abandon all posts in the Southwest and consolidate its troops in New Mexico under Colonel E. R. S. Canby, an experienced commander.^ Soon after the abandonment of the forts. Colonel

Baylor proclaimed a "Territory of Arizona" for the Confed­ eracy. This was the first time the area (actually western New Mexico Territory) had been designated a separate polit­ ical unit by any government. Baylor's self-appointed governorship was confirmed in Richmond. On February 28,

1863, Captain Sherod Hunter arrived in Tucson with about one hundred men of Company A, Second Texas Mounted 4 Volunteers, and elements of other Confederate territorial companies. Hunter was accompanied by Colonel Jeunes Reily, the special envoy of Confederate General Henry Hopkins Sibley, commanding in New Mexico. On March 3rd, Reily left Tucson with twenty of Hunter's command for Ures, Sonora, to contact Governor Ignacio Pesqueira and seek recognition and supplies for his government.4

The small Confederate column promptly seized the initiative in Arizona. There had been no armed opposition to their arrival. Indeed, the populace welcomed the rebels as a means of protection from the belligerent Apaches. Indian depredations were taking a toll of both Confederate soldiers and civilians between Finos Altos, New Mexico, and

Tucson. While Baylor and Hunter tackled the tasks of occu­ pation and control of the hostile Indians, the movement of California volunteer regiments to Yuma on the Colorado River had begun.^

In August 1861, the War Department debated the practicability of a California column striking Texas via Mexico. Brigadier General Edwin V. Sumner, commanding the

Department of the Pacific, would direct such an operation. Civil unrest in southern California, however, diverted the attention of the California volunteer regiments. December brought news of General Sibley's activities in New Mexico and Arizona, and General George Wright, who had succeeded Sumner, proposed to invade the territories with a force of 5 California Volunteers. General-in-Chief George B. McClellan approved the operation.®

General Wright selected Colonel James Henry Carleton, Colonel of the First Infantry, California Volunteers, and previously Major, First U.S. Dragoons, to lead a column into Arizona and New Mexico to strike the Confederates. Carleton was a competent officer with many years of frontier experience. He was energetic, articulate, and showed con­ siderable foresight in both the logistic and strategic aspects of organizing, equipping, and deploying the troops.

General Wright originated the plan for an expedition to

Arizona, after the idea to attack the rebels in Texas via Sonora and Chihuahua was rejected as unfeasible. The War Department had intended that Carleton command the soldiers assigned to guard the overland mail on the central route . through Nevada, Utah, and Wyoming, but rescinded these orders when the rebel threat in the Southwest became appar­ ent.^

A California thrust across Arizona to the Rio Grande would serve several purposes. It would block a union of Texas and California secessionists, reopen the southern mail route, provide garrisons for abandoned posts, and furnish protection to the citizens of the two territories.

The Californians also would be in a position to fall upon the rear of the Confederates in New Mexico and assist in expelling them from that territory. Wright advised the 6 General-in-Chief that "under the command of Colonel Carleton, an officer of great experience, indefatigable o and active, the expedition must be successful." Carleton's expedition included ten companies of his own regiment, the First Infantry, California Volunteers (C.V.), five companies of the First Cavalry, C.V., under Lieutenant Colonel Edward E. Eyre, and Light Battery A, Third United States Artillery. First Lieutenant John B. Shinn commanded the battery which contained four brass field pieces, manned by regulars. Captain John C. Cremony's

Company B of the Second Cavalry, C.V., was also attached to Carleton's contingent before it set out across the desert. Later, Colonel George W. Bowie's ten companies of the Fifth Infantry, C.V., and a two-gun mountain howitzer battery commanded by Lieutenant Jeremiah Phelan joined Carleton's column. Carleton's total force eventually included 2,350 men, rank and file. By the war's end, other

California units were raised, making some six thousand California soldiers that served in Arizona.9 Regular or experienced voluntjaer officers raised and trained the regiments destined for Arizona. However, by the time the colxamn reached the territory, the regular officers had been sent to the East and civilian appointees led the volunteers. The men benefitted greatly from the training provided by their original cadre, and a majority of army officers remaining in the Department of the Pacific 7 agreed that no finer material for soldiers could be found anywhere.

Recruits flocked to enlistment centers at forts and Ccimps from every part of California. Forty-five percent of the state's population comprised men of military age. They were a hardy lot. Most of them were working in the mother lode country of northern California when the war broke out, though they hailed from virtually every state in the Union and many European countries. Working in the open, these men tended to be bigger and stronger than average Americans. They were intelligent and self-reliant, as would be expected of men who emigrated under adverse conditions and then sur­ vived the rough and ready life of a miner or laborer. Other occupations appearing on the regimental descriptive lists included farmers, mechanics, printers, and seamen. Their ages ranged from eighteen to forty-five, and a majority had some formal education. The California Volun­ teers represented a true cross section of the male population. The men enlisted for a variety of reasons, ranging from a patriotic desire i.o preserve the Union to the lure of three regular meals a day. Others found the pay, eleven dollars a month, an inducement. There was little talk of the slavery issue, but occasionally tempers flared between pro-slavery and anti-slavery men in the ranks. There was 8 general agreement that the Union should be preserved, whether slavery was tolerated or not. The volunteers were, in general, superior to the soldiers of the regular army. The regulars were largely illiterate immigrants from the lowest rung of the socio­ economic ladder. Alcoholism, a 33 percent desertion rate, malingering, and a host of social diseases had crippled the strength and effectiveness of the standing army. The regulars, too, lacked the multifarious talents of the volunteers, who viewed military service as a temporary break in their civilian occupations. The volunteers quickly adapted to new environments and challenges, while the regulars looked to their officers and the security of military habit. The Californians were ideally suited for the arduous service they faced in Arizona. 11 Although the California regiments lost their regu­ lar army officers before departing for Arizona, able and experienced volunteer officers took their places. Vir­ tually all of the officers awarded a major's commission or higher had served in California's large and active militia. Men such as Joseph R. West, Edwin A. Rigg, Clarence E. Bennett, Edward E. Eyre, and others had won commissions in the California Volunteer Militia in the 1850's. Others had seen service in volunteer regiments during the Mexican War. Oscar M. Brown, John Martin, and Charles W. Lewis could all claim war experience. 9 Enlisted men in the regular army before the war were picked for commissions at the company level. William McCleave served as Captain James H. Carleton's First Sergeant of Company K, First U.S. Dragoons, during the decade preceding the Civil War, and Carleton pushed for his old friend's appointment to command Company A, First Cavalry, C.V. Similarly, Emil Fritz received a commission to lead Company B, First Cavalry, C.V. Fritz had previous military training in Germany before he went to California in 1849, and succeeded McCleave as First Sergeant of Company K of the First Dragoons in October 1860. Volunteer cavalry commands were the most sought after in the Califor­ nia Column. Some apprintments were due to political favoritism and friendships, but Carleton saw that most of the commis­ sions went to experienced men. Nathaniel J. Pishon, Carleton's brother-in-law, landed the captaincy of Company D, First Cavalry, C.V., after that regiment was attached to the California Column. Carleton later admitted, in a letter to McCleave, that he had secured Pishon's appointment. A military board, established early in the war, made the final decision in officer selection, insuring that the commanders were of the highest caliber. Veteran volunteers also were commissioned from the ranks. Private Andrew Ryan of Company E, First Infantry, C.V., lamented "there has [sic] been about 15 or 16 sergeants in our column 10 promoted to Second Lieut. Our sergeant went eunong the

rest." The volunteer army, more so than the regular army, recognized and rewarded ability. 14

Advance units of Carleton's expedition began their grueling march from Camp Wright, at Oak Grove, and Camp

Latham, at Wilmington, to the Colorado River in late October 1861. The general rendezvous was Fort Yuma on the river. One of Carleton's able subordinates. Lieutenant Colonel Joseph R. West, commanded the 180 mile march across the desert. West carefully planned the exercise. He requi­ sitioned adequate supplies for men and beasts, and deployed an advance guard, which cleaned out the wells and collected the precious water. West divided his command into sections of one hundred men to avoid overtaxing the capacities of the wells. The desert, however, was not the only obstacle in the path of the California Col\amn.15 The winter of 1861 was the wettest in twenty years. Recurrent rains mired the roads, making transportation of men and supplies virtually impossible. Soon after West's command reached the Colorado, Fort Yuma was practically inundated as the river overflowed its banks. High water surrounded the fort, making it an island, and swept away stockpiled supplies. Despite the inclement conditions, by February 1862, nearly all of the expedition's supplies had been landed at Fort Yuma by sea.^^ 11 At Fort Yxima, the post which guarded the strategic Colorado River crossing, Carleton emplaced field and siege artillery on the bluffs overlooking the river. His officers sunk or brought within range of the garrison's guns the ferries being operated above and below the fort. Officers 17 watched the steamboat men for signs of treachery. In early 1862, while Carleton consolidated his forces at Fort Yuma, he sent spies or scouts ahead to Tucson to learn the strength of the enemy there. Rvunors had filtered back that the Confederates soon were expected in force. Carleton and Major Edwin A. Rigg, commanding at Fort Yuma, both sent men to Tucson for intelligence. These spies traveled via Sonora to avoid suspicion, and carried a secret code, the key to which Rigg kept safely locked at Fort Yuma. Peter Brady, the former post interpreter at Fort Mohave, sent Rigg information concerning the rebels, writing under the pseudonym George Peters. One of Carleton's agents, Frederick C. Buckner, made the round trip from Yuma to Tucson in twenty-two days. He returned with a letter from rancher Solomon Warner saying that Indian depredations around Tucson were becoming bolder and more frequent, and that "protection . . . would be favourably received here from any quarter." Rigg particularly was concerned for the safety of Ammi White, a Union man who operated a mill at the Pima villages, eighty-seven miles northwest of Tucson. White 12 had stored fifteen hundred sacks of wheat at his mill for the subsistence of the California troops. Rigg also worried about the piles of hay that volunteer parties from Fort Yuma had cut and stacked along the Gila River. With­ out proper foragr for horses and mules, Carleton's supply trains, essential for the success of the expedition, would be stalled. Captain William McCleave took positive action to

cope with these concerns. McCleave had served with Carleton before the war and enjoyed his fullest confidence. The two men also were close personal friends. McCleave's Company A, First Cavalry, C.V., had reached Fort Yvima in two sections. Early in March, before the second detachment arrived, McCleave crossed the river and started up the north bank of the Gila with an escort of eight men, heading for the Pima villages and White's mill. He left six of his men at the Tanks, the last stage station before reaching the mill, and arrived at White's with two troopers.19 McCleave had unwittingly ridden into a trap. Con­ federate Captain Sherod Hunter had learned that California troops had crossed the Colorado and were marching up the Gila. Immediately after Colonel Reily left on his mission to Sonora, Hunter rode to White's mill and took that gentle­ man prisoner and disabled the mill. The wheat intended for the Californians was too much for Hunter to remove and use, so he distributed it among the Pima Indians from whom it had 13 come originally. When McCleave brazenly rode up to White's house and pounded on the door, he was greeted by one of Hunter's men. None of the Confederates wore uniforms. After being put at ease, McCleave introduced himself to

Hunter, who represented himself as Mr. White. After glean­ ing from the unwary McCleave what intelligence he could. Hunter suddenly identified himself while his men leveled cocked revolvers on the astonished captain. In a matter of hours, the Confederates also seized the six men waiting for McCleave at the Tanks. Thus, in the first encounter between Union and Confederate troops in Arizona, the rebels had won a victory, much to Carleton's disbelief and McCleave's chagrin.. 20

Hunter followed up this initial success by sending a sizeable portion of his command down the Gila to burn the hay stockpiled along the route. Meeting no opposition, they successfully fired the hay at six stations. On March 29th, at Stanwix Station, about eighty miles from Fort Yuma, the Confederates encountered two California pickets. Private

William Semmilrogge of Company A, First Cavalry, C.V., received a serious shoulder wound in the skirmish which fol­ lowed. Hunter's men fled, however, when they realized that they had encountered the advance guard of Carleton's expedi­ tion.^^ Although Carleton's advance units had suffered at the hands of the Arizona Confederates, the Californians 14 poised at Fort Yiima eagerly awaited an opportunity to prove themselves in battle. The soldiers anxiously anticipated skirmishes with rebels and Indians while company commanders began to realize that the desert march ahead would tax their men to the limits of endurance. CHAPTER I—NOTES

^Richard H. Orton. Records of California Men in the War of the Rebellion, 1861 to 1867 (Sacramento: State Printer, 1890), 12; Arthur A. Wright, The Civil War in the Southwest (Denver: Big Mountain Press, 1964), 10. 2 Orton, California Men, 5. 3 I. Lynde to Assistant Adjutant General [AAG], H.Q. Department of New Mexico, August 7, 1861, in War of the Rebellion; A Compilation of Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (130 volumes, Washington, 1880-1901), Series I, Volume IV, 5-6 (hereafter cited as O.R.). 4 J. R. Baylor's "Proclamation to the People of the Territory of Arizona," August 1, 1861, O.R., Series I, Volume IV, 20-21; Sherod Hunter to Colonel J. R. Baylor, April 5, 1862, O.R., Series I, Volume IX, 707-708. ^Edwin A. Rigg to James H. Carleton, March 25, 1862, O.R., Series I, Volume L, Part 1, 950-52.

^George Wright to Lorenzo Thomas, December 9, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 752-53. 7 Aurora Hunt, Jeunes H. Carleton; Western Frontier Dragoon (Glendale; Arthur H. Clark, 1958). p Report of James M. McNulty, October, .1863, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 137; Wright to Thomas, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 752-53. 9 Richard C. Drian, A.A.G., to Carleton, December 19, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 772; George H. Pettis, The California Colimin (Santa Fe; Historical Society of New Mexico, 1908), No. 11, 8. ^^Aurora Hunt, Army of the Pacific (Glendale; Arthur H. Clark, 1951), 24; F. S. Hulse, "Migration and Cultural Selection in Hiiman Genetics" in P. C. Biswas (ed.). The Anthropologist (Special Volume, India: University of Delhi), 1-21; Francis A. Lord, They Fought for the Union (New York: Bonanza Books, 1960), 227.

15 16 Ortorif California Men; Robert M. Utley, Frontiers­ men in Blue (New York: MacMillan Co., 1967); Robert M. Utley, Frontier Regulars (New York: MacMillan Co., 1973) 23-24. ^^Dello Dayton, "California Militia 1850-1866" (Ph.D. dissertation,University of California, Berkeley, 1959), 398. 13 Hunt, Pacxfic, 94; Maurice G. Gulton, Lincoln County War, Robert N. Mullin, ed. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980), 46. 14Andrew Wallace, "Fort Whipple in the Days of the Empire," The Smoke Signal, No. 26 (Tucson Corral of the Westerners, Fall 1972), 114; Carleton to William McCleave, March 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 931-32; Dayton, "Militia," 400-01. ^^McNulty's Report, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 138. ^®Ibid.; Rigg to Carleton, January 23, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 815-18.

17Carleton to Joseph R. West, November 5, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 704-05. 18Carleton to Rigg, February 9, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 854; Rigg to Carleton, March 27, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 958; Rigg to Carleton, February 14, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 865; P. R. Brady to Rigg, March 4, 1862, O.R., Vol\ame L, Part I, 911-12; Francis P. Brady, "Portrait of a Pioneer, Peter R.Brady, 1825-1902," in Journal of Arizona History, Volxime 16 (Summer 1975), 171-194; S. Warner to F. Hinton, January 31, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 867. ^^Carleton to Henry W. Halleck, November 14, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 222-23; Rigg to Carleton, March 20, 1862, O.R., Voliime L, Part I, 939-40. ^^Hunter to Baylor, April 5, 1862, O.R., Voliime IX, 708; Rigg to Carleton, March 30, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 965-66. 21 Hunter to Baylor, Ibid.; Rigg to Carleton, April 12, 1862, O.R., Volxime L, Part I, 978-79. CHAPTER II

THE ARIZONA INVASION

With McCleave captured, Carleton appointed Captain William P. Calloway of Company I, First Infantry, C.V., to command the advance. Calloway's force totaled 272 men and included his own company, Captains McCleave and Pishon's companies, A and D respectively, of the First Cavalry, and a detachment of "unattached recruits," under the command of Second Lieutenant Jeremiah Phelan. Phelan's men were trained to service the two twelve-pounder howitzers that were brought along. Even though Carleton publicized that the Arizona invasion aimed to chastize the Tonto Apaches, Calloway and all the company commanders received specific instructions not to engage any Indians encountered along the way. Con­ fused soldiers held their fire when they stumbled upon war- painted warriors. Fearing Carleton*s wrath more than the

Indians, the troops gave the hostiles an opportunity to fire first. A soldier correspondent wrote of an encounter between an Indian and Private David Carver, a member of

Carleton's escort, near Grinnel's Ranch on the Gila River: Just as he reached the river, an Apache sprang from the bushes, gun in hand, and the muzzle directed full upon [Private David] Carver, who, fortunately, saw him at the same moment, and brought

17 18 his colt to bear upon the savage. The latter stood ready for a few seconds. Carver likewise, both with weapons levelled and both, doubtless, anxious to fire; but the Indian seemed to think the odds too great, at the short distance between them, some twelve feet, and Carver had positive orders not to fire first. The savage, who was in the full panoply of war paint, then dropped his muzzle and said, 'How de do?' 'How do you do?' replied Carver. 'You Captain?' asked the Indian. 'No,' answered Carver; 'Are you a Chief?' 'No,' growled the ring-streaked and spotted Apache, and without further parley he plunged into the river and swam across, bearing his gun up out of the water as he went. The temptation to shoot was a sore one for Carver, but he would not disobey his orders.1

Sam Hughes, a Tucson citizen travelling with the column, thought Carleton's policy absurd. Hughes refused to respect the cease-fire with regard to Apaches and bet the Colonel a new pair of boots that at least one-third of the command's horses would be run off nefore reaching

Tucson. Evidently Carleton hoped to confuse the rebel forces in Arizona and New Mexico concerning his mission and movements. He wrote McCleave on March 15, 1862, that, "When you leave Fort Yuma, you are to say you go and campaign against the Tontos." He was also anxious to avoid any engagement with Indians that might delay him. 2 From the time Carleton accepted command of the Arizona expedition, he attempted to mask the movements and intentions of his troops. Correspondence by soldiers with newspapers was strictly forbidden. Messages to Fort Yuma were written in code, or, occasionally, in Greek. Some dispatches were written on tissue paper for easy destruction 19 and concealment, and fake correspondence was sometimes carried in case of capture. Carleton doubtless intended to deceive the Confederates in Arizona and New Mexico about his expedition's true purpose. The "Tonto campaign" pro­ vided good cover. Calloway's advance troops were well prepared for the long desert trek to Tucson. The march to Fort Yuma, where some of them had been waiting as long as five months, had been good experience for both officers and enlisted men. The same procedure was followed for the march across Ari­ zona. Parties were sent out to fill water tanks and cut hay at the abandoned stage stations of the Overland Mail Company. The stage route was the most practical for the march, since the wells at the way stations were the best along the dusty wagon road that followed the Gila across southern Arizona. The men marched with knapsacks and carried ten days' rations in their haversacks. Each company wagon was provided with two six-gallon water kegs, and enough forage was carried with each company that, in an emergency, it could travel eighty miles without being resupplied at one of the stations. It was Carleton's hope that Calloway's command would move rapidly up the Gila and, surprising Hunter's company at

Tucson, recapture McCleave and his party. The advance companies moved along cautiously with civilian scouts, including mountain man Pauline Weaver and "his companion, 20 Moore," in the lead. The two vedettes from McCleave's

Company A ran into Hunter's rebels at Stanwix Station.

Captain Pishon gave chase with his cavalry, but the well- 3 mounted rebels made good their escape.

Calloway's command reached the Pima villages on

April 12th. They were greeted by the friendly but shrewd

Pimas who gladly resold the wheat that had been given back to them by Hunter for trade goods of "manta" and cotton handkerchiefs that Carleton had ordered taken along. Here,

Calloway also learned of a Confederate outpost in Picacho

Pass, about forty-five miles northwest of Tucson. At

Picacho, a ten-man rebel detachment served as pickets, while

Hunter sent Lieutenant Jack Swilling with another party to

Mesilla to deliver Ammi White and Captain McCleave to Con- federate authorities on the Rio Grande. 4

Although ordered to push on to Tucson and try to retake McCleave's party, Calloway diverted his whole command to Picacho. On April 15th, he instructed Lieutenants

Barrett and Baldwin each to take twelve mounted men around the rebel position from the east and west, respectively, in an attempt to cut off the escape route to Tucson. This ruse failed, however, as Barrett's detachment engaged Captain

Hunter's picket, a sergeant and nine privates, in the chaparral near the base of "Picacho Mountain."^

Before Baldwin's men positioned themselves. Lieu­ tenant Barrett fired his pistol into the air and called upon 21 the rebels to surrender. He was answered with a volley that knocked four of his men out of their saddles. The Union men then charged into the thicket, capturing three of the rebels, who had thrown down their arms. Barrett had just finished assisting in the tying of the prisoners when a rebel bullet struck him in the neck, breaking it and killing him instantly. Two of Barrett's men had also been killed, and three others were wounded. The Confederate losses included three prisoners and two wounded.^ By evening, Calloway's whole command had reached the scene of the skirmish, too late to overtake the rest of the rebels who were well on their way to Tucson. The pris­ oners confirmed the reports that McCleave was no longer in Tucson, which added to the despondency of the Californians, who had again been bested by the rebels. The following morning, Calloway retired to the Pima villages, against the wishes of his subordinates and much to the consternation of the men. 7 When Colonel West arrived at the Pima villages with the second contingent of the expedition, a substantial earthen fortification was thrown up and named in honor of Lieutenant Barrett. Carleton had planned to make Camp Barrett a subdepot, as it was the only source of supply between Yuma and Tucson. Thus far, the men had subsisted on jerked beef and "pemmican," while the horses and draft animals ate barley soaked in water and the "gramma" and 22 "galleta" grass that grew wild along the Gila. Both men and animals came through the first leg of the ordeal g admirably. Surgeon James McNulty, the acting Medical Director of the column, attributed the excellent condition of the troops to good planning and the fact that the men composing the column were "inured to mountain life in California, pioneers and miners; self-reliant and enduring; men equal to any emergency, if guided by a firm hand and a clear head." Carleton had marched his men at night; starting at four or five in the afternoon and ending before dawn the next day. The sandy roads and choking alkali dust made the journey almost unbearable at times, but the men 9 endured. The march from the Pima villages to Tucson began on May 14, 1862. It was Colonel West's duty to secure Tucson and establish a supply line to Sonora as soon as possible. Carleton had already written to Governor Ignacio Pesqueira, of that state, encouraging him to make supplies available to the California troops. He also removed the immigration ban on Mexicans who desired to cross the borvier to work in the rich new "Colorado mines" that he had issued earlier in the year. West did not take the Picacho route to Tucson but, rather, went via abandoned Fort Breckinridge at the conflu­ ence of the Gila and San Pedro Rivers.^® 23 Carleton saw Tucson as the key to holding Arizona, and his plans for its capture left little to chance. Early in May, he cautioned West not to make any move against that town unless the chances for success were nearly all in his favor. Carleton counseled him to keep his sabers very sharp and not to underrate the rebels. The commander offered advice on how to take the town if Hunter's men decided to fight it out from entrenchments or loopholed adobes. Finally, Carleton warned that Colonel Bowie's Fifth infantry, not considered part of the coliamn from California, "must have equal chances" for glory with the First Infantry. On May 20th, Captain Emil Fritz's Company B, First Cavalry, dashed into sleepy Tucson with drawn pistols. One platoon entered from the east and the other from the north, meeting in the town's plaza without incident. Hunter had evacuated the place on May 4th. Fritz found only five hundred people in town, a third of the former population, 12 and a surprisingly large number of cats and dogs. By the end of May, Colonel West had regarrisoned Fort Breckinridge, which was named Fort Stanford in honor of Leland Stanford, governor of California, and Fort Buchanan, forty-five miles southeast of Tucson. The Fort

Buchanan garrison was soon withdrawn, however. The build­ ings had been destroyed when the regular troops withdrew and there was no need for a post in that vicinity any 24 longer. By July, the Californians abandoned Fort Stanford as well.^^

On June 6, 1862, Carleton arrived in Tucson and was greeted with a salute from Lieutenant Shinn's four-gun battery. Apparently, Carleton arranged for Shinn to arrive before him in order to perform just such a ceremony; the detachment with Carleton had been ordered to make a fatiguing detour that enabled the artillery contingent to travel straight through to Tucson. Undeniably, Carleton had a flair for the dramatic. Just before leaving Fort Yuma on May 15th, he issued General Order No. 1, which stated that his expedition would hereafter be known as the "Column from California." Although unorthodox, the name caught on imme­ diately and, as such, the expedition to the Rio Grande is recorded in all official correspondence.14 Recently promoted to brigadier general, Carleton officially declared Arizona a U.S. territory and proclaimed martial law in Tucson on June 8, 1862. He immediately established a supply depot that could support the other posts in the territory, as well as the force that would continue to New Mexico. While the rear guard filed into the town, the General set about rectifying matters in Arizona. "A number of notorious characters were arrested . . . and sent to Fort Yuma. Order spring from disorder, and in a short time a den of thieves was converted into a peaceful village." Such was the glowing account of 25 General Carleton's reign as related by Surgeon McNulty. Not everyone, however, was as well pleased with Carleton's 15 military government. Carleton sent a detachment under Colonel Eyre to arrest Sylvester Mowry, an ex-Army officer, mining entre­ preneur, and noted Confederate sympathizer, at his Patagonia mine near the Sonora border. Eyre brought Mowry and the occupants of the mine back to Tucson. They were tried by Military Commission and then sent off to Fort Yuma for incarceration. Carleton also angered Tucson gambling hall and saloon owners by imposing a one hundred dollar per table monthly tax on the latter, to be used for the benefit of the sick and injured members of the Column. He also instituted a military pass system which monitored all citizens entering or leaving town.^®

Carleton directed that until the government could organize civil courts, martial law would prevail. All pub­ lic trials would be conducted according to the regulations for army courts-martial. A commission of not more than five nor fewer than three officers presided over the court. Appeals would be granted when the territorial government could establish civil courts. A number of Tucson despera­ dos, no doubt, breathed a sigh of relief when Carleton added that "no execution shall follow conviction" without 17 orders from the President. 26 While the California Coltunn was regrouping in Tucson, Canby's forces, recently augmented by volunteer troops from Colorado, were pursuing Sibley's Texans south­ ward. On March 26, 1862, the Confederates had met with a serious reverse at Glorieta Pass in northern New Mexico, resulting in the loss of their entire supply train.

Carleton, in the meantime, had been unsuccessfully trying to coiranunicate with Canby.18

Finally, on June 15th, Carleton dispatched three expressmen in an attempt to reach Canby on the Rio Grande. John W. Jones, Sergeant William Wheeling of Company F, First Infantry, and a Mexican guide named Chavez were the men chosen for the job. After three days of uneventful progress, they were attacked by a large party of Apaches near Apache Pass, in southeastern Arizona. Jones was the only one to escape with his life, but Confederate troops at El Picacho, about six miles from Mesilla, captured him before he reached Canby. Incredibly, although imprisoned, Jones somehow managed to get word to Canby that the Califor­ nia Column was really on the way. The expressmen had carried two dispatches, one for Confederate consumption in case of capture, and the other, on tissue paper, intended 19 for Canby. By June 21st, the Californians began to move for­ ward to the Rio Grande. Colonel Eyre was sent ahead with two companies of the First Cavalry on a "forced 27 reconnaissance." This force met with no resistance from the rebels, but they did encounter Apaches, with whom Eyre had been admonished to "avoid collision." The Colonel lost three men of Fritz's Company B to these Indians while he was encamped in Apache Pass. The men had been killed, stripped, and mutilated while Eyre was trading and talking with some of the Apache headmen. Fritz, furious that Eyre would not allow him to avenge the slaughter of his men, threw down his saber and carbine and openly argued with his superior. Deteinnined not to be delayed by the incident. Eyre tightened his camp security and allowed the enraged Fritz to cool down. The Column continued without further trouble. The pass had proven itself the nemesis of more than one expedition. Sherod Hunter's rangers lost four men and fifty-five animals as they fled eastward from the California Col\amn. Their graves ominously marked the trail near the stage station. Not long after Eyre's skirmish, the Apaches ambushed Captain Thomas L. Roberts's command in the pass. This fight resulted in the largest armed conflict ever to take

place between U.S. troops and the Apaches in Arizona. On July 16, 1862, Roberts's command, which included a company of infantry, a detachment of cavalry, and two mountain howitzers manned by infantrymen, was attacked by between

two and six hundred Chiricahua and Mimbeno Apaches under the joint leadership of Cochise and Mangas Coloradas. The 28 volunteers suffered two men killed and two more wounded after a four hour fight for the spring in the pass. The casualties would probably have been much worse had the artillery not been deployed with such good effect. With but a brief respite, the Column continued on to the Rio Grande.

The danger of Apache attack in the pass decreased after Carleton ordered a post established there by Major Theodore A. Coult and a company of the Fifth Infantry.

This strategic position was named Fort Bowie, in honor of the colonel of that regiment. Carleton also created the District of Western Arizona, with headquarters at Tucson. He entrusted Major David Fergusson, Chief Commissary of the Column, with the command of the district, which encompassed the region between Fort Yuma and Fort Bowie, and provided for the protection of travelers, settlers, and miners. A detachment of Californians had already been sent to relieve the civilians at the Pinos Altos mines, in southeastern New Mexico. These miners and their families were on the verge of starvation, and many of the men had been killed in Apache raids. 22 Carleton authorized a military mail or "vedette service" to run from Tucson to Los Angeles. The Butterfield

Overland Mail contract had been modified in March 1861, to permit the mail to be carried on the safer central route. The San Antonio-San Diego Mail Line then secured the 29 contract for the southern route, but Confederate and hostile Indian activity forced it to cease operations by May.

Vedettes were selected from among the best riders in the Coliimn and often rode without an escort. Although Carleton appealed to Postmaster General Montgomery Blair to estab­ lish a regular mail service along the old Southern Overland route, there was no response until after the war. Governor Goodwin expressed his appreciation to the Californians in his report to the first legislature, stating, "We have been indebted to the courtesy of the military authorities for the means of communication between the principal points in the territory and the mail routes in New Mexico and California. On August 26, 1862, Carleton succeeded Canby as commander of the Department of New Mexico. At the same time, Carleton received permission from Washington to retain command of the California Colvimn, which had previously reported to General Wright's Department of the Pacific. Although supplies continued to pour into the depot at Tucson along the Yuma route, Carleton now commanded the 24 whole operation from his headquarters at Santa Fe.

In September, Carleton defined the District of Arizona as stretching from the Colorado River to the Rio Grande. The District of Western Arizona, now commanded by Major Theodore A.Coult, was actually a subdistrict needed to support the front line troops that were now close on the 30 heels of Sibley's retreating Texans. Carleton's change in command and redefinition of the existing districts resulted in considerable confusion over which department had juris­ diction over the District of Western Arizona. Major Coult found himself in a decidedly difficult position. He received conflicting orders from the Department of the Pacific and the Department of New Mexico. The War Depart­ ment finally resolved the problem by officially attaching the District of Western Arizona to Carleton's department in 25 January 1863. The California Colvimn had encountered no serious opposition, and they earned the respect of the Army Chief of Staff, General Henry W. Halleck, who wrote from Washington on October 13, 1863, that their desert trek "is one of the most creditable marches on record.- I only wish our Army here had the mobility and endurance of the California troops." The volunteers remaining in Arizona had only begun, however, the arduous task of securing and occupying the territory.26 CHAPTER II—NOTES

^San Francisco Daily Alta California, June 11, 1862. 2Frank C. Lockwood, Life in Old Tucson (Tucson; Tucson Civic Committee, 1943). 3 Rigg to Carleton, March 25, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 950-52. 4 Hunter to Baylor, April 5, 1862, O.R., Volume IX, 707-08. 5 Hunter's Report of the Battle of Picacho Pass, Sherod Hunter Jacket, Compiled Service Records of Confed­ erate Soldiers, Microcopy 323, Roll 182, National Archives, cited in Boyd Finch, "Sherod Hunter and the Confederates in Arizona," Journal of Arizona History (Tucson; Arizona Pio­ neers Historical Society, 1969), August 203. ^Sacrcimento Union, May 23, 1862. 7Ibid.; Orton, California Men, 47. O General Orders 8, H.Q. District of Southern Cali­ fornia, May 10, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1061. 9 McNulty's Report, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 136; John C. Cremony * s Life Among the Apaches (New York; A Roman, 1868), 181.

^^McNulty's Report, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 140.

^^Ibid., 142. 12Pettis, Column, 11. 13 Carleton to Drum, June 10, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1128-29. San Francisco Daily Alta California, July 10, 1862; General Orders 1, H.Q. Column from California, May 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1075.

15Carleton to E. R. S. Canby, June 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 96-97; McNulty's Report, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 142.

31 32 Orton, California Men, 44-45; Special Orders [50] 142, September 10, 1863, Tucson, Commands of J. R. West, Special,General and Post Orders, Records of the United States Army Continental Commands [RUSACC], Record Group [RG] 393, National Archives [NA]; E. E. Eyre to Benjamin C. Cutler, Acting A.A.G., Column from California, June 16, 1862, O.R., Volvune L, Part I, 1142-43; Proclamation, Execu­ tive Department, Arizona Territory, by Order of General Carleton, June 17, 1862, O.R., Volxime IX, 693. 17 Carleton to Canby, June 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 97. 18 Orton, California Men, 44-45. 19 Jones's Statement, July 22, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 119-20. 20 Carleton to Eyre, June 17, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 98. 21 Report of Thcmas L. Roberts, July 19, 1862, O.R., Volime L, Part I, 128-29. 22Carleton to West, August 6, 1862, 0.R., Voltmie L, Part I, 105. 23 Wright, Civil War in Southwest, 8: G.O. No. 11, Order of Brigadier General Carleton, July 21, 1862, O.R., Voliame L, Part I, 92. 24John N. Goodwin's Report to the First Arizona Territorial Legislature, Prescott, September 1864, cited in Aurora Hunt, Army of the Pacific, 133-34. 25 Pettis, Column, 18-19; Orton, California Men, 669-70. 26Halleck, October 13, 1862, quoted in Hunt, Carleton, 236. CHAPTER III

INDIAN FIGHTING

During 1863, Carleton devoted his attention to establishing the newly appointed Territorial Government, consolidating his command and supply lines, and subduing the tribes guilty of depredating in Arizona. Jurisdiction over the forts in Arizona was still confused, however, and logis­ tics remained an administrative nightmare. On February 24, 1863, Arizona officially became a territory. Its boundaries included all of the present state and part of Southern Nevada, but did not correspond with nor alter those of the military District of Arizona within the Department of New Mexico. Nevertheless, in the spring of 1863, General Wright ordered that Fort Mojave on the upper Colorado River be reactivated and garrisoned by Companies B and I, Fourth California Infantry. Carleton had his hands full, directing his full attention toward the subjugation of the Navajos, so he did not dispute this infringement on his territory and made no objections to the move. It was logical that Mojave be supplied through the District of Southern California. Later, Wright established Camp Lincoln, stationing an infantry company near the placer

33 34 mining town of La Paz, without approval from Carleton * s New Mexico headquarters.^

In central Arizona, Carleton ordered the establish­ ment of Fort Whipple at the new gold fields discovered by J. R. Walker's prospecting party in 1863. The increased civilian and military activity in this area prompted him to create the District of Northern Arizona as well. This district included all land north of the Gila, within the territorial boundaries, except for Fort Mojave and La Pai., which continued operating under the Department of the Pacific.

A small force was sent to build Whipple in northern Arizona to protect the miners and preserve order until the newly appointed territorial officials arrived. Fort Whipple remained subordinate to Carleton's department and received its supplies by way of the wagon road to Albuquerque. The Yuma-Tucson route continued to supply most of the District of Arizona, though it proved less than satis­ factory. Seagoing vessels carried supplies from the Pacific

Coast to the mouth of the Colorado River, where the cargo was transferred to draft steamers capable of navigating the unpredictable river. When seasonal floods or drought affected the river's flow, successful navigation was no mean feat. Once the goods arrived at the Yuma Depot, they had to be freighted east across the desert to Tucson.

From the very beginning, supplying the California troops proved difficult if not impossible. Generals Wright 35 and Carleton had planned to support the California Volun­ teers, even those in New Mexico, from the Department of the

Pacific. The San Francisco-Yuma-Tucson supply line would be supplemented by purchases in Sonora. Unfortunately, the system did not work. The rolling stock deteriorated almost as quickly as the horses and mules.

Deficiencies in supplies also heightened petty jealousies over jurisdiction. When the advance units of the California Column arrived on the Rio Grande in 1862, Canby complained that the new arrivals would eat up his already meager subsistence stores. Carleton, seething, responded that it was not his intention to "embarrass you to keep it [the California Column] supplied," and that he and his com­ mand did not come all this way "to split hairs" over how the several departments ought to be supplied. The stores which the Californians had already consumed would be replaced as soon as the forty-wagon train from Tucson could catch up with the advance guard of the Colvimn. 2 Carleton had planned the initial invasion carefully, but had not given much thought to supplying his troops for an extended period. Evidently, he felt that sufficient stores could be secured from the East by way of the New Mexico Department. Each of the California Column's forty wagon trains were commanded by experienced wagon masters and three assistant wagon masters, selected from the most experienced teamsters. Captain Nicholas S. Davis was 36 appointed "Chief of Transportation," and oversaw the effi­ cient operation of the trains. The expedition left Yvuna with two hundred wagons and nearly twelve hundred mules, but the rough terrain and lack of forage resulted in unexpected 3 delays.

The question of jurisdiction and supply plagued all of the post commanders serving in Arizona. Major David Fergusson, commanding the Tucson garrison in 1863, was forced to buy food from Sonora because the officer command­ ing Fort Yuma would not supply a post that, technically, was no longer part of the Department of California. By 1864, the situation was critical. The friendship that had developed between General J. R. West and Carleton was sundered when West was accused of dereliction of duty for not adequately supplying the District of Arizona. The supply situation had become so bad that fresh companies of the First Cavalry, C.V., destined for New Mexico, were forced to return to Fort Yvuma or face starvation on the desert. The Tucson garrison was dispersed throughout the District when their food stores were exhausted. Carleton considered this state of affairs due to a "flagrant and criminal neglect of duty" on West's part and so reported to Chief of Staff Henry W. Halleck. West, a capable and well-liked officer, received his transfer orders East soon after and was succeeded to the 37 command of the District of Arizona by Colonel George W. 4 Bowie of the Fifth Infantry, C.V.

Assistant Inspector General Nelson H. Davis reported that there were a host of other reasons for the supply prob­ lem of 1864. Want of coin, he said, was a critical factor; contractors would not accept government scrip. A Sonoran drought resulted in a poor crop yield and starving cattle. Arizonans were afraid to farm for fear of attack by

Indians, and the population increase caused by miners headed for the new gold fields aggravated the problem.

FinallyJ Davis cited poor roads, long distances, and the lack of reliable contractors as keys to the failure of the 5 Arizona district's supply system. Occupation duties soon centered on Indian fighting or "hunting," as the volunteers termed it. Carleton launched expeditions against the Navajo and the Mescalero Apaches in northeastern Arizona and western New Mexico. From Forts Defiance, Arizona, and Wingate in northwestern New Mexico, California and New Mexico troops marched to strike the enemy. By the end of 1863, Carleton had placed the Mescaleros of southern New Mexico and most of the Navajo of northeastern Arizona on the Bosque Redondo Reservation on the Pecos River. Although the reservation was ultimately a failure, these Indians never again posed a serious threat to settlements in Arizona and New Mexico.^ 38

Carleton's relentless campaign against the Navajo destroyed their fighting spirit and their ability to wage war. Colonel Christopher "Kit" Carson, the mountain man turned soldier, coordinated the efforts of the California and New Mexico volunteers. Fort Defiance, supplied only with difficulty, provided a base of operations in Arizona, but most of the expeditions originated at Fort Wingate, New Mexico. Carson waged a war of attrition against the

Navajo who had successfully defended their canyon strong­ holds against attacks by Spanish Mexicans and U.S. Army regulars. Tactics such as burning crops and orchards, capturing livestock, and destroying stockpiles of food forced the majority of the beleaguered Indians to surren­ der.^ "The Navajos soon found that they had no place of security from such determined adversaries, and being pressed on every hand by unexampled rigor, the spirit of the tribe was soon broken"; so read the Adjutant General's report recapitulating the volunteers' successes for 1864. Hostile tribes throughout the territory experienced similar pres­ sure in 1864, as the Navajo campaign drew to a close. Chief Iretaba of the Mojaves kept his Colorado River tribe in check by recounting stories of the white man's might; the chief had traveled to San Francisco and then to Washington at government expense. The Paiutes and Chemihuevis to the north, however, remained on the warpath, striking travelers 39 on the Mohave to Fort Whipple road at will. Troops retaliated but with limited success. One soldier commented that the Indians "were too fleet of foot for infantrymen p and gave us wide berth when we got after them." An increase in Arizona's population and a corre­ sponding increase in Apache depredations in 1864 prompted Carleton to establish Fort Goodwin in May. This post on the Gila River in eastern Arizona became the base of opera­ tions for an all-out campaign against the Apaches. Volunteer troops stationed at Tubac cooperated in this effort, and from April to July, the number of troops in the territory was increased from 233 to 1,076. Carleton planned to launch a coordinated campaign against the hostile Chiricahua, Gila, Mogollon, and Mimbres Apaches. Troops would attack simultaneously from Fort Goodwin, Fort Whipple,

Fort Bowie, and Tucson. The General even requested the assistance of the Mexican governors of Sonora and Chihuahua in an effort to cut off the Apaches' escape routes. Mexi­ can militia was even given permission to "come over the line into our territory in pursuit of Apaches when, where, and as far as they please," in an unprecedented move to crush the Arizona Indians once and for all. The campaign, 9 although marked by minor successes, proved inconclusive. Carleton's Apache campaign of 1864, did not live up to expectations and some citizens claimed that repeated forays only kept the Indians stirred up. In fact, only 40 out of four expeditions or scouts resulted in any damage to the hostile tribesmen. Successes were generally measured in pounds of mescal, the dietary staple of the Gila Apaches, destroyed, the number of weapons and animals cap­ tured, and, of course, body counts.^®

The Apache bands of northern Arizona and the Yava- pais continued to harass the settlers and miners flocking to the gold fields near Lynx Creek and the Walker diggings. The newly elected territorial legislators, as well as the citizens, many of whom were admitted exterminationists, clamored for protection from these savages. Manpower was in short supply, however, as the three-year enlistments of many California soldiers began to expire. A company of

New Mexico Volunteer Cavalry helped fill the vacant ranks of the Fort Whipple garrison until California Veteran Volun­ teers and some Arizona Volunteers arrived.

The Chiricahua and Mimbreno Apaches of southeastern Arizona and western New Mexico continued their attacks along Cooke's wagon road, between Tucson and Mesilla. Although Fort Bowie had been strategically situated in Apache Pass, the heart of Chiricahua country, the garrison was never large enough to maintain the offensive. The volunteers stationed there were fully occupied protecting their livestock and overland travelers. In April 1863, a band of nearly two hundred Apaches attacked the Fifth Infantry company assigned to guard the pass. The Indians 41 were beaten off after a two hour fight. The activity of the Mimbrenos abated somewhat in Arizona, after their chieftain, Mangas Coloradas, captured under a flag of truce near Fort West, New Mexico, was slain by the Califor­ nia Volunteers assigned to guard him.^^ Nearly one thousand hostile Indians of all tribes were killed by troops in Arizona between 1862 and 1866. The Californians lost nearly forty officers and men in skirmishes or waylaid while traveling singly or in small parties. Carleton believed that his men were better armed than the hostiles and he placed his trust in; . . . the gallantry of small parties against any numbers [of Indians]. Large parties move snail­ like, are seen at once, and are avoided; generally are laughed at by these Apaches. Small parties move secretly, cover more ground, move with celer­ ity, emulate to do better than all others, and in the end either destroy or worry the Indians into submission.^2 The soldiers believed themselves to be, man for man, superior to their Indian adversaries. One volunteer wrote; The superiority of the Californians over the Apaches at their own style of fighting, was shown in the case of Corporal [Charles] Ellis of Com­ pany A [First Cavalry], who crawled to a rock behind which was an Indian, and, giving a short cough, the Indian raised his head to discover his course, when a bullet from Ellis's rifle dashed through his brain, Captain T. T. Tidball's expedition against the

Arivaipa Apaches epitomized the type of warfare waged against the "hostiles" within the territory. Tidball's command consisted of twenty-five picked men of Companies I 42 and K, Fifth Infantry, ten "American citizens," thirty-two "Mexicans," twenty Papagos from San Xavier, and about nine "tame Apaches." They left Tucson for the "Cajon de Arivaypa" in May of 1864, to "chastise" the Apaches. The troops marched only at night, in silence, and did not light a fire for five days. Tidball's caution paid off as the surprise was complete. His command killed at least fifty Apaches, wounded as many, and took ten prisoners. Thomas C. McClelland, a Tucsonan, was the only one of Tidball's men killed in the raid. Colonel Fergusson, commanding at Tucson, praised the "brilliant little affair," and regarded it as "something for emulation to others in future campaigns 14 against Apaches." Some Arizona Indians chose to ally themselves with the Army rather than fight. The Pimas and the Maricopas were foremost among these tribes. Not only did they supply the Californians with foodstuffs and fodder, but they performed invaluable service as guides and auxiliaries in campaigns against Apaches, the common enemy. In May 1862, Carleton requested that General Wright send to the Pimas and Maricopas "100 stand of the old muskets (percussion), with 10,000 rounds of buck and ball cartridges." He added that "this would be a great favor to this worthy people, who have always been our fast friends." Carleton trusted these Indians but had little confidence in their 43 marksmanship. He, no doubt, ordered the buck and ball car­ tridges in hope of increasing their effectiveness.^^ Almost everybody connected with the army of Arizona saw the wisdom of arming the natives. The friendly tribes repeatedly requested arms and ammunition. Citizens and legislators agreed that the Pimas, Maricopas, and Papagos would perform well if given the opportunity. Every com­ mander of the District of Arizona advocated it, as did a majority of the rank and file. Army red tape bogged down the execution of the concept for four years. Between September and November 1865, four companies of Arizona voluiiteers were recruited. This battalion comprised two companies of "Mexicans," one company of "Pimas," and one company of Maricopas, some 350 men all told. White officers commanded the companies. Some of the officers had served with the California Volunteers. The Arizonans' term of service was only one year and their mission simple: to scout central Arizona and kill hostile Apaches. On several occasions they cooperated successfully with the few California companies still in the field. These native troops exceeded all expectations, and when their enlistments expired, the territorial legislature and the California Volunteer District commander. Colonel Clarence E. Bennett, extolled their value and requested the extension of their service. Bennett even suggested that, if they were to be disbanded, they should be allowed to 44 keep their weapons. These Arizonans were highly motivated to carry on the war for their homes even without assistance. The federal government, however, was more concerned with demobilizing the tremendous war machine that had been created during the rebellion. Pleas for new regiments and extensions fell on deaf ears.^®

The California Volunteers campaigned against Arizona's Indians on a scale and with a ferocity unequalled before or after the Civil War. Like the Native Arizonans, many of the volunteers had been exposed to Indian warfare on the unsettled frontier and took a practical extermina­ tion stance. The hostiles had to be eliminated before the territory could be developed. The Californians not only had the willingness to do the job but the mental, physical, and technological wherewithal. John C. Cremony wrote three years after the war:

. . . It is my conviction that the many signal triumphs obtained over the Apaches and Navajoes could only have been achieved by Californian soldiers, who seem gifted in a special manner with the address and ability to contend advantageously against them. This assertion has been so frequently admitted by the resident populations that it is not deemed necessary to dilate further than mention the names of such men as Roberts, McCleave, Fritz, Shir- land, the two Greens, Tidball, Whitlock, Thayer, Pettis, and many others, who rendered good service and compassed the security and peace of the two Territories during their term of service. With the retirement of the Californian troops another series of robberies and massacres was instituted by the Indians, and maintained until the present time without apparent hindrance.^' CHAPTER III—NOTES

For details on the evolution of the military dis­ tricts and departments of Arizona see Constance W. Altshuler, Chains of Command, Arizona and the Army, 1856- 1875 (Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1981). 2 Carleton to Canby, August 2, 1862, H.Q. Column from California, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 92-95. 3 G.O. 20, September 5, 1862, H.Q. Col\imn from California, J. H. Carleton Commanding, Las Cruces, Commands of J. R. West, RG 393, NA. 4 Carleton to West, December 2, 1863, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, Part II, 673; Nelson H. Davis to Carleton, March 1, 1864, Tucson, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, Part I, 674, 677; Carleton to Halleck, March 20, 1864, O.R., Volume XXXIV, Part II, 671-72. 5 Davis to Carleton, March 1, 1864, O.R., Volume XXXIV, Part II, 675; Davis to Carleton, April 4, 1864, O.R., Volume XXXIV, Part III, 208.

^Carleton to Drum, May 24, 1864, O.R., Volvune L, Part I, 1094-95; Pettis, Column, 18; Orton, California Men, 669-70. 7For details on the Navajo war and the Bosque Redondo experiment see Frank McNitt, Navajo Wars (Albuquer­ que: University of New Mexico Press, 1972); and Gerald Thompson, The Army and the Navajo (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976). ®G.O. 4, February 18, 1865, H.Q. Dept. of New Mexico, O.R., Volume XLVIII, Part I, 909; Edward D. Tuttle, "The River Colorado" in Arizona Historical Review, Volume I, No. 2 (July 1928), 60-61; Alonzo E. Davis, "Pioneer Days in Arizona by One Who Was There," 1916, manuscript, Arizona Historical Foundation, Hayden Memorial Library, Arizona State University, Tempe, 52. ^G.O. 12, Dept. of New Mexico, May 1, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, 387; Abstract of troop returns, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, Part III, 372; O.R., Series I, Volume IXL, Part II, 495.

45 46 ^^Utley, Frontiersman, 259. ^^Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), 133. 12Carleton to Lorenzo Thomas, A.G., Washington, April 17, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volxime XXXIV, Part III, 200. 13 Orton, California Men, 72. 14 Orders 8, May 12, 1863, Tucson, David Fergusson Commanding, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 432-33; Fergusson to T. T. Tidball, May 2, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 422-23; Orton, California Men, 671; Los Angeles Star, August 30, 1864. Tidball's example was followed, not only during the war years, but as late as 1871. The infamous Camp Grant Massacre of that year was instigated by men who had accompanied Tidball. Their route, method of attack, and results were almost identical; the main difference was that, in 1871, Chief Eskiminzin's Arivaipa Apaches had surrendered to the officer commanding Camp Grant and sup­ posedly enjoyed his protection. ^^Carleton to Drum, May 24, 1864, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1094-95; Orton, California Men, 51. ^®A complete history of the Arizona Volunteers is in Lonnie Underbill, "A History of the Regiment of Arizona Volunteers" (M.A. thesis. University of Arizona, 1979). 17Cremony, Life Among the Apaches, 198. CHAPTER IV

ARMS AND EQUIPAGE

Charged with chasing Confederates from the terri­ tory, subduing hostile Indians, and protecting the southern border against incursions by the French, Mexicans, and die­ hard secessionists, the California Volunteers performed remarkably well during their short service between 1861- 1866. They were uniquely armed, clothed, and equipped for this demanding desert service. Their arms and equipage were, in part, responsible for their successes, greatly affecting their operations and influencing their tactics. Conversely, Arizona's desert environment influenced the kinds of equipment issued and how it was used. The impor­ tance of understanding the impact of logistics and equipage on the outcome of any campaign must not be overlooked. As Benjamin Franklin pointed out: For the want of a nail the shoe was lost For the want of a shoe the horse was lost For the want of a horse the rider was lost For the want of a rider the battle was lost For the want of a battle the kingdom was lost— And all for the want of a horseshoe-nail.^ The California Volunteers destined for service in Arizona, according to Army regulations, were to be organized, armed, and equipped the same as the regular regiments they replaced. In practice, however, this was not the case. 48 A variety of factors influenced the formation and outfit­ ting of the Lalifornians, including materiel availability,

personal preferences of officers and men, the anticipated enemy, as well as the environment in which the service was to be performed. The regular troops returning to the "seat of rebel­

lion" in 1861, had been responsible for maintaining the several forts in Arizona and protecting citizens, mostly miners, ranchers, and overland travelers, from depredations by hostile Indian tribes. Those troops leaving for the East by way of West Coast ports deposited their arms and equipage at government arsenals and forts. Ordnance officers quickly issued serviceable equipment to the newly formed California Volunteer regiments. Unserviceable equipment

was repaired at Benicia Arsenal near San Francisco and reissued. Stocks of new arms and accoutrements, some obsolescent, were also issued in the rush to outfit soldiers to protect the overland mail routes and quell rebel sympa­ thies in Southern California. By December 1861, Carleton had been assigned to lead the Arizona expedition to regar- 2 rison abandoned forts and drive out the Confederates. Carleton realized that an expedition across miles of desert in uncharted territory inhabited by hostile

Indians could only be successful if the command was prop­

erly equipped. Months of careful planning went into the training and equipping of his men. Carleton's 49 organizational skills were equal to the task, and his guidelines for outfitting the volunteers were followed even after his transfer to the Department of New Mexico in 1862. The troops added to the Column after 1862, were volunteer regiments of infantry and cavalry, including a battalion of "Native" California Cavalry of Hispanic descent. The first volunteers to answer the call to arms received weapons turned over by the regular cavalry companies leaving for the East. These weapons included Model 1853 and 1859 Sharps breechloading carbines, the heavy 1840 pattern saber, and the cumbersome .44 caliber Colt "Dragoon" revolver. When the supply of carbines ran out, "3rd class" rifles of the 1817 pattern, altered from flintlocks to percussion, were issued. There were not enough sabers to go around, so the most expert horsemen and noncommissioned officers were given preference.3 Anxious about the arms issued to his mounted troops, Carleton knew from experience that uniformity of armament was critical for supplying the troops with ammunition in the field. His ordnance officers would have a difficult time keeping track of and supplying ammunition for two different models of Sharps carbine (1853 and 1859), as well as the muzzleloading rifle cartridges. After more regulars left for the East and Benicia Arsenal repaired unser­ viceable weapons, all of the California Column, and most 50 of the subsequent California cavalry companies serving in Arizona, were issued the Sharps New Model 1859 carbine.4

The short-barreled carbine was effective at ranges up to two hundred yards. Although it was a single-shot weapon, a trained trooper could load and fire rapidly, compared to the twenty to thirty seconds per round required by muzzleloading rifles. The carbine, designed for use on horseback, could be carried attached to a snap hook on a sling worn across the trooper's body. Officers considered the long rifles or muskets too unwieldy for mounted ser- 5 vice. Carleton ordered the commander of Benicia Arsenal to provide his cavalry with the lightweight Colt Navy revolver, instead of the heavy, four-and-a-half pound .44 caliber Dragoon pistol. Though the Navy was .36 caliber and effective only at close range, Carleton preferred it because of the weight savings in the arm itself and the ammunition. It could be worn in a holster on the saber belt, rather than strapped to the saddle in pommel holsters.

The Navy revolver also had the advantage of being accurate and a natural pointer, a decided advantage considering that most of the volunteers were not accomplished pistol shots and little time and ammunition could be spared for practice.

Some companies were forced to carry the Dragoon pistol when supplies of the Navy were exhausted. 51 Carleton preferred the heavy 1840 cavalry saber to the newer, lighter 1860 pattern for the mounted troops. All of his experience had been with the old pattern and he felt that if it was kept razor sharp, it could be used to

cut through the clothing of the rebel cavalrymen and inflict serious casualties in close-quarter fighting. Cold steel, 7 he contended, would win out against the pistol in a melee. Several of the "Native" companies would be armed with the lance in addition to sabers and other weapons. The lance was the weapon of choice for many "Californios," whose fathers had used it with such devastating effect against U.S. Dragoons in 1847. Also, these Mexican- American soldiers commonly used lances for herding cattle in peacetime.®

Infantry regiments serving in Arizona carried .58 caliber rifle muskets of the 1855 pattern. These single- shot, muzzleloaders had a Maynard patent tape priming system, but Carleton's experience had taught him that this innovative priming cap-roll was susceptible to moisture and could misfire. He ordered that the traditional brass per­ cussion cap be used. Later regiments received model 1861 or 1863 rifle muskets which no longer featured the unreliable Maynard system. 9 Each infantryman carried an eighteen-inch, trian­

gular, socket bayonet for his rifle musket. Unfortunately, there was a shortage of the proper leather scabbard for this 52 weapon. The shorter and wider 1842 pattern scabbards which were substituted resulted in bayonets being dropped and lost on the march. Increased production at Benicia Arsenal corrected the shortage, following heated exchanges between the Ordnance Department and frustrated volunteer officers. Infantrymen and unassigned recruits received train­ ing in the use of the two twelve-pounder, brass mountain howitzers, which constituted the volunteer portion of the California Column's artillery complement. The relatively lightweight howitzers were mounted on "prairie carriages," well suited for Arizona's rugged deserts. The infantry turned artillerymen retained their rifle muskets. A battery of regulars. Company A, Third U.S. Artillery, also accompanied the Column with two twelve-pounder howitzers and two six-pounder guns.^^ Infantry officers discovered that the standard 1850 pattern sword, prescribed for them in the Regulations, was unavailable on the Pacific Coast. These men received per­ mission to purchase, however, the heavy model 1840 light artillery saber and enlisted men's saber belts. Officers could purchase a saber and a metal scabbard from their uniform allowance, for $5.50. Those who could not afford to purchase swords from private dealers or were not presented a sword by friends or civic organizations took advantage of this bargain.12 53 Civilian teamsters had to defend themselves in case of attack by rebels or Indians. These men carried Colt's .44 caliber Dragoon pistol, deemed unsuitable for cavalry, and the 1849 pattern riflemen's sheath knives which had been stored for years at Benicia. Obsolescent "Mississippi" rifles were also brought along for use by the teamsters. This muzzleloading weapon, adopted in 1841, was not as long as the infantry rifle musket and fired a .54 caliber ball. Some had to be reeimed and re-rifled in order to use the standard .58 caliber cartridge. In 1865, when many Sharps carbines became unserviceable through hard use, ordnance officers issued Mississippi rifles to cavalry companies in Arizona. Singleshot Maynard carbines, designed to use 13 brass cartridges, replaced the rifles in 1866. The volunteers carried two types of cartridge boxes.

A large leather pouch with tin compartments held forty rounds of paper .58 caliber musket cartridges. Infantrymen suspended it from a broad leather sling worn over the shoulder. A shorter box, worn on the saber belt, had a wooden block with twenty holes in it that held the paper or linen cartridges used in the carbines. However, mounted units received some of the tall musket cartridge boxes late in the war. Both foot and horse soldiers wore small leather pouches, which held the percussion caps for use with carbines, pistols, or muskets. 54 Some companies, late in the war, also received cartridge pouches for their pistol ammunition, but this item was not deemed essential. Reloading the six-shot revolving pistol was a laborious and time-consuming procedure and could not be done in combat. Most soldiers packed pistol ammunition in their pockets or saddlebags.15 Equally important to successful campaigning in Arizona was the soldiers' clothing. Although the men of the California Column were issued dress fatigue uniforms while on the West Coast, Carleton ordered that only fatigue uniforms be brought to Arizona. He was interested in utility, not looks. Impractical items were ordered left behind or packed onto the company wagons, two of which were assigned each company. Carleton was specific in what he wanted his soldiers to wear: I. ... Each soldier will carry one grea*-- coat, one blanket, one forage cap, one woolen shirt, one pair of drawers, one pair stockings, one towel, two handkerchiefs, one fine and one coarse comb, one sewing kit, one piece of soap, one toothbrush. II. Each soldier will wear his uniform hat without trimmings, one blouse, one pair trousers, one pair stockings, one woolen shirt, one pair drawers, and may wear a cravat in lieu of the leather stock. III. Each soldier, whether of cavalry or infantry, will have one canteen, one haversack, and one tin cup. In his haversack he will carry one fork, spoon, and plate. He will wear a good sheath knife. 55 IV. Each company, whether of cavalry or infantry, will have only enough mess pans and camp kettles (in nests) for absolute requirements; also a few short-handled frying pans, some large tin pans in which to mix bread, one or two strong coffee-mills, a 6-gallon keg for vinegar, a few pounds of black-grained pepper, four axes, four camp hatchets, six spades, six shovels. V. Officers will not take mess-chests, or trunks, or mattresses on the march. It is sug­ gested that each mess of officers of not less than three be provided with two champagne baskets covered with painted canvas for their mess furniture. These can be packed upon a mule. Their necessary clothing can be carried in a small hand-valise, or pair of saddlebags. The soldiers wore a broad-brimmed, high-crowned black felt uniform hat, devoid of the regulation brass trimmings which designated branch of service, regiment, and company. The black ostrich plime was also deleted and the brim was to be worn folded down rather than looped up on the side according to regulation. Carleton evidently felt that the hat would be needed for protection from the sun rather than ornamentation.17 The fatigue clothing was loose-fitting and durable. Outer and undergarments were woolen, although occasionally cotton was substituted for drawers. The burgeoning California wool industry provided much of the raw material for these uniforms, produced by contractors, some of which used prison labor on Alcatraz Island. Shipments from Eastern manufacturers filled shortages, but in the later years of the war, much shoddy clothing and equipment had 56 been approved by overworked and occasionally corrupt government inspectors.^®

The men's shoes were of particular concern to Carleton. He ordered that "bootees" or ankle boots have sewn rather than pegged soles. The wooden pegs, he claimed, had a tendency to shrink in the hot desert sands. They would then fall out, followed by the sole itself. Mounted soldiers had the option of drawing calf-high boots in lieu of the bootee. Most soldiers accepted whatever was avail- able, pegged or sewn, boots or bootees.19

Both cavalry and infantry regiments carried a "Green River" sheath knife. Though not a regular issue item, the Colonel thought it indispensable. Before leaving Califor­ nia, church and temperance organizations provided some volunteer regiments with "butcher knives" and other neces­ sities such as sewing kits, toothbrushes, and shoe blacking. The regiments that followed the Column probably continued the practice of carrying non-regulation knives. Horses and horse equipments were vital to the success of the Arizona operations. Although the army tried to procure fifteen-and-one-half hand "American" or Morgan horses, the volunteers were forced to accept, in many cases, smaller "California" horses of Spanish stock. The Califor­ nia mounts could not carry the weight the American horses bore, but they were famed for endurance. Several companies 57 of the First Cavalry, C.V., were ordered to relinquish their American horses, turned in by the regulars, to the artillery batteries and for use with freight wagons.21 Cavalry regiments received three types of saddles. The "Grimsley" dragoon saddle, adopted in 1847, was too wide and flat in design to fit the small California horses. These saddles were turned back to the arsenal and reissued to the artillery. The volunteers quickly learned that an ill-fitting saddle would gall and soon ruin a good horse, so a new saddle, styled after a Mexican pattern popular in California, was adopted. These "Ranger" saddles were manu­ factured by the San Francisco firm of Main and Winchester and other, smaller, contractors. The Ranger saddles were equipped with a horn, like a stock saddle, as well as leather accessories such as tapaderos and a mochila. The relatively new 1859 McClellan saddle was also issued. With its spare, rawhided, wooden seat, the McClellan was an 22 acceptable alternative for use with the California horses. Mounted soldiers received nose bags, woolen saddle blankets, and bridles, of the old dragoon pattern or the new 1859 pattern. Picket pins and lariats, hobbles, or side lines were issued to secure horses while in camp. Seamless, burlap gunny bags, capable of holding one hundred pounds of barley, were manufactured for the march to Fort Yuma. The grain would be soaked in water before feeding it 58 to the animals. This was all done to maintain the animals' 23 strength during the difficult desert march. Carleton ordered that hand-forged iron horseshoes be taken on the expedition. Machine-made steel shoes required too much hand fitting to be used on the quick thrust into Arizona. Each soldier carried two forged shoes, with nails, ready to set. Mule shoes were specially pre­ pared with steel toes in anticipation of Arizona's rocky 24 terrain. Creature comforts for the men of the California Column were not a high priority. Only two tepee-shaped Sibley tents were taken for each one hundred man company. 25 Water, however, was imperative. Each company had two six-gallon water kegs. The men would fill their three-pint, tin canteens from these wooden kegs. The company wagon theoretically carried enough water to enable a company to travel eighty miles in

case a well was found to be poisoned or dry. A six hundred gallon, rolling water tank was also constructed at Fort Yuma to supply the column. There was no time to order zinc lining material from San Francisco, so the tin linings of

arms and ammunition boxes were soldered together to make the 26 tank watertight. When the Californians entered Arizona in the spring of 1862, they were probably better armed than the regular

troops that preceded them. Unquestionably, they were better 59 armed than their adversaries, rebel and warrior alike. The men had drilled with blank and live ammunition at Fort Yuma and had practiced in maneuvering and firing by battalion, 2 7 company, and as skirmishers.

The Sharps carbines performed well in Arizona. These reliable arms made the difference in more than one encounter with Apaches. When Private John Teal's horse was killed near Apache Pass in 1862, he held a large party of Indians at bay with his carbine. The Apaches were loath to rush him when they saw that he had a revolver and saber as well as his carbine. The affray ended abruptly when a well-aimed shot from Teal's carbine seriously wounded the Mimbres Apache chieftain, Mangas Coloradas.28 By 1864-1865, attrition through hard service had reduced the number of serviceable carbines to the point that newly organized companies, such as the Native Battalion, had to be issued the muzzleloading "Common Rifles" that Carleton had labeled as "worthless as weapons for mounted men." The demand for carbines was so great in the East, however, that even veteran volunteers were issued "Missis­ sippi Rifles" when their Sharps carbines could not be replaced. Colonel Rigg pleaded that his cavalry be reissued carbines to replace the cumbersome muzzleloading rifles, . .if well armed the Men go with confidence and will do effective service, with there [sic] present arms, they have not the confidence to make them when in 60 small parties effective," he said. Breechloading Maynard carbines finally were available to the California troops

at the end of the war, but shortages of the \inique brass cartridge required by this weapon delayed issuance to troops 29 on duty in Arizona.

Carleton believed the heavy Dragoon revolver unfit for cavalry, but by 1863, supplies of the lighter Navy revolver had given out. Troops armed with the heavier pistol complained of the additional weight, but pistols were used rarely in skirmishes with Apaches and ammunition 30 resupply was not a critical factor. The only saber-inflicted wounds suffered in Arizona were on the volunteers themselves. There were occasional duels and accidents among the men; the cavalry mounts, no doubt, also suffered at the hands of inexperienced saber- wielding soldiers. By 1863, cavalry companies were being issued the lighter 1860 pattern saber which, though easier 31 to handle, was rarely drawn in combat. The lancers of the Native Battalion impressed civilians and comrades-in-arms alike with their skill with their obsolescent weapon. It was ill-suited to the broken terrain of Arizona, however, its ineffectiveness was compounded by the nature of warfare with the Apaches, who relied heavily on amt' "h and other unconventional tactics. Although French lanct. .xits served in Mexico while the 61 Native Battalion patrolled the border, there are no docu- mented clashes between these troops.32 It was fortunate that Carleton had thought of arming the teamsters. When the rear guard of Captain T. L. Roberts's command was attacked at Apache Pass in 1862, Andrew "Shorty" Sawyer, in charge of one of the company wagons, fought off the Indian attack with his heavy .44 caliber revolver, saving his wagon and its precious supply of water. Teamsters continued to be armed during the war 33 years, usually with second class "Mississippi" rifles. The infantry regiments serving in Arizona found their Model 1855 Springfield rifle muskets to be far superior to the bows, lances, and antiquated firearms of the Apaches. On several scouts, the soldiers poured destructive fire into their enemies, who were beyond the effective range of their own weapons. The bright steel musket barrels posed a problem, however, for the troops. The sun reflected off the polished barrels and betrayed their positions to the enemy. This problem was remedied, 34 on at least one scout, by blackening the barrels.

Although the triangular bayonets designed for the rifle musket may have been used for candleholders and roasting spits, there are no recorded instances of their use in combat. Like the lance, the bayonet was ineffective against an enemy that rarely fought in the open. 62 Unexpectedly, the mountain howitzers manned by California Volunteer Infantrymen played a major role in battle with the Apaches. In fact, they turned the tide in the Apache Pass fight. The Indians had fortified the heights of the narrow canyon and blocked both the advance to the springs and the retreat. A shower of arrows and small arms fire poured onto the troops. The artillery did not get into action quickly, however; one of the guns had overturned in the panic, and most of the gunners, who had been allowed to retain their rifle muskets, were too busy 35 firing their individual weapons to man the howitzers.

Two cavalrymen used their lariats to right the over­ turned piece, and Lieutenant Thompson finally got his "Jack-ass battery" into action. The howitzers threw round after round of spherical case shot (hollow four-and-one- half-inch balls filled with musket balls and a bursting charge) into the Indian positions with terrific effect. The explosive shells killed some sixty-three Apaches, and 36 the momentum of battle shifted in favor of the troops. Both of the guns had been damaged, however. The wooden trails had been broken by firing at extreme eleva­ tion. The gunners dug holes in the sandy wash during the battle in order to angle the muzzles to reach the Indian positions on the bluffs. Lieutenant Thompson designed a repair/modification that would lessen this difficulty in the future. This was the first and last time U.S. troops 63 used artillery against the Indians in Arizona. An Apache survivor of the battle later coiranented that "we would have 37 done well enough if you had not firad wagons at us." Shortages of ammunition threatened the success of several expeditions against Indians in Arizona. Improper cartridge boxes and poorly designed cartridges posed a serious problem for the cavalry. In 1865, several companies of the First Cavalry, C.V., were issued the tall, tin-lined infantry cartridge box instead of the shorter box intended for mounted troops. This resulted in the breaking of the paper and cloth cartridges when the leather box banged against the cantle of the saddle. Captain John Merriaim requested permission to cut down the boxes in an effort to 38 save ammunition and the saddles from excessive wear. The linen cartridges for the Sharps carbine proved more durable than those made of paper. Major C. E. Bennett reported that on one Apache scout his men each lost from one to four cartridges per day, necessitating frequent stops to replenish broken rounds and, no doubt, shortening the length of the expedition. The metallic cartridges used with the Maynard carbine eventually eliminated this problem 39 caused by fragile, combustible cartridges. Infantry ammunition was also in short supply. In

June 1862, Colonel West issued a general order requiring camp guards to draw the loads from their weapons rather than unloading by firing at a target, as was common practice. 64 The powder and bullet was "carefully preserved" for reuse. West also discovered that aininunition was being wasted through breakage and through illegal trading to civilians, so he ordered that guards be issued only five rounds per man. Infantry companies had their ammunition allotments 40 cut in half. The clothing the California Volunteers received occasionally made the difference between success and failure in their operations in Arizona. From hats to bootees, the kind and quality of clothing becaune a factor. Although the men of the Column wore fatigue uniforms, the regiments that followed, between 1862 and 1866, were supplied with dress uniforms as well.41 Carleton had ordered the foot soldiers to wear the broad-brimmed uniform hat without trimmings, feeling that the men would need protection from the sun and that distinc­ tive unit insignia was unnecessary. The men did draw hat trimmings, however, and there is evidence that they wore them in the field. An eyewitness to the skirmish at Picacho Pass, the largest confrontation between federal troops and Confederates in Arizona, noted that when the

Californians charged the rebel position, one cavalryman's life was spared when a musket ball glanced off his "hat brasses." Photographic evidence indicates that Carleton's instructions were followed, even after his promotion to 42 commander of the Department of New Mexico. 65 Generally, the hat was worn with the brim folded down, rather than looped up on the side as specified in the Regulations, with the distinctive colored cord and tassels indicating the branch of service, viz., blue, yellow, and red for infantry, cavalry, and artillery, respectively. The men also wore fatigue or "forage" caps, but, because of their small bills and lack of ear and neck protection, these probably saw limited use in the field. The troops wore the four-button, wool fatigue blouse, issued lined and unlined, depending upon the time of year and availability. By 1863, the infantry regiments in Arizona also had nine-button frock coats for formal occasions. These uniforms, complete with brass shoulder scales, did not see active service. Infantrymen and cavalrymen received sky blue, woolen greatcoats. These were popular pieces of apparel in the wintertime, when even two five-pound, wool bed blankets seemed insufficient to 43 combat the cold desert nights. The troops quickly wore out their trousers in Arizona service. Frequently, trousers lasted but one month.

A civilian prospector commented on men of Company A, First

Cavalry, C.V., returning from an Indian scout: "... they were surely the raggedest set of men I ever saw in one body, up to that time. There were hardly one of the soldiers who had any pants on at all from the knee down." 66 The infantrymen suffered similarly from clothing worn to tatters due to campaigning in the rough, cactus-covered terrain. Occasionally, the foot soldiers drew issues of cavalry trousers with reinforced seats, especially when required to perform mounted escort or vedette service.44 Shoddy workmanship contributed to the rapid deteri­ oration of government-issued clothing. Overworked and corrupt inspectors approved much clothing that would have been condemned during peacetime. In May 1862, Carleton insisted that another clothing contractor be found, because the last shipment of uniforms was "wretchedly poor." When­ ever supplies were ample, experienced soldiers drew multiples of the important items, ncunely trousers and shoes.

Just before launching the invasion of Arizona, Carleton admonished Captain Roberts, commanding the San Diego garrison, to ". . .be careful of your clothing; have it carefully mended, particularly the men's shoes." Foot gear was as important to the success of a campaign as weapons. On several occasions, troops had to suspend their hot pursuit of hostiles because their shoes gave out. In June 1865, a party of Indians attacked Spanish Ranch, twelve miles north of Tubac, killing five women and two men. Colonel C.H. Lewis, with a cavalry detachment, and Captain Calderwood, with thirty men of the Seventh Infantry, C.V., pursued. After forty miles, the infantry turned back 67

because their shoes had worn out. The cavalry detachment gave up the chase soon after. One volunteer officer wrote in disgust that "frequently a pair of shoes are worn out in 46 a sxngle scout of ten days."

Carleton's request for shoes with sewn soles could not be filled. The men drew bootees and cavalry boots from available supplies. These included many with pegged soles. In 1866, a combined force of California and Arizona Volun­ teers had to make moccasins from a bearskin after their double-soled, nailed shoes wore out during a scouting expe-

A *7 dition lasting only two weeks. Army shoes exhibited distinctive characteristics which allowed easy recognition. When the charred remains of several victims of Apache torture were discovered near Apache Pass in 1862, the only means of identifying the bodies was by their soldier shoes. Most civilian styles of the period were constructed on a straight last, while army brogans were made for right and left feet. The distinctive­ ness of army clothing also made the illicit trade in govern- 48 ment clothing more difficult. Arizona citizens suffered from want of good clothing almost as much as the soldiers did. A prosperous, but illicit, trade prompted Major David Fergusson, commanding the Tucson garrison, to issue orders in Spanish and English that "any civilians caught wearing Army clothing or with

military goods in their possessions will be arrested by the 68 Provost Marshal." Soldiers found selling government property would be punished per the Articles of War. These measures did not seem to prevent clothing "condemned" by corrupt quartermaster sergeants from falling into private 49 hands. One piece of equipment, universally disliked by foot soldiers, threatened to stall the advance of the Arizona expedition almost before it began. The regulation knapsack was a tarred canvas and leather affair capable of holding clothing, bedding, and other personal items. Its

poor design made it uncomfortable even when packed lightly. On February 11, 1862, Carleton issued general orders that required the men of the First Infantry, C.V., to drill with their knapsacks on.^^ The drilling with knapsacks caused Company A to mutiny. Threats by Colonel West and an appeal by Carleton finally convinced the men that the success of the campaign rested in their ability to carry the necessary supplies on their backs. Drilling with knapsacks was the only way they could prepare themselves for the journey. Still, thirteen privates were sent in irons to Fort Yiima. Carleton had a change of heart by the time the Column reached Tucson. His General Orders No. 10 declared that "every soldier ma" move forward with a light, free step, now that we approach the enemy, he will no longer be required to carry his knap­ sack. 69 Lack of horseflesh almost precipitated another rebellion in cavalry ranks. While en route to Fort Yuma in October 1861, Major Eyre of the First Cavalry, C.V., wrote in desperation for Carleton to: . . . send the saddles left by the three companies now with me, as whispers are already circulated among the men that they are to be turned into infantry. That is the only thing I fear for a serious breach of discipline. . . . For God's sake do not leave me long with this only cause of danger hanging over my head. Fortunately, they obtained horses in time to prevent any serious problems, but the horses themselves created some problems. 52 The horses available in California were not trained cavalry mounts. Carleton had hoped that his cavalry would be mounted on good "American" horses, turned over by departing regulars, which would be better than the Califor­ nia "half breeds" for heavy men. He also felt that it was important for the horses to be accustomed to the noise of arms and saber exercises. He advised Colonel West that "cavalry recently mounted on California horses cannot use any kind of firearms with success." The only hope would be to use the saber, which must be kept sharp, and to kill the enemy's horses as quickly as possible. The Confederates in Arizona were well mounted, as Carleton had suspected. When the advance guard of the California Column first encountered them, some eighty miles east of Fort Yuma, they 70 exchanged shots, but the rebels retreated and soon out- 53 distanced the pursuing Califbrnians.

Although most of the Californians who volunteered * for mounted service were experienced horsemen, they were not accomplished horse soldiers. One volunteer recalled that the first time their battalion was ordered to mount-up, disaster ensued. The men, encumbered by saber, revolver, carbine, bedroll, greatcoat, saddlebags, and other equipage, were unable to control their horses while mounting. Only seventy-five of the three hundred men maintained their seats and it took an hour to round up all the terrified animals. During the march from Fort Yuma to Tucson, cavalrymen performed saber exercises while mounted, in order to accustom the horses to the noise and movement of arms. 54 The men and horses were soon trained. Maintaining the health and safety of the horses became one of the principal duties of the cavalrymen.

The men used their knives to cut forage for the animals. Guards stayed on the alert for Apaches who used the stolen stock for trade and food. In September 1863, Indians ran off all the horses rendering the garrison at Fort Bowie ineffective. The sergeant in charge of the grazing detail attributed the loss to a shortage of hobbles and picket 55 ropes to secure the animals. 71 The men knew that their lives often depended on their horses. Standing orders were issued in 1861: "no enlisted man will be permitted to ride his horse faster than a trot except by order, or in the case of urgent neces­ sity." On the inarch across Arizona, cavalrymen walked half the time in order to spare their mounts. The soldiers were charged with the proper care of the animals' backs and hooves. They quickly treated sores and fitted proper shoes. One private had to cut the leather mochila of his Ranger saddle in order to make "moccasins" for his horse, which suffered foot trouble while on a scout.

In 1865, Major Nelson H. Davis, Acting Inspector General, Department of New Mexico, noted that the horses in the department were in such bad condition due to lack of forage, excessive field service, and over exposure that it was impossible to have mounted drill. He considered only 160 of the horses that he inspected to be serviceable. Some thirty-five cavalry mounts, as well as four quartermaster horses and four mules, had died in the last three months.

Mounted scouts and pursuits of depredators were virtually 57 impossible. Saddles continued to be a problem in Arizona. The old dragoon saddle of the Grimsley pattern was relegated for use by the artillery, which had broad-backed American horses. The cavalry companies received either the Model 1859 McClellan saddle or the Mexican-style Ranger saddle.

The men preferred the latter for several reasons. It was better suited for the narrow-withered California or "Spanish" horses which constituted the majority of the cavalry mounts. This saddle was also more familiar with the volunteers than the lightweight, rawhide-seated McClellan. Eastern-manufactured McClellans often exhibited inferior workmanship. Finally, the McClellan rapidly 58 deteriorated in the Arizona elements. Major Bennett reported that on one scout his rain- soaked McClellan saddles softened sufficiently to allow the wooden trees or frames to spread out, injuring the norses' backs. When the rawhide dried rapidly in the hot sun, it split and curled, creating sharp edges which injured the men. He remedied this problem by covering the rawhide seats with leather. Field modifications were left to the discretion of the company commanders, but, in 1865, an Inspector General recoiranended that this become standard practice. Although volunteer officers requested Ranger saddles,ordnance officers supplied the cavalry with which­ ever saddle they had the most of, striving for uniformity within a company.59 In June 1862, while in pursuit of the retreating rebels, the Column halted in Tucson while two shops worked day and night repairing rolling stock. Carleton reported: "The tires of the wagons get loose, and the sand working 73 in the joints of the wheels soon grinds them into an utterly unserviceable contrition." This lengthy layover enabled Sherod Hunter's Confederates to escape further contact with the Californians.^^ Not only had the Con­ federates gotten away, but the California troops arriving in Tucson had to accept reduced rations because of the shortage of rolling stock to haul s\absistence stores. The men received additional pay for the difference of the ration reduction. Teamsters and men working extra duty in the Commissary Department had to be restored to full rations, however, when their officers discovered that many were too weak to perform their work on short rations. The arms and equipage the California Volunteers used in Arizona between 1861 and 18CC, played a significant role in their effectiveness. Available supplies detennined what was issued, but the preferences expressed by officers and men were also factors. Carleton carefully chose the equipment to meet the special demands of military service in the Arizona climate. The arms and equipage influenced operations; so, too, desert campaigning had necessitated non-regulation equipment and field modifications. Although some equipment deficiencies affected operations, the materiel generally had been equal to the demands of the

invasion and occupation of Arizona. CHAPTER IV—NOTES

^Orton, California Men, 5-12; Benjamin Franklin, Poor Richard (Philadelphia, 1758). 2 George Wright to Thomas, December 9, 1861, O.R., Series I, Volijme L, Part I, 752-53. 3 J. McAllister to Drum, November 20, 1861, in Benicia Arsenal Letters Sent, 1861-63, NARS, RG 156, 65; Carleton to Drvim, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 775. 4 Ordnance Return, Office of the Chief of Ordnance, 1861-1865, NARS, RG 156. ^Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 775. ®Ibid.

^Carleton to West, May 2, 1862, O.R., Volxime L, Part I, 1045. O San Francisco Evening Bulletin, July 8, 1865, 5. ^Carleton to R. W. Kirkham, April 11, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1000. ^^McAllister to Carleton, September 10, 1861, O.R., Volvime L,Part I, 616. ^^Carleton to Canby, May 3, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 95; Carleton to Rigg, March 25, 1862, O.R., Voltutie L, Part I, 950-51; Ordnance Manual for the Use of Officers of the United States Army (Philadelphia: J. B.

Lippincott fit Co., 1861), 20, 74. ^^McAllister to H. M. Judah, October 3, 1861, Benicia Arsenal L. S., NARS, RG 156, 41. 13 Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volxime L, Part I, 777; Ordnance Returns, Office of the Chief of Ordnance, 1861-1865, NARS, RG 156.

^^Ibid.

74 ^®G.O. 3, H.Q. District of Southern California, February 11, 1862, O.R., Voliame L, Part II, 858-59. ^^Ibid. 18 Wright to Thomas, October 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 668; Clothing Account Books, California Volunteer Regiments, 1861-1866, California State Library, Sacramento; San Francisco Daily Alta California, 1863. 19 Carleton to Drum, May 10, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1060. 20 Downieville (California) Sierra Democrat, Novem­ ber 30, 1861; G.O. 3, H.Q. District of Southern California, February 11, 1862, O.R., Voliime L, Part II, 858. 21 Carleton to Thomas, December 19, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 777. 22 McAllister to Carleton, September 10, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 616; Drum to McAllister, September 9, 1861, Department of the Pacific Letters Sent, NARS, RG 393, 381; Carleton to H. K. Craig, October 18, 1861, First Infantry, C,V. Letter Book, NARS, RG 94. ^^Carleton, "Memorandum B," O.R., Volume L, Part I, 780. ^^Carleton to Driom, December 17, 1861, O.R., Volvime L, Part I, 769. 25Carleton to George Bowie, April 28, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1036-37. Benjamin C. Cutler to Rigg, March 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 930. ^^Rigg to Carleton, February 14, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 866; Rigg to Carleton, February 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 870. OO J. C. Cremony to Roberts, July 16, 1862, O.R., Voliame L, Part I, 133. ^^Wright to Drum, March 23, 1865, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 1169; Rigg to W. R. Shoemaker, July 15, 1865, Regimental Letter Book, First Cavalry, C.V., Company L, NARS, RG 94. 76 ^^Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 775. 31 Ordnance Returns, Office of the Chief of Ordnance, 1861-1865, NARS, RG 156; Orton, California Men, 879-900. 32 San Francisco Evening Bulletin, October 20 and 23, 1865, 3; Hunt, Army of the Pacific. 33 San Francisco Daily Alta California, August 16, 1862, 1; General, Special, and Post Orders, Department of the Pacific, Volume 1, S.O. No. 3, July 28, 1864, NARS RG 393. 34 Rigg to Cutler, September 14, 1864, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 368. 35 W. A. Thompson to West, July 18, 1862, O.R., Volvime L, Part II, 26-27. 36 San Francisco Daily Alta California, August 16, 1862, 1; Cremony, Life Among the Apaches, 164. 37 Ibid.; W. A. Thompson to West, July 18, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 26-27. 38 J. L. Merriam to J. Green, June 10, 1865, Regi­ mental Letter Book, First Cavalry, C.V., Company L, NARS RG 94. 39 C. E. Bennett to Greene, July 6, 1865, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 418. 40 General, Special, and Post Orders, Department of the Pacific, Volume 1, Orders 8, Tucson, June 13, 1862, NARS, RG 393. 41 Carleton to Canby, August 2, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 94; Clothing Account Books, California Volunteer Regiments, 1861-1866, California State Library, Sacramento.

42Sacramento Union, May 23, 1862, 1. 43 Clothing Account Books, California Volunteer Regiments, 1861-1866, California State Library, Sacramento. 44 Daniel E. Connor, Joseph Reddeford Walker and the Arizona Adventure (Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1856), 53-54. 77 45 Carleton to Drviin, May 10, 1862, O.R., Voltune L, Part I, 1060. 46Carleton to Roberts, December 19, 1861, O.R., Volvune L, Part I, 773; Post Returns, Tubac, Arizona, June 1865, NARS Film 1652, reel 1297, University of Arizona; Report of W. S. R. Taylor, September 19, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 237. 47Underbill, "Arizona Volunteers," 79. 48Sidney B. Brinckerhoff, Boots and Shoes of the Frontier Soldier, 1865-1893 (Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, Museum Monograph No. 7, 1976) 2-3. 49 General, Special, and Post Orders, Department of the Pacific, Volume 1, Orders No. 21, Tucson, August 10, 1862; Conner, Joseph Reddeford Walker, 307-08. ^^G.O. 3, H.Q. District of Southern California, February 11, 1862, 0.R., Volume L, Part I, 858. 51West to Carleton, February 19, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 880; Carleton to West, February 21, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 886; West to Carleton, February 24, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 888; G.O. 10, H.Q. Column from California, July 17, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 90-91. ^^Eyre to Carleton, October 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 670, 53Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 775; Cutler to Rigg, March 15, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part 1, 930. 54Edward E. Ayer, "Reminiscences of the Far West and Other Trips, 1861-1918" (MS, Bancroft Library, Univer­ sity of California), 1-16. C C Report of Sergeant Charles Kuhl, September 1, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 233-34. ^^Carleton to D[avid] Fergusson, March 23, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 949; T. A. Stombs to Conmianding Officer, Fort Bowie, AT, July 11, 1864, U.S. Army Commands, Fort Bowie Letters Received, 1862-1871, NARS, RG 98. 78

57 Report of Nelson H. Davis, Acting Inspector General, Department of New Mexico, February 1865, Office of the Inspector General, Extracts of Inspection Reports, 1864-1865, NARS, RG 156, 575-76. CO McAllister to G. D. Ramsay, August 1, 1864, Office of the Chief of Ordnance Letters Received, 1864, NARS, RG 156. ^^Report of N. H. Davis, Acting Inspector General, Department of New Mexico, February 1865, Office of the Inspector General, Extracts of Inspection Reports, 1864- 1865, NARS, RG 156, 575-76; Bennett to Green, July 6, 1865, O.R., Volvune L, Part I, 418. ®®Carleton to Drum, June 18, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1146-47. ®^General, Special, and Post Orders, Department of the Pacific, Volume 1, Orders No. 10, June 19, 1862, NARS, RG 393. CHAPTER V

OCCUPATION DUTY

The occupation of Arizona dragged on into 1864.

There was much to be done by the thinly spread garrisons of California Volunteers. The troops provided protection and a number of other services for the civil government and the fledgling territory's growing population. They explored and improved roads, and prepared accurate maps of the interior. Volunteers also took advantage of their surroundings to mine, sightsee, and fraternize with the locals. The troops were also the only source of law and order in the territory, although occasionally they were guilty of criminal activity themselves. The First Battalion of Veteran Infantry organized in November and December of 1864. The consolidation of reenlisted veterans of the First Infantry into two companies,

A and B, and the Fifth Infantry into five companies, C, D, E, F, and G, resulted in a battalion of experienced frontier troops. The Californians did not reenlist in numbers suf­ ficient to fill these companies to full strength, however, so Company F was chosen by lot to have its members distri­ buted among the under-strength companies of the battalion. In March 1865, Carleton directed Lieutenant Colonel Rigg to 79 80 assiime command of the Veteran Volunteers and establish his headquarters at Fort Craig, New Mexico. Soon thereafter, these companies left for active duty in Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas, leaving Arizona's forts and depots in the care of newly arrived California regiments and a handful of New Mexico and Arizona volunteers.^

In July, Carleton ordered the evacuation of Tucson Depot. He instructed Coult to distribute the supplies at the post to garrisons at Tubac, Goodwin, and Bowie. This was to be done quietly so as to avoid alarming the local townsfolk. As the enlistments of the men stationed at Whipple and Bowie began to expire, they were replaced by New Mexico Volunteers and one company of the Fifth U.S. Infantry, the first unit of regulars tc be stationed in Arizona since 1861. Carleton also withdrew the military vedettes on the Yuma road, severely curtailing communica­ tion with the Pacific Coast. By December 1864, the District of Arizona was no more.2 By the fall of 1864, the three-year enlistments of the volunteers that composed the original California Column had expired. Many marched to Las Cruces, New Mexico, to be mustered out. These men had mixed feelings about their service. Some griped about the lack of recognition for their hard service, and constantly asked; "When are we to be ordered to the seat of the war?" Others complained about being discharged in the territories, knowing there would be a long and costly return trip home. Still others declared that they would have preferred being mustered out in Arizona, where they had staked mining claims. On the other hand, there were those who had grown accustomed to army life and reenlisted in one of the five companies of Veteran Volunteers and welcomed continued service in the 3 Southwest.

When not engaged in active campaigns against the Indians, the volunteers had escorted politicians, surveyors, and journalists, as well as miners and travelers. In the fall of 1863, a contingent of Californians accompanied Governor Goodwin's party from New Mexico to the new terri­ torial capital of Prescott. Those federal officials who entered Arizona by way of California also enjoyed escorts. J. Ross Browne, the noted journalist and illustrator for Harper's Magazine, rated a thirty-man escort of volunteer cavalry for his journey through the territory in 1864. The military also provided food, supplies, and an escort for 4 starving refugees from the Pinos Altos mines. When Superintendent of Indian Affairs Charles D. Poston reached Tucson in January 1864, he demanded fresh mules and a thirty-man cavalry escort for himself and J. Ross Browne, his traveling companion. Poston took his party on a sightseeing and mineral exploring adventure throughout southern Arizona, much to the annoyance of the shorthanded volunteer officers. Colonel Nelson H. Davis, 82 the Assistant Inspector General, coniplained that "all come upon the military for every d d thing they want," and

Colonel Poston, . .is cross as a bear, and terribly down on me and others." When "Especial Indian Agent" Abraham Lyon arrived one month later, he received a smaller escort. Only eleven infantrymen and three mules could be spared.^

The California troops also guarded the Colorado River steamers. Supply shipments from Fort Yuma to Fort Mohave, three hundred miles upriver, required protection. Carleton ordered the commander at Fort Yuma to keep all boats on the California side of the river under strong guard and to instruct the soldiers to be vigilant on down­ river runs to the Gulf of California. If the steamboat pilots made contact with secessionists or were suspected of betrayal, they were to be shot and their boats disabled or burned. An attack on Fort Yuma by river could spell disaster for the entire District of Arizona, and, indeed Califor- ma.6 . Carleton was accused of restricting business in the Arizona Territory when, in fact, his troops enabled entre­ preneurs to resume old businesses and establish new ones. The General took a firm hand to preserve military security, health, and safety. He ordered his soldiers to destroy five Colorado River ferryboats, one thirty miles below Yuma in Mexico, and moved three others to the crossing near the 83 fort. The Mexican ferry ovmer, who lost his boat, a man named Gonzales, never received redress for the loss of his boat.

Carleton also closed the dram shops and gambling halls in Tucson. Those that remained open faced heavy taxation. Men charged with crimes committed as many as four years before stood trial before Carleton*s military commission. Palatine Robinson, accused of murder and kid­ napping, was sent to Fort Y\ama for confinement, along with other known criminals and secessionists. Carleton ordered the seizure of Sylvester Mowry and his Patagonia Mine. Mowry, an ex-army officer and avowed rebel sympathizer, filed a damage claim in December 1862, totalling $1,029,000, for the loss of his mine. He named Carleton and others involved in his arrest and property confiscation in the suit. Mowry did get Arizona's first territorial legislature to pass a concurrent resolution condemning Carleton's actions, but even after a congressional investigation, no damages were ever paid for the seizure of the mine. The property abandoned in Tucson by secessionists who fled with Sherod Hunter's Confederate company was also confiscated and sold at public auction.7 Most local citizens considered Carleton's heavy- handed tactics justified. The presence of his troops encouraged the reoccupation of the territory, and promoted the birth of the mining industry. In Tucson, California 84 troops repaired William S. Grant's flour mill, which had been disabled by the departing regulars. Tucsonans who were not imprisoned believed that the General's law-and- order campaign served the interests of the majority. Elec­ tions continued, but with military supervision. For example, on August 2, 1862, the Tucson Depot Commander announced that Francisco S. Leon had been confirmed as Commissioner of Streets, Roads, and Bridges, and Francisco p Romero as "Mayordomo de Acequias." Carleton created the Arizona Territory as a wartime expedient and identified it as a distinct geopolitical unit.

On June 8, 1862, he proclaimed Arizona a "provisional"

Federal Territory and established martial law for the protec­ tion of its citizens and to facilitate the rounding-up of secessionists. Since 1857, Arizona residents had petitioned repeatedly to be separated from New Mexico. Officers at the county seat at Mesilla had been unresponsive to the needs of the sparsely populated western portion of Dona Ana County. John R. Baylor recognized the need for separation when his Confederate forces invaded New Mexico Territory (whose western extension included Arizona) in the winter of 1861. Confederate President Jefferson Davis had issued a proclama­ tion on February 14, 1862, declaring the Arizona Territory Organic Act to be in full force and effect, with Baylor as Q governor. All of this faded into memory with Carleton's proclamation. 85 Carleton became the first federally recognized governor of Arizona, and acted accordingly. He defined the territorial boundaries and established mails, courts, and police services. He ordered maps made, property disputes settled, and a census taken. Major David Fergusson asked Tucson pioneer William S. Oury to survey the property and discover the origins of the land ownership claims in the Tucson area. This became a difficult task and the military government in town soon was beset with requests to grant clear titles to disputed properties. In September 1862, Major Fergusson wrote Governor Pesqueira of Sonora request­ ing his aid in settling Tucson claims. The addled major even asked that Pesqueira forward to him the Mexican govern­ ment documents taken when Mexican troops belatedly abandoned Tucson in 1856.^^ After the volunteers escorted the newly-appointed territorial officials into Arizona for the first time in

December 1863, the military gradually turned over the reins of authority. Governor John Goodwin drew on the California cavalry for aid to make an inspection tour of the territory, establish a capital, and define three temporary judicial districts. On July 18, 1864, voters in Arizona held a general election and named Charles D. Poston to be delegate to Congress. Members of the twenty-seven member Legislative

Assembly also were elected. Several of the legislators 86 were California Volunteer officers who took leaves of absence to serve the new territory.

During and immediately following the Civil War, a number of volunteers became officials of Arizona Territory. Captain Converse C. Rowell, Fourth Infantry; Colonel Charles W. Lewis, Seventh Infantry; Lieutenant Edward D. Tuttle, Fourth Infantry; and Sergeant Alonzo E. Davis, Fourth

Infantry, all served in the Arizona legislature. Rowell also was U.S. District Attorney for Arizona and, later, became District Attorney for Yuma County. Davis, who had been allowed to "read law" after taps in a darkened comis- sary building at Fort Mohave, was appointed Mohave County Attorney after several terms in the legislature. Discharged from the Second Infantry, C.V., at Fort Yvuna in 1864, Private George E. Young was later appointed Public Administrator and Examiner of Schools for Mohave County. In short, Califor­ nia Volunteers provided the young territory with a host of educated and energetic men for political leadership during and soon after the war.

Citizens and territorial officials agreed that extermination or subjugation of the Apaches was the most important contribution the soldiers could make to develop Arizona. The Indians prevented full exploitation of local mineral wealth by limiting the movement of miners, supplies, and ore. Miners petitioned to have soldiers stationed at their mines and to escort their machinery. In 1864, 87 Arizonans pressured Governor Goodwin to request permanent garrisons for mines in the Lynx Creek and Randall districts in Yavapax County.12 In February 1864, a detachment of volunteers, com­ manded by Major E. B. Willis, was assigned to locate a new fort in the geographical center of the territory. Some seventy-five miners, as well as the territorial governor's party, accompanied this scouting party. The major reported that "we propose to afford them all facilities possible in prospecting the country over which we pass, and at the same time, if possible, to strike a blow at the Indians." Whe'i Willis selected a fort site for Fort Whipple on Granite Creek, the governor and the miners established Prescott, the 13 new capital, one and a half miles further upstream. On at least two occasions in 1863, officers ordered California Volunteers to prospect in the Arizona gold fields. In April, Major Fergusson instructed Captain James H. Whitlock detailed to command Fort Bowie to investigate the vicinity: . . . take advantage of your own experience, and that of so many members of your company as pos­ sess it, to prospect the vicinity of Fort Bowie for minerals. I am under the impression that very rich deposits of gold and silver can be found in the Chiricahua Mountains in the vicinity of Fort Bowie. . . . When you can spare the men let them have leave to go hunting and prospecting in suf­ ficient numbers to make it safe. ... It is our duty to do all we can to develop the rich mineral resources of this country. 88

In June, Carleton ordered Captain Nathaniel Pishon's

company of the First Cavalry to the new diggings near Lynx Creek in central Arizona. He instructed Pishon to have his men "prospect and wash," record the time each soldier worked, and how much gold he obtained. Carleton stressed that citizens relied upon such statistics which would also determine whether a post would be established in that area. The diggings were, indeed, rich and he ordered Fort Whipple 14 built in the "heart of the gold region." Carleton understood the importance of discovering new mineral wealth, not only for the development of the territory, but also to aid in the war effort. He believed it "providential that the practical miners of California should have come here to assist" in the discovery and development of Arizona's riches. Carleton requested official sanction for his prospecting plan: I beg to ask authority to let, say, one-fourth of the command at a time have one month's furlough to work in the gold mines and the country will become developed, while the troops will become contented to remain in service where the tempta­ tion to leave is very great. The men prospected whenever they had the chance. Many soldiers, whose enlistments expired in 1864, began successful placer operations in southern Arizona. Califor­ nia Volunteers in central Arizona filed 828 claims between 1864 and 1866. These men led the way for others who came with capital and equipment to profitably work the rich gold 89 and silver deposits. The entire Seventh Infantry, C.V., raised in January of 1865, became knovm as the "gold dig­ gers" regiment of Arizona. Many came to California in the rush of 1849, and continued to be enthusiastic about pros­ pecting. On May 19, 1863, two companies of the Fourth Infan­ try, C.V., crossed the Colorado River and reestablished Fort Mohave. The regulars had abandoned the fort two years pre­ viously, but the increasing population drawn by the rich

Colorado River mines and the occasional trouble with the Mojave Indians warranted the reoccupation. Although the Mojaves remained quiet, the volunteers played a significant role in the economic development of the upper Colorado River region. Glowing accounts of the richness of the area sent home by the soldiers encouraged many Californians to prospect along the Colorado. The men of the Fourth Infantry, C.V., established several mining districts. In fact, they dominated the mining in the Cerbat Mountains to the extent that citizen prospectors complained of a soldier monopoly. Alonzo E. Davis, a corporal in Company I, Fourth Infantry, C.V., understated the amount of soldier prospect­ ing around Fort Mohave when he wrote that ". . .a few of us boys went out on prospecting trips into the mountains. We would get a pass and, taking ten days rations of hardtack, pork and beans, we would explore the region for mining 90 wealth." In fact, the volunteers controlled several of the mining districts, modeling their organizations after districts in northern California. In 1864, California Volunteers filed 22 percent of the claims in the Sacramento and San Francisco districts of Mohave County. Many were annoyed at having to return to Drum Bar­ racks for their discharge', because they wanted to remain with their profitable claims. A soldier's letter, printed in the San Francisco Daily Alta California, in November 1864, reported;

We have a new town called Mohave City, situated about a mile north of the Fort, on a bluff mesa, overlooking the river. Many of the discharged soldiers from Company I, 4th Infantry, having mining interests in the neighborhood, have erected houses and made the new town their home. Most of the mining activity the volunteers performed off duty and on their own time, working their claims and recording their "feet." Near Fort Mohave, they established the Irataba District and were criticized by civilian miners for holding the best claims. Many of these soldiers returned to Arizona when they were mustered out in order to 17 develop their claims. The Californians also participated in a number of extra-military activities during their stay in Arizona. Besides mining, these included hunting, fishing, and sight­ seeing, not to mention the carousing and gambling that inevitably occurred when the men got the opportunity. 91 Commanders occasionally sanctioned hunting for the subsis­ tence of the troops; foragers were sent out in small detachments to hunt the bear and antelope that abounded in the rugged mountains and grassy river valleys. The men hunted and fished for recreation, and to add variety to their diet of salted or dried meat and hard bread. The soldiers wondered not only at the abundance of game, but the incredible strength and tenacity of the Arizona fauna. One volunteer private swore on his honor as a gentleman: ...he had shot a hare four times and carried away a leg every time, so that the body of the poor animal had nothing left on it but the ears and the tail; yet with even such limited means of locomotion it actually escaped by whirling over on its ears and tail, though he ran after it as fast as he could. Wherever they went, the soldiers wrote of the sights they saw. They marveled at Arizona's desert flora and were 18 fascinated by ancient ruins, such as those at Casa Grande. Many of the educated men among the California Volun­ teers recorded and attempted to preserve knowledge of Arizona's rapidly vanishing Indian cultures and artifacts. It is ironic that these troops, engaged in bloody and relentless combat with hostile tribes, took the time and interest to study and carefully preserve their cultures. Perhaps the best illustration of this moral dilemma may be seen in the strange circumstances surrounding the death of

Mangas Coloradas. 92 Mimbreno Apache Chief Mangas Coloradas had been wounded at Apache Pass, but survived and was captured on

January 17, 1863, by Captain C. D. Shirland's Company C, First Cavalry, C.V., not far from Fort McClean near the Arizona-New Mexico border. The exact circumstances of his death are not known, but most accounts agree that the

CsJifornians tormented the chief who later tried to escape. The guards shot him down, defleshed his head, which was said to be extraordinarily large, and sent the skull to the American Museum of Natural History in New York for 19 study. Enlisted men kept daily journals, recording pre­ historic Indian ruins and identifying early Spanish visitas, churches, and ruins. Many described Indian ceramics, noting the variety of polychromed sherds near Casa Grande. Private Thomas Keam became fascinated with the Navajo culture. He married a member of that tribe and collected prehistoric artifacts in the vicinity of Fort Defiance. These were shipped to the Peabody Museum at 20 Harvard and the National Museum in Washington. A California Volunteer officer traveling with Joseph R. Walker's mining and exploring party in 1863, asked if he could send the cremated remains of an ancient

Indian, which the party discovered, back to New York for analysis. The burial practices of the natives intrigued the men, who wrote about them in newspaper articles. Many 93 noted in their journals that the Maricopas cremated, like 21 the Yumas, while the Pimas buried their dead. Other tidbits of native customs and lore found their way into the writings of the soldiers. Lieutenant E. D. Tuttle wrote an excellent description of the bark skirts worn by the Colorado River tribes. Captain John C. Cremony actually made a dictionary of Apache words, while other volunteers recorded Piman and Navajo dialects for the first time.22 Arizona's natural resources intrigued some of the soldiers. Carleton himself took time from his busy schedule to inspect a meteorite used by a Tucson blacksmith, Ramon Pacheco, as an anvil. The General was so impressed by the "aerolite," a 632 pound chunk of iron and nickel, that he succeeded in wresting it from the reluctant smithy. The "Carleton Meteorite" received a great deal of attention by geologists and others in San Francisco. Eventually, it became part of the Smithsonian's collections. Alonzo Davis, stationed at Fort Mohave, also reported seeing and hunting for aerolites. 23 The men recorded temperatures and scientific observations. They also sent specimens to scientists, archaeologists, and museums. Seeds and flora received much attention. One item particularly treasured by the Smith­ sonian was the skull of a two-headed rattlesnake found by a

California soldier. 94 The troops stationed in Arizona during the Civil

War also became the territory's most ardent boosters. Their letters home and to newspapers kept Arizona on the front page of California papers for four years. Soldier cor­ respondents touted the rich mines and wrote descriptions of climate, flora, fauna, people, politics, towns, and events. The first accounts of Arizona, sent back to Califor­ nia, stressed the harshness of the land. Stories of "Plutonian" heat, rugged terrain, and gagging alkali dust amazed eager readers. After the troops had settled into the routine of garrison life in the territory, a new appre­ ciation for Arizona began to grow. California newspapers began featuring accounts of sparkling rivers, picturesque mountains, antelope herds, and abundant fish. Rumors of 142 degree temperatures were dispelled by the correspon- dents as "humbug."24 Volunteer columnists consciously attempted to lure capitalists and immigrants to the territory in order to develop the mines. Thousands of letters reached Califor­ nia postage due; soldiers, unlike citizens, did not have to pay postage in advance. Many proud relations of volunteers willingly turned over private correspondence for publica­ tion in local newspapers. The soldiers had already checked the hostile Indians, a job seen by many as the first step in exploiting Arizona's vast mineral wealth. Articles were submitted to mining journals as well as newspapers. Although it is difficult to gauge the influence of these correspondents^ Arizona experienced an unprecedented popu­ lation boom between 1863 and 1866. Also, there was never a period of greater mining activity in terms of number of 25 claims located and recorded. At least five volunteer soldiers had previous news­ paper experience, while others learned the trade during their enlistments. Alonzo E. Davis wrote under several pseudonyms during the war, including "SIVAD," and the less imaginative "California Volunteer." Davis also wrote a chapter in J. Ross Browne's highly regarded book, Mineral Resources of the Pacific Slope, published in 1866. After mustering out of the service, Davis returned to Arizona and continued as an "occasional correspondent" for California's most popular daily, the Alta. Invariably, his articles cast Arizona in a favorable light, pointing out investment opportunities for capitalists and promising prospects for miners. In 1864, as many soldiers' enlistments expired, he wrote that most of the men "intend to stick to the country, for they feel confident they have got their 'golden-egged 26 goo se * cooped, sure." The California soldiers must have increased "out­ side" awareness of the territory. At the same time, the soldiers provided news-hungry Arizonans with news from the "states," through incoming letters and newspaper subscrip­ tions. 96

The presence of a large military force resulted in increased business and profits for Arizona entrepreneurs.

Army spending encouraged new businesses and initiated the territory's chronic currency shortage. Government contrac­ tors stood to gain the most, but all of the citizens of the rapidly growing territory reaped the benefits of access to commodities, currency, and improved transportation. The California Volunteers occupying Arizona had to be fed and clothed. A number of energetic men saw the profit potential of the lucrative government contracts for delivering subsistence stores to the military garrisons. Contractors such as George F. Hooper, F. Hinton, Louis laeger, and J. M. Redondo made small fortunes supplying cattle and other stores. These men also employed teamsters, butchers, and laborers to deliver supplies, slaughter cattle, and haul massive quantities of supplies. The citizens of Arizona City, across the river from Fort Yxoma, in Califor­ nia, enjoyed a boom period for their town became the jumping-off point for freight destined for the interior. The steamboating industry on the Colorado River also boomed during the war years, supplying the military posts and mines three hundred miles above Fort Yvima. George Alonzo Johnson, who began his career as a Colorado River ferryman in the early 1850's, monopolized the river trade until 1864. Johnson secured so many contracts that supplies 97 stockpiled at Arizona City sat for months before being shipped upriver on his overburdened boats. In 1861/ George A. Johnson and Company operated two sternwheel steamers, the Colorado and the Cocopah. The company dismantled the Colorado under the protection of the guns of Fort Yiima in 1862, and constructed a larger boat. By 1864, miners and officers upriver were clamoring for supplies, so Johnson built a third boat, the Mohave. Before the Mohave was launched, however, Thomas E. True- worthy of San Francisco successfully established the Union

Line to rival Johnson's monopoly. Trueworthy commissioned Captain George B. Gorman to pilot the company's only boat, the Esmeralda, which towed a barge for increased capacity.27 Yet another boat, the Nina Tilden, was introduced to the Colorado River trade competition in September 1864. Alphonzo F. Tilden, managing director of the Philadelphia Silver and Copper Mining Company, found that the competition was too tough, and in the summer of 1865, he sold out to a new company which also bought Trueworthy's Esmeralda. River trade competition continued until the late 1860's, when

Johnson and his newly-organized Colorado Steam Navigation Company once again controlled the river. Reduced shipping rates and more frequent service made possible the development of many mining towns on the lower Colorado and as far as six hundred miles upriver from the mouth. The army, which was 98 largely responsible for the boom, benefitted from the regu­ lar shipments and lower prices. The military occupation also benefitted several

Arizona Indian tribes. In Tucson, Major David Fergusson issued a circular requiring citizens to pay Pagago Indians who recovered stolen stock from the Apaches. They received $4 per head for stock returned, or one-third of the herd. Yuma and Mohave Indians regularly gathered and stacked wood at designated points along the Colorado River for use by the steeimboats carrying government supplies. The Pimas and Maricopas also profited directly in dealing with the army by providing food and forage. 28

The California troops depended on the Gila River tribes for wheat and other crops. The army, however, rarely paid in cash. Carleton knew that he could supply his command, in part, with the surplus produced by these productive tribes. Before the California Column even entered the territory, Ammi White had traded for fifteen hundred sacks of wheat, which he intended to sell to the army. Later, volunteer quartermaster and commissary officers dealt directly with the Indians. In April 1863, James H. Toole, Acting Assistant

Quartermaster, with the assistance of Pima sub-agent Abraham Lyon, distributed fifty-eight "old pattern dragoon coats and jackets, and 415 pompons" to the Indians. Major Fergusson suggested that Toole use these obsolete items for 99 barter, adding that "two fanegas of wheat can be got for each coat and jacket." Carleton also requested that ten thousand yards of manta, cheap cotton cloth, and five thousand pounds of other "presents" be shipped to Arizona to trade for Pima and Maricopa grain and fodder. 29 Arizona's white population showed less trust in the army than Indian contractors. Citizens disliked accepting government scrip and specie was in short supply. Lenders discounted paper money as much as 60 percent along the West Coast during the war years. General George Wright requested that California troops be paid in hard currency, for notes "can only be converted at a ruinous discount." The volunteers accused the army of favoritism, particularly when rumors circulated that the regulars in California received payment in specie. Whenever possible, the volun- 30 teers in Arizona were paid in hard cash. The government payroll benefitted Arizona. In the southern part of the territory, gold bars, some as small as $2, served as currency. Volunteer officers repeatedly asked headquarters for more hard money, saying beef con­ tractors and Sonoran farmers would not accept scrip. Lieutenant Colonel Davis wrote Carleton in 1864, that "coin is the currency which makes the mare go." Payday was erratic for the California Volunteers in Arizona. When the men got their money, they often received six months or even a year in• wback , pay. 31 100 Officers were especially vigilant after paydays. Men went on drinking or gambling sprees. Others thought the time right for deserting. Almost all of the soldiers were beset by thieves and con men, who seemed to be in no short supply in the towns. In 1862, Carleton ordered that the men not be paid until they left Port Yvuna, and then only two months' worth, in order to avoid the temptations of Arizona City. One officer wrote that "there are no local diseases to be feared here, except such as arise from bad whiskey and diseased women." Actually, a majority of the soldiers, stationed in small garrisons at desolate posts in Arizona, never had a chance to carouse, as did the men 32 xn Tucson and Arizona City. By 1864, Tucson boasted a population of some fifteen hundred people. The census had trebled since the arrival of the Californians in 1862. Despite the efforts of Carleton and the local commanders, Fergusson and Coult, the "old pueblo" still had a reputation as a lawless resort of thieves and other unsavory characters. To curb lawlessness, Carleton ordered the Provost Marshal of Tucson to issue passes to all travelers and insure that the local citizens 33 were gainfully employed and loyal to the Union. A correspondent for the San Francisco Evening Bulletin stated that many of the depredations attributed to Apaches were actually the work of Tucson "cut-throats." Captain Cremony firmly believed that of the forty-seven 101 graves in the local cemetery, only two of the interred had died of natural causes. Major Coult wrote that Mexicans were responsible for Tucson's high crime rate. This opinion seemed born out when, on December 31, 1862, Captain Fritz pursued a group of thieves who stole two horses, saddles, and carbines into Sonora. Fritz recovered the 34 stolen property at Hermosillo, 350 miles south of Tucson. Carleton strove to clean up Tucson by providing a semblance of order and justice, "so that when a man does have his throat cut, his house robbed, or his fields ravaged, he may at least have the consolation of knowing there is some law that will reach him who does the injury." Hxs successors modified the rules. 35 In 1863, Major Fergusson ordered that gambling was "absolutely prohibited in the town of Tucson. ... No more licenses for such a villainous trade shall be issued." Transgressors would be dealt with harshly; they would be required to leave town in twenty-four hours and their money and implements were to be confiscated. The solution taken by his successor. Major Coult, was less strict. On January 1, 1864, Coult ordered the Provost Marshal to restrict the sale of liquor by the glass to the saloons of J. B. Allen, Juan Fernandez, and Fernando Urrquides, but allowed liquor to be purchased by the bottle at the estab­ lishments of Mssrs. Warner and Stevens and John Gleason. Coult also tolerated fair "gaming" houses with relatively 102 good reputations. Two other gambling halls received 36 similar privileges later that month.

J. Ross Browne had few kind words for the Califor­ nia Volunteers garrisoning Tucson in 1864: "Volunteer soldiers are stationed all over the town—at the mescal- shops, the monte-tables, and houses of ill-fame—for the preservation of public order, or go there of their own accord for that purpose, which amounts to the same thing."

A garrison court martial conducted in June 1862, found that the number of men drunk on duty or parade increased drastically soon after the troops arrived in

Tucson. The situation was not much better at Fort Yuma. A private in the Fifth Infantry, C.V., recorded in his diary that Captain Joseph Tuttle, "while in charge of the Parade at Fort Yiima was so drunk as to fall his whole length on his face and actually had to be carried off by his men." The officers at Fort Yuma, an observer noted, are "too much engaged (or at least the majority of them) consuming whiskey." 37 The soldiers at the Tucson garrison had occasional run-ins with citizens, and orders appeared from time to time to safeguard the rights of the Tucsonans. In Orders No. 35, dated September 1862, the local commander pro­ hibited all soldiers "... from trespassing upon, or crossing cultivated fields, or gardens, of the citizens of this place, without permission first obtained." Another 103 order admonished against injury or destroying "... fences or enclosures in this town or vicinity when procuring brush 38 or other building materials for quarters." On August 28, 1862, a court martial found Sergeant George Hand, Company G, First Infantry, C.V., guilty of neglect of duty in a case involving a citizen. Hand failed to turn out the guard when a man named Levi Aldrich reported Apaches killing stock in the vicinity of Tucson. The court reduced Hand to the ranks and deducted $10 per month from his pay for six months. Major Fergusson later reversed this ruling, however. 39

Illegal trade in army goods plagued all the posts situated near population centers in Arizona. This problem was confined primarily to corrupt dealings of quarter­ master sergeants who sold civilians everything from govern­ ment mules, wrongfully branded "C" for condemned, to army clothing. Colonel Davis, Assistant Inspector General, informed Carleton that "grave and discreditable accusa­ tions ... of fraudulent and unauthorized transactions" had surfaced at Fort Yxima and elsewhere "... with regard to supplies, purchases of horses, etc." Apparently, no officers were involved in this illicit trade. Boards of Survey routinely convened to inspect quartermaster accounts and inventories, but none of the officers assigned these 40 duties were ever charged with misconduct. 104 Volunteer officers found it difficult to maintain morale and discipline during extended periods of garrison duty. Charges at courts-martial ranged from sitting dovm on guard to outright insubordination. Most offenders were found guilty of minor infractions such as refusing to police the camp or straying from the post boundaries. Many of the men felt themselves to be their officers' equals. Sergeant George Hand commented that Captain H. A. "Humpy" Greene of Company G, First Infantry, C.V., could not command his men because he did not have their respect. They called him

"right face" and "shoulder arms" behind his back.41 One private was convicted of "conduct to the preju­ dice of good order and military discipline." He was sen­ tenced to thirty days hard labor and forfeited $10 of his pay for addressing a second lieuteMnt "with words too obscene to repeat." Private Frederick Franklin of

Company D, Fifth Infantry, C.V., allegedly remarked on January 21, 1864, that "he would be damned if he would turn out the Guard for Coult or French." He was sentenced to carry a forty-pound log on his shoulder in front of the 42 guard house for three days. Most disciplinary problems were rooted in the frustration and boredom of occupation duty. Some volun­ teers had difficulty adjusting to seemingly arbitrary military discipline. Others developed personality conflicts with commissioned and noncommissioned officers, but this was 105 the exception and not the rule. Even J. Ross Browne admitted that "a better set of men I have never traveled

with. They are good-humored, obliging, and sober, and not one of them stole a pig or a chicken on the entire trip."43 Carleton kept discipline very tight when his column marched into Arizona in the spring of 1862. On the march,

in General Orders 1, he prohibited any man from leaving the ranks without permission from his company commander. The other soldiers of the company were required to carry the musket and knapsack of the man on leave until his return. When in camp. Orders 6 specified: "No soldier will be allowed to go more than five hundred yards from his quarters, without permission from his company commander." Men who strayed from the camp fell prey to the Apaches, while others, caught by the camp guard or provost marshal, 44 received the punishment meted out by courts-martial. The monotonous camp routine varied little from post to post. The regimen was demanding for foot soldiers and even worse for the cavalry who had to care for their horses as well. Bugle calls or drvim beats sounded the daily duties of the camp. In 1862, a typical day included; Reveille Immediately after daybreak Stable Call Immediately after Reveille Fatigue Call Ten minutes after Reveille Drill Call—Infantry 5:30 Recall from Stables 6:00 Boots and Saddles 6:00 To Horse 6:15 Recall from Drill—Infantry 7:00 106 Recall from Drill—Cavalry 7:15 Sick Call 7:15 Breakfast Call 7:30 Guard Mounting 8:30 Dinner Call 12:00 Orderly Call 1:00 Stable Call 5:00 Recall from Stable 5:45 Dress Parade 'Thirty Minutes before Sunset Tattoo Taps In May 1863, the Tucson garrison performed one extra hour of drill and dispensed with "Dress Parade." Similarly, at Fort Yuma, Major Clarence E. Bennett believed that more drill had markedly improved the morale and discipline of the troops. A year before, the volunteers at Fort Yuma had drilled with a will, causing Major R. C. Drum to remark that their drill "would have done credit to regu­ lar troops." At Fort Mohave, soldiers competed for the privilege of serving as the commanding officer's orderly. 46 The man with the cleanest outfit won the easy job. Camp Tucson and other large posts required officers commissioned and noncommissioned, to attend "School Call" at 6:00 p.m. Monday, Wednesday, and Friday evenings were set aside for officers to study from Hardee's Infantry Tactics the chapters, "School of the Soldier," "School of the Company," and "School of the Battalion." Noncommissioned officers and privates with special aptitude attended class on Tuesday and Thursday. In Tucson, all classes were held 47 at Major Theodore A. Coult's quarters. 107 Surgeon McNulty, medical director of the Califor­ nia Column, kept close watch on the health and endurance of the men during their march across the desert. However, some of the volunteer regiments stationed in Arizona late in the war did not fare as well. The camps in southern Arizona at Tucson, Tubac, and Fort Mason were notorious for malaria.

Captain Albert H. Ffrench requested to be relieved of his duties at Tucson in July 1863, because of ill health. Unfortunately, he reported that his other officers and Assistant Surgeon Cox also were sick, and headquarters decided that the captain could not be spared. In September 1866, the California companies at Tubac could only muster 48 one-tenth of their nvimbers at roll call due to sickness. While the climate was partly responsible for poor health at the permanent posts, poor hygiene and rations also contributed to the high incidence of dysentery and other ailments. One officer prohibited the "washing of clothes, utensils or persons in the ditch that supplies the command with water." At large posts, the soldiers "messed" by company. Here, an officer supervised the meals, tasted the 49 food, and saw that an NCO ran the kitchen. The freight problems, low water on the Colorado River, and the shortage of horses and mules caused volunteer officers to order a reduction in rations at one time or another. Negligent contractors and the chronic shortage of provisions in Arizona and Sonora contributed to the 108 situation. In September 1862, flour rations were reduced and pork issued only once every ten days. Troops on the march subsisted on "pemmican," a concoction of pounded dried-beef and lard, much despised by the men. This item came packed in ten-pound cans and was issued at a rate of ten ounces per man every day.^50

A soldier stationed at Fort Mohave summed up life on the desert as a "scarcity of water, plenty of hard-tack and 'sow-belly,' and [an] abundance of torrid weather." An officer with the "Native Battalion" stationed at Fort Yuma in August 1865, wrote home:

. . . For heaven's sake, never come out this way if you can help it. You will surely melt. The thermometer is 112 in the shade every day, with no wind. Scorpions thick as molasses and flies still more. When we want to drink cool water we have to boil it and drink it immediately or else it gets hotter. Earlier, before the men of Company I, Fourth Infantry, C.V., left Drum Barracks for Arizona, they had protested the quality of their beef ration. The soldiers arranged a public funeral for one of the beeves and erected a headboard over the grave which read: Why should we mourn for this old ox or grieve for his poor beef? When he has caused us pain and woe and worn out all our teeth? His spirit has gone to other lands; we trust it's for the best For when we had his bones to gnaw we were more cursed than blessed.^ 109

When subsistence stores did get through, the troops ate fresh beef, salt pork and horse, rice, desiccated potatoes, coffee, tea, sugar, and panole. Fresh vegetables

were rare. Many soldiers supplemented their diet with pur­ chases from the post sutler, if they were fortunate enough to have one, or grew their own vegetables in camp gardens. Although the food and climate took their toll, health among the volunteer regiments was generally good, especially when

compared to conditions in the Eastern armies. Some of the Californians liked Arizona; several even married girls they met while stationed in the territory. One of the express riders at Fort Mohave wed the youngest daughter of Bio-oo-hoot, Chief of the Mojaves, in a service performed by the enlisted men in the presence of Captain

Charles Atchison. Other volunteer soldiers married Indian women shortly after their enlistments expired. J. D. Walker married and settled with the Pimas at Sacaton, after his discharge from the Fifth Infantry, C.V., and

later commanded a company of Pima Arizona Volunteers. Thomas V. Keam, a veteran of the First California Cavalry, married Astan Lipai (Grey Woman) and lived with the Salt Clan of the Navajo. These "squawmen" suffered discrimina­ tion from whites, but were generally held in high regard 53 as interpreters and Indian agents. The Cathedral of San Augustin in Tucson was the scene of at least five marriages of California Volunteers 110 and local women between 1864 and 1867. Soldiers received permission to wed from their company commanders. This was not always practical, but in a garrison town such as Tucson, the opportunities for fraternization increased the chances of meeting and marrying. In Tucson, the California men married Mexican-American women. There is no way to determine the incidence of cohabitation or common-law marriages. In Yavapai County, four volunteers married local women soon after discharge, and on the Colorado River, Alonzo E. Davis married Miss E. W. Mathew, the daughter of a Hardyville businessman, whom he had met at the Port Mohave New Year's Eve Ball in 1864-65. Other veterans wed in later years when they returned to settle 54 in Arizona. In the spring of 1864, army officials attempted to reroute the Tucson supply line through the Sonoran parts of

Libertad and Guaymas, on the Gulf of California, bypassing Yvuna entirely. As early as September 1862, Carleton had instructed Major Fergusson to survey a wagon road to these ports. The Guaymas route particularly offered advantages in freighting time and expense. General Wright, commanding the Department of the Pacific, was so pleased with Fer­ gusson's report that he recommended him for the colonelcy of the First Cavalry, C.V. Fergusson reported that the route was "smooth or even all the way; and the largest stretch without water at any time is forty-five miles." Ill However, the French blockade of Mexican ports, mutual distrust between the United States and Mexico, and govern­ ment red tape doomed the Sonora route to failure during the war years. Fergusson's map of the Tucson-Lobos Bay route became a standard source for cartographers and 55 travelers in southern Arizona.

California Volunteers contributed greatly to the exploration and mapping of Arizona's uncharted wilderness.

A detailed map of Tucson, drawn in 1862, by Major Fergusson, depicted the layout of the "Old Pueblo" for the first time since the Spanish occupation nearly one hundred years earlier. A map also was made of the District of Arizona, showing practical wagon roads. The most spectacular map of the Southwest produced during the war was drawn by Captain Allen L. Anderson, on detached service from the Fifth U.S. Infantry. Carleton ordered Anderson to draft a map of Arizona and New Mexico. With an escort of Califor­ nia Volunteers, Anderson explored the virgin territory. He also relied upon the reports of officers who had made

forays deep into Indian territory. The result, Carleton proudly proclaimed, was "much more correct than any other map of this country hither to published." Volunteer officers also provided the miners flooding into the

Arizona gold fields with reports of wells and grazing con­ ditions to be expected, plus intelligence of Indian activity. 112 Captain John C. Cremony, who was prone to over­ statement, spoke highly of thu contributions of the volun­ teer troops in road building and supplying the territory. He wrote about: "... the gigantic labors performed by the Column from California, in making roads; digging and restoring wells in desert places; constructing bridges; 57 establishing depots; [and] escorting trains. ..." During the five years they occupied Arizona, California troops blazed or improved hundreds of miles of trails and, more importantly, wagon roads. They gave early attention to the ferry landing at Yuma where wagon masters had to double-team their wagons to haul loads up the steep grade from the river to the Gila trail. Troops under Major Rigg regraded the road, facilitating hauling for military trains and civilians alike. Along the Gila route itself, troops removed obstacles, graded roads, and dug wells. Projects undertaken in the later years of the war included work on the Mohave trail to the Colorado River. Besides making this route passable for wagons destined for central and northern Arizona, the Volunteers built forti­ fied way stations co guard against Indian depredations. A wagon road from Las Vegas to Fort Mohave was also explored. In October 1863, a detachment under Captain

Herbert M. Enos blazed a practicable wagon road between Fort Whipple, near Prescott, and the Colorado River. The 113 troops generally strengthened the lines of coininunication between the northern Arizona outposts and Las Cruces and other points east.

Interior trails also received attention. Detach­ ments improved the route from Fort Whipple to the La Paz placers on the Colorado. Major Thomas J. Blakeney opened a road between Fort Goodwin and the Salt River near the Pinal Mountains in the summer of 1864. In July 1865, Brigadier General John S. Mason commanded Lieutenant Colonel Bennett to lead a small mounted force on a reconnaissance from Fort Bowie to Fort Barrett via old Fort Breckinridge.

Bennett reported on the feasibility of a new, shorter wagon road. The Colonel also led a combined force of native Arizona Volunteers and Californians to clear a road between

Maricopa Wells, on the Gila, north to Fort McDowell, a new post in Apache territory on the Verde River. As a result of these efforts, a network of easily traveled roads was created, linking the forts and population centers of Arizona 59 Territory. Although the military mail or "vedette service" was discontinued for a short time in 1864, owing to shortages of men and supplies, California Volunteers provided com­ munication between Arizona and the "outside" until civil authorities accepted responsibility for mail service in September 1865. Vedettes were actually mounted scouts or sentinels, but the term became synonymous with "express 114 rider" in Arizona during the Civil War. Only picked horse­ men with the best horses rode the routes between posts and to points outside the Territory. The men traveled singly or in pairs; only rarely did they enjoy the safety of an escort. A late express often meant that a vedette had been ambushed by hostile Indians.®'' The riders faced many problems. They had to contend with worn-out mounts and the elements. Lack of adequate forage took a frightful toll of the cavalry mounts. The army pressed animals of every color, size, and description into service, but by April 1863, Major Fergusson, commanding at Tucson, asked that the men of Company B, Second Cavalry, C.V., be relieved. They were simply too few and the horses were "used up." Civilians and infantrymen carried the expresses when government mounts and cavalrymen were not available. William Hollister, a member of Company I, Fourth Infantry, C.V., rode the express to Fort Mohave. During the summer of 1865, the Wilmington Journal reported that the private was "sunstruck, and never recovered from the effects of it."®^ Civilians and soldiers alike relied upon the mili­ tary mail service. On January 31, 1864, Major Coult posted arrival and departure times for the "Government Express" in

Tucson: 1. Arrivals from Mesilla on the 9th and 24th of each month. 115 2. Arrivals from Ft. Yuma on the 5th & 17th of each month. 3. Leaves Tucson for Mesilla on the 5th & 20th of each month. 4. Leaves Tucson for Ft. Yuma on the 11th & 26th of each month. All letters not mailed before 6 o'clock A.M. on the day prior to the departure of the Express will lay in this office until the departure of the next one. Major Fergusson had two new mail bags, fitted with small padlocks, made in Tucson to reduce the risk of tampering. Evidently, bored vedettes between Fort Yvima and Tucson had taken to reading newspapers, and, occasionally, private letters coming from the west. In the spring of 1865, the Seventh Infantry, C.V., resumed mail service. One soldier commented: "Yesterday the expressman left with the first mail consisting of 350 letters showing conclusively that the seventh, besides being hungry, is literary. If we keep on sending letters 6 2 in that manner, California will be overrun with them. . . . California Volunteers provided the basic services required by Arizona citizens until the territorial govern­ ment could be established. The soldiers blazed trails, developed roads, and made maps. Arizona contractors and freighters profited from lucrative army supply contracts for forts on the Colorado River and isolated interior posts. The military occupation also kept the hostile tribes at bay, encouraging settlement and resulting in a population boom during the war years. Individual soldiers publicized the territory's mineral wealth, as well as its climate. 116 geography, and cultures. The Californlans took an active

role in the establishment of the new territoryr and many would return after their military service to settle and further shape Arizona's future. CHAPTER V—NOTES

^Orton, California Men, 381. 2 Carleton to Coult, July 19, 1864, O.R., Series I, Voliime IXL, Part II, 277-78; S.O. 46, Department of New Mexico, December 8, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume IXL, Part IV, 803. 3 Orton, California Men, 5. 4 G.O. 27, H.Q. Department of New Mexico, October 23, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 653-64; J. Ross Browne, Adventures in the Apache Country (new edition. University of Arizona Press, 1974), 139. ^S.O. 9, January 17, 1864, H.Q. Tucson, Theodore Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Davis to Carleton, April 5, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume XXIV, Part III, 209-10; S.O. No. 16, February 16, 1864, H.Q. Tucson, Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393.

^Drum to Commanding Officer, Fort Yuma, April 11, 1863, O.R., Voliame L,Part II, 390; Carleton to West, November 5, 1861, 0.R., Volume L, Part I, 704-05; Carleton to Rigg, Ibid., 847-48. 7 Lockwood, Life in Tucson, 132-33; Hunt, Carleton, 265-67; Colton, Civil War in West, 110. O Gilbert J. Pedersen, "A Yankee in Arizona, the Misfortunes of William S. Grant, 1860-61," in Journal of Arizona History, Volume 16, Summer 1975, 141; Proclamation August 2, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, D. Fergusson Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. 9 Proclamation, June 11, 1862, Executive Department, Territory of Arizona, James H. Carleton, Military Governor, O.R., Series I, Volume IX, 692. ^^Fergusson to Ignacio Pesqueira, Sonora, Septem­ ber 15, 1862, Hayden File, "Fergusson," Arizona Historical Society, Tucson. ^^Hubert H. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico. 1530- 1888 (new edition, Albuquerque: Horn & Wallace, 1962), 522.

117 118 12 Davis to Carleton, March 2, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, Part II, 595; Underbill, "Arizona Volunteers," 7-8. 13 E. B. Willis to Cutler, February 11, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volume XXXIV, Part I, 121-22. 14 Carleton to Nathaniel Pishon, June 22, 1863, in Orton, California Men, 72; G.O. 27, October 23, 1863, H.Q. Department of New Mexico, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 654; Fergusson to Jcimes Whitlock, April 23, 1863, Ibid, 413. ^^U.S. Senate Reports, 39th Congress, Second Session, No. 156, 110, 114-15, 135-37, 140; Thomas E. Farish, History of Arizona (8 Volumes, San Francisco; Filmer Brothers, 1915-1918), III, 153. 16 Charles Dunning and Edward H. Peplow. Rock to Riches (Phoenix; Southwest Publishing Co., 1959), 73; Yava­ pai County Book of Claims No. 1, 1864-1866, Yavapai County Courthouse, Prescott. 17 A. E. Davis, "Pioneer Days in Arizona," 53; San Francisco Daily Alta California, January 15, 1865; Mohave Countv Book of Claims, 1864-1866, Office of the Mohave County Historian, Kingman.

18Farish, History of Arizona, 153; Brown, Adventures, 280. 19 Orton, California -.-len, 71; Conner, Joseph Redde­ ford Walker, 39-41. 20 Lynn R. Bailey, "Thomas Varker Keam; Tusayan Trader," in Arizoniana, II (Winter 1960), 18.

21Conner, Joseph Reddeford Walker, 47; Cremony, Life Among the Apaches, 102-103; San Francisco Daily Alta California, June 29, July 9, 1862. 22Tuttle, "River Colorado," Arizona Historical Review, 59. 23Hunt, Carleton, 326; San Francisco Daily Alta California, April 3, 1865. 24San Francisco Daily Alta California and other California newspapers for letters written home by soldier correspondents, compiled by Andrew Masich in "Columnists with the California Column; the California Volunteers in Arizona, 1862-66" (Honors thesis. University of Arizona, 1977). 119 25 There were more claims filed in central Arizona between 1864-66 than during the next two decades combined. Yavapai County Book of Claims, No. 1.

26J. Ross Brown, Resources of the Pacific Slope (New York; D. Appleton and Co., 1869), 443-81; San Fran­ cisco Daily Alta California, July 19, 1864. 27 For the steamboat industry on the Colorado, see Richard Lingenfelter, Steamboats on the Colorado River, 1852-1916 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1978). 28 Circular, July 27, 1862, H.Q. District of Western Arizona, Tucson, D. Fergusson Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Tuttle, "River Colorado," Arizona Historical Review, 57. 29 — Fergusson to George A. Burkett, April 17, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 405-06; Cutler to West, March 31, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 970; Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, Ibid., 773-80. 30John P. Young, Journalism in California (San Francisco: Chronicle Publishing Co., 1915), 61; Wright to Thomas, Adjutant General, U.S.A.,February 4, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 303. •^Constance W. Altshuler, "The Case of Sylvester Mowry, the Mowry Mine," in Arizona and the West, IX (Summer 1973), 160; Davis to Carleton, March 2, 1864, O.R., Series I, Volvime XXXIV, Part II, 595. 32 Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 772-74; West to Cutler, November 12, 1861, Ibid., 719-20; Browne, Adventures, 135-36. ^^S.O. 142, September 10, 1863, H.Q. Tucson, Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. 34 San Francisco Evening Bulletin, March 11, 1863 and July 9, 1864; Coult to Drum, December 31, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 270-71. 35 Carleton to Drum, June 10, 1862, O.R., Vol\ime L, Part I, 52-53. or Orders 5, April 18, 1863, H.Q. Tucson, D. Fergus- son Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, R 393; S.O. 2, January 1, 1864, H.Q. Tucson, Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, R 393. 120 37 Brovme, Adventures, 134-35; George 0. Handy "Diary," September 30, to October 4, 1862, Arizona Histori­ cal Society, Tucson; Pergusson to J. F. Bennett, April 14, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 396. 38 Orders 35, September 14, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, Fergusson Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Orders No. 13, June 28, 1862, Ibid. 39 Orders 29, August 28, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, D. Fergus- son Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Hand, "Diary," August 16, 1862; Excerpts from the Decennial Federal Census, 1860, for Arizona County in the Territory of New Mexico (Washington: Government Printing Office 1965); Senate Document 13, 89th Congress, 1st Session, 19. 40 Conner, Joseph Reddeford Walker, 307-08; Davis to Carleton, April 4, 1864, O.R., Volume XXIV, Part III, 207; S.O. 14, June 13, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. 41 Results of Garrison Court Martial, May 12, 1862, Tucson, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Ibid., June 19, 1862; Hand, "Diary," September, 1862; Orton, California Men, 363. 42 Orders 4, January 21, 1864, H.Q. Tucson, T. Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. 43 Browne, Adventures, 139. 44 G.O. 1, April 7, 1862, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; G.O. 6, May 22, 1862, Ibid. 45 Orders 30, September 1, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, Fergusson Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. 46 Orders 11, May 26, 1863, H.Q. Tucson, William Ffrench Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Clarence E. Bennett, "Diary," 1863, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson; Drum to A.A.G., USA, May 30, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1110-16; Davis, "Pioneer Days," 40. 47 Orders 40, November 9, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393. AO Ffrench to West, July 15, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 525; Parish, History of Arizona, IV, 100. 121 49 Orders 2, May 6, 1862, H.Q. Advance Guard California Column, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Order 1, April 7, 18C2, Ibid.

^^Orders 33, September 6, 1862, H.Q. Tucson, Fergusson Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Carleton to Drum, December 21, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 774, 779. ^^Davis, "Pioneer Days," 48; Porfirio Jimenez to Pablo de la Guerra, August 3, 1865, MS, de la Guerra Collec­ tion, Owen Coy Room, University of Southern California, Los Angeles. 52 Davis, "Pioneer Days," 47. 53 Farish, History of Arizona, IV, 117-18; Baxley, "Thomas Varker Keam," 15-19; San Francisco Daily Alta California, July 15, 1864. 54 Marriage Registry, 1864-67, St. Augustine Cathe­ dral, Tucson; Marriage Records, Yavapai County, 1865-75, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson; Davis, "Pioneer Days," 83, 114. 55 H. P. Walker, "Freighting from Guaymas to Tucson, 1850-1880," Western Historical Quarterly, I (Summer 1970), 294; G.O. 20, September 5, 1862, H.Q. Las Cruces, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 115. ^®Carl I. PJheat, Mapping the Transmississippi West 1540-1861 (San Francisco: Institute of Historical Carto­ graphy, 1963), V, 127-28, 381; Carleton to Drum, Septem­ ber 15, 1865, O.R., Volume XLVIII, Part II, 1230. 57 Cremony, Life Among the Apaches, 145. c p Charles D. Poston, "Military Roads in Arizona," in American Railroad Journel, XXXVIII (January 14, 1865), 54. 59 Thomas J. Blakeney's Report, August 8, 1865, O.R., Series I, Volume XLI, Part I, 81-86; Clarence E. Bennett to Green, A.A.G., H.Q. District of Arizona, July 21, 1865, O.R., Vol\ime L, Part I, 421-23; Underbill, "Arizona Volun­ teers," 38. ®®Hunt, Army of the Pacific, 133; G.O. 9, May 15, 1862, Fort Yvima, Carleton Commanding, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 1075. 122

^^Pergusson to J. F. Bennett, April 14, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 396; Wilmington Journal, July 29, 1865. ®^S.O. 12, January 31, 1864, H.Q. Tucson, T. Coult Commanding, Commands of J. R. West, NARS, RG 393; Fergus- son to J. P. Bennett, April 14, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 396-97; Hunt, Army of the Pacific, 143, Calaveras (California) Chronicle, August 12, 1865. CHAPTER VI

BORDER PATROL AND MUSTERING OUT

California Volunteers in Arizona remained alert for Confederate reinvasion attempts until the war ended. The Californians also turned their attention to Mexico and the French-backed government of Emperor Maximilian. Volunteer officers exercised diplomacy rather than military strength in an effort to avoid open confrontation with the Imperial­ ists. In 1866, however, the morale of the Californians on border patrol had begun to deteriorate, but by the end of the year all of the volunteer regiments had been discharged. Volunteer officers stationed in Arizona felt their primary responsibility was to guard against another Con­ federate invasion of the territory. Their fears of attack from Texas or Mexico were fueled by rumors of rebel troop build-ups and occasional confrontations with Confederate sympathizers.^ Sympathy for the rebel cause had run high in southern California. From the time the first shots were fired at Fort Svunter, heavily armed groups of secessionists made their way from California, via Arizona or Mexico, to the East. The first California Volunteers mustered had to be diverted from their original purpose in order to quash 123 124 civil unrest in the southern counties. In November 1861, a detachment surrounded and captured eighteen men traveling with a noted secessionist, Dan Showalter, en route to Fort Yuma. Rebel secret societies and unrest continued in southern California throughout the war, and the troops in Arizona were constantly on the alert to rumors of uprisings.^

In 1862, Carleton ordered suspected secessionists in Arizona arrested cind imprisoned at Fort Yuma. All were eventually released, however, after signing loyalty oaths. Perhaps the westernmost confrontation in Arizona involved a rebel sympathizer who had been captured with the Showalter party and later released. William "Frog" Edwards ambushed three soldiers belonging to Company I, Fourth Infantry, C.V., at La Paz, Arizona, on May 20, 1863. Edwards's attack occurred soon after the soldiers, escorting cargo on the Colorado River steamer, Cocopah, disembarked to obtain supplies. The men had gathered in front of Cohn's store

when a hail of shots rang out of the darkness, killing Private Ferdinand Behn, Company H, and Private Truston Wentworth, Company K. Two others, Private Thomas Gainor, Company H, and a civilian bystander also received severe wounds. Lieutenant James A. Hale quickly organized a search of the town, but to no avail. A month-long search by a forty-man detachment from Fort Mohave under Captain Charles Atchison failed to bring the "Frog" to justice, but. 125 soon after, a body was found in the desert which authorities identified as that of Edwards. The cause of death was unknown, but he probably died of exposure while attempting to elude his pursuers. 3

The La Paz incident alerted the California troops to other Confederate movements. On May 28, 1863, Captain Joseph Tuttle received orders to intercept a party of fifteen to twenty secessionists intending to join Sibley's Texas forces. Reports indicated the party, that had stolen cattle and horses in San Bernardino County, might be headed off at Tubac, Arizona. Tuttle commanded twenty men of the Fifth Infantry, C.V., Tucson garrison, and was offered the services of a "spy party," that included Jackson H. Martin, deputy sheriff of San Bernardino County; Joseph Bridges; and a Mexican "vaquero," named Prefetto. Tuttle could enlist any other citizens deemed necessary to accomplish the task. Tuttle's force tracked the secessionists into Mexico and finally apprehended them in the Sonoran village of Altar. They prevented the rebels from linking up with

Sibley, and recovered some of the stolen stock. The 4 pursuit and return to Tucson had lasted nearly a month. Arizonans occasionally alerted authorities to rebel activity. On November 29, 1864, General Irvin McDowell, commanding the Pacific Department, including Arizona, received an alarming letter from M. 0. Davison, a mine superintendent: 126 Dear Sir: Mr. Elihu Baker, major-domo of the Ari­ zona Mining Company, has just come dovm [to Guaymas] from Arizona to escort me to the Territory. He informs me that a band of Confederates are enceunped in Sonora, between Magdalena and the boundary, awaiting re-enforcements from Texas, Chihuahua, and Durango, to make an attack upon the advanced mili­ tary posts of Calaba[sas], Tubac, and Tucson. If they are successful in such a raid, they will for a while have the southern portion of Arizona at their mercy. Although you may not be the military commander of that department, I think it proper to give you this information, as it may be in your power to communicate with those who have the power to re-enforce speedily the limited garrisons of the posts so seriously threatened.5 Perhaps there was something to the rvunors after all. Earlier, on October 16th, a "Government Detective" named Gustav Brown, at Los Angeles, had reported that a party of thirty-two heavily armed members of the Knights of the Golden Circle, a popular copperhead club, had left San Diego for Texas on August 12th. Brown cautioned that King S. Woolsey, the noted Arizona Apache hunter, was waiting for a chance to spring into action with his armed band as soon as he could get assistance from Texas. Detective Brown added that men were leaving "daily from Los Angeles by twos and threes who represent themselves as miners going to the Colorado." In the event that General McClellan was defeated in his bid for the presidency in November, they would be ready to grab Arizona.® Incredibly, this was the exact plan that Judge Lansford W. Hastings had earlier proposed to President Jefferson Davis on January 11, 1864. Hastings outlined 127 an elaborate scheme to capture "the most valuable agricul­ tural and grazing lands, and the richest mineral region in the knovm world." He would send men disguised as miners to the Colorado Mines above Fort Yuma and to Guaymas as well. They would capture the vast quantities of military stores stockpiled at Yuma and use them to launch a campaign to recover the territories. Hastings was depending upon the Knights of the Golden Circle and other secret societies to carry out his plan. 7

The Confederate high command was definitely interested in retaking Arizona. In February 1683, General John Bankhead Magruder busied himself with details of the organization of the Arizona Brigade, "... having been directed by the Secretary of War to take steps to recover Arizona." General Baylor's removal from command had stalled the planning effort; Jefferson Davis found his exterminationist Indian policy repugnant. This campaign never got out of the planning stage, and Judge Hastings's clandestine approach never received the approval by the Confederate War Department. James A. Seddon, Confederate Secretary of War, agreed that "the overthrow of Federal domination in Arizona and the repossession of that country through the instrumentality of forces to be drawn from California [was] an end important to be accomplished," but he had no confidence in Hastings. General E. Kirby Smith, commanding the Confederate Trans-Mississippi West, 128 concurred, and so ended officially sanctioned secessionist operations in Arizona. Unaware of Confederate intentions, Q the California Volunteers remained vigilant. Morale among the Californians reached a low ebb in 1865 and 1866. As the war in the East subsided, so did the zeal of the volunteer troops. Manning the several forts, patrolling the Mexican border, guarding against incursions by the French, and remaining on the lookout for die-hard secessionists became the task of the fresh regiments. Many could not wait until the day came for discharge from ser­ vice. In January 1865, General Irwin McDowell, Wright's successor as commander of the Department of the Pacific, annexed the Territory of Arizona to that department. Carleton had suffered much criticism from military men and civilians alike for neglecting Arizona during his adminis­ tration. Actually, the troops and transportation at his disposal allowed him to do little more than continue the 9 garrisons at only a few key forts in the territory. The same problems plagued Carleton's successor in

T^izona, General John S. Mason. Mason commanded the California Volunteer units sent to Arizona in 1865, which included the First Battalion of Native Cavalry and the Seventh Infantry. The Native Battalion, composed almost entirely of Californios (Mexican-Americans), was chosen for service in Arizona because of the extraordinary horsemanship 129 displayed by the "native" Californians. Mason believed it would be dangerous to use these troops close to the border because they might have mixed loyalties. The need for mounted troops for border patrol soon overruled the

general's misgivings, however. The armament of a portion of this battalion consisted not only of the carbine, revolver, and saber, but of the lance as well. Although there are no accounts of these seemingly obsolete weapons being used in combat, the "Californios" were well trained in their use and were much admired by their comrades in other regiments. Although Paragraph 1642 of the Army's Revised

Regulations specifically stated that no volunteer "will be

mustered into the service who is unable to speak the English language," most of the men of the Native Battalion spoke only Spanish. The San Francisco Evening Bulletin

reported: The battalion is truly a mixture of colors and tongues, the men very rugged and hearty—more than half being native Californians, and the remainder Mexicans, Chilenos, Sonorians, Califor­ nia and Yaqui Indians, Germans, Americans, etc. Those of them, however, who are not American speak more or less English, the English tongue crowd understanding Spanish—the officers being adept in both languages.H

Both the Native Battalion, commanded by Major John C. Cremony, and parts of the Seventh Infantry, commanded by Colonel Charles W. Lewis, served along the Arizona-Mexico border. Fort Mason, so named in honor of the new district 130

coiranander, was the major post in southern Arizona in 1865- 1866. Its importance stemmed from its location near the main road from Arizona to Sonora, near Calabasas. Mexico was no longer feared as a possible route for a Confederate invasion, but it harbored the French troops that were guard­ ing Louis Napoleon's puppet government under Maximilian. These troops were a cause of irritation among American politicians and military men; border commanders had to exercise considerable diplomacy.

In 1862, Carleton had opened correspondence with Ignacio Pesqueira, Governor of Sonora. At that time, the Department of the Pacific wanted to stay on the Sonoran's good side in hopes of purchasing supplies and gaining trade concessions at the Mexican port of Guaymas. Carleton tact­ fully warned Pesqueira against recognizing or agreeing to supply the Confederates in Arizona. The Mexican leader found himself in an embarrassing situation after his interpreter gave copies of his correspondence with Con­ federate ambassador. Colonel Jcimes Reily, to a correspon­ dent from the San Francisco Bulletin. Despite this faux pas, Pesqueira never trusted the rebels. The relations between the Sonoran government and Carleton's command remained cordial, especially after the general, in May 1862, lifted his ban against Mexican citizens crossing the border into Arizona. 131 By the time thirty thousand Trench troops occupied

Mexico in 1864, the California Volunteer officers in Arizona had developed a friendship with the Sonorans that the War Department considered dangerous to the maintenance of France's neutrality. In the fall of 1865, the Imperial­ ists forced Pesqueira, with his family, servants, livestock, and valuables to take refuge with the volunteers stationed at Fort Mason. The governor's party was entertained by sympathetic officers and men. The Americans had allowed Pesqueira to cross the border in pursuit of Apaches a year earlier. The soldiers respected the Sonoran's capacity as an Indian fighter, and his defiance of the French invaders. Colonel Nelson H. Davis wrote Carleton on March 22, 1864: Pesqueira is friendly to the United States and says, entre nous, that in case of necessity or trouble in his State from the French, he will raise the United States flag and ask our assistance. If our Govern­ ment will only allow our people to act in the matter, Sonora will soon be ours. Colonel Coult is anxious to go down and with the troops here, when the proper opportunity arrives. I cautioned him to do nothing to complicate our international affairs with Mexico, or take any hasty steps in this matter. . . . Sonora must and is bound to be ours; it is well to have the question considered, and be prepared for whatever may turn up. It is essential to this Territory. We want the ports on the Gulf of California.^^ Carleton agreed that the California troops ought to be ready to seize Guaymas. He wrote Henry Halleck, General- in-Chief of the U.S. Army, that a "naval station on the Gulf of California" would be the answer to the problems of 132 developing Arizona's mineral resources. The California officers were pulled up short by the response from Washing­ ton. The Lincoln administration did not want to even hear about possible involvement with French forces in Mexico while the rebellion still raged. Carleton reluctantly cautioned his subordinates:

It is required by the War Department that no steps be taken by the military forces within this department [New Mexico] which will at all compli­ cate us in the matter growing out of the occupation of any of the States of Mexico by the French. Our relations with France are of the most friendly character, and it is desirable that they remain so. You will be careful not to jeopardize those rela­ tions by act, or word, or letter.

California Volunteers did cross the international border when the necessity arose, despite warnings to avoid contact with the French. On several occasions, detachments pursued rebels, bandits, and deserters into Mexico. The forays after secessionists and thieves, some of whom were Apaches, were conducted quickly and without incident. Rounding up deserters in French-occupied Mexico proved more difficult. In September 1865, Captain Jose Ramon Pico, with a mounted force composed of two junior officers and thirty men, crossed the Mexican border in pursuit of sixteen deserters from Companies A and B of the Native Battalion. The men bolted from Camp Mason with some thirty horses and all of their arms and equipment. Pico followed the deserters to Magdalena, ninety miles south of Fort Mason. There, his 133 party encountered about 250 poorly-armed Mexican soldiers fighting under the Imperialist flag. Wishing to avoid armed confrontation, Pico entered the town with only six soldiers and Lieutenant William Emery, Seventh Infantry, C.V., who was sent by Colonel Lewis at Fort Mason to record the negotiations with Mexican or French officials.15 At Magdalena, Mexican Prefect Jose Moreno refused Pico's demand for the return of the deserters unless the volunteer officer agreed to recognize Maximilian's govern­ ment. Pico replied that his government would recognize only President Juarez, Mexico's legitimate ruler. As tension mounted, Pico ordered twenty-four troopers under Captain Porfino Jimeno to return to Fort Mason, while Moreno received instructions from the French officials at Hermosillo. The orders from Hermosillo took eight days, during which time the California Volunteers in Magdalena were alternately lauded and threatened by adherents of the two factions vying for control of the country. Finally, word arrived that the deserters would not be turned over and that the Californians had eight hours to leave Magdalena and forty-eight hours to get out of the country. Pico's party had no choice but to depart empty-handed.^® When Imperialists posted guards near the border.

Colonel Lewis strengthened his border sentinels. In late September, six more native cavalry deserters made it across the border, taking fourteen pistols and fifteen horses with 134 equipment. Colonel Lewis, fearing the consequences of another border crossing, mounted no pursuit. However, his men chafed at the restraint. Lieutenant Emery wrote: "If we could only have a little fight with the French, it would be something worthwhile stopping here; but as it is, it is very dry. Fighting Indians is dangerous enough, but we do so little of that that time drags." When rumors reached Fort Mason that Prefect Moreno was massing three hundred to four hundred men for an attack designed to capture Governor Pesqueira, the restrained Lewis exclaimed: "Let him come and try it." 17 Mexican Imperialists did make an abortive raid across the border at San Rafael, opposite Santa Cruz,

Sonora. On November 4, 1865, Colonel Tanori, an Opata chief, attacked the border town with a force of nearly seven hundred men. They fired on American citizens and wounded one in the skirmish. Major Cremony, the Native Battalion commander, who had recently arrived at Fort Mason with Company C, chased after the Imperialists, hoping to obtain a truce and a parley. Tanori fled, however, out­ distancing a native cavalry detachment under Lieutenant Edward Codington, assigned to head off the Mexicans at Ures, Sonora. Cremony later learned that Tanori's troops, most of whom were infantry, made the forty-three mile retreat from Santa Cruz to Imures in a record time of nine hours. 135 The Native Battalion and the Seventh Infantry served in Arizona until the summer of 1866. The battalion spent almost its entire tour of duty in southeastern Arizona at the posts of Tubac, Revanton Ranch, and Fort Mason/ noted for its malarial fevers and high desertion rate. The Seventh Infantry was scattered about the terri­ tory, with companies at Fort Mohave, Fort McDowell, Fort Whipple, Fort Yuma, and Tucson, as well as Fort Mason. Their principal duties involved Indian campaigning and 19 protecting the military mail. The morale of the California regiments that followed the California Column from 1863 to 1866 was poor. The men of the Colramn were the f^ rst California troops in the field and were motivated by hopes of fighting Confederates. So well trained and disciplined were they that General Wright had declared that he had never seen a finer body of troops. The record of the First Infantry was almost impeccable. Five companies of this regiment had not one desertion during their term of service. In contrast, the Fifth Infantry and Native Battalion, which followed the Column, had companies that suffered desertions totaling 30 to 40 percent of their 90 total strength. There are several explanations for the high deser­ tion rate and relatively low morale during the last two years of the war. The overall desertion rate for Califor­ nia troops reached 10 percent, slightly higher than the 136 national average for volunteer soldiers but well below that of the regular army. Reduced rations, isolation, and the practice of mustering out soldiers in the territories may have caused men of the Fifth California Infantry to desert in large numbers. Company D, which garrisoned Tucson, suffered an incredible 39 percent desertion rate. From this company, recruited primarily from Sacramento and Marys- ville, three men died in post hospitals in Arizona, and one was shot to death by a noncommissioned officer of the provost guard. Ten men received dishonorable discharges. 21 Carleton believed that the volunteers should be mustered out in the territories where they served. This would be an excellent way to populate tiie hinterlands and provide ct good class of men to develop the mines and estab­ lish the institutions required by civilized society. He misjudged many of his men, for a nijmber wanted to return home. Even though men discharged in the territories received a travel allowance, some soldiers felt they had been cheated. They circulated petitions seeking redress, and Carleton, who had once been admired and respected by the men, became the target of their displeasure. Califor- 22 nia Volunteer newspaper columnists openly criticized him. Like the Fifth Infantry, the Native Cavalry Battal­ ion compiled a dismal record. The war had ended in the East when most of these soldiers arrived in Arizona for garrison and patrol duty. Malarial fevers and poor living conditions 137 at Fort Mason near the Mexican border frequently left only one-third of the command fit for duty. Sympathy for the

Mexican loyalists fighting against the French-backed Imperialist forces probably precipitated some of the desertions. Many ex-volunteers, officers and men, offered 23 their services to the Republic of Mexico upon discharge. Leadership at both the regimental and company level made a big difference in troop morale. The Seventh Infantry, C.V., served at various posts in Arizona at the same time the Native Battalion patrolled the border. The "hungry Seventh" experienced only a 5 percent desertion rate, and most of those occurred at the Presidio in San Francisco prior to discharge. Many volunteers could not understand the delay in formal mustering out, especially 24 when the war was over and their job done. On April 4, 1864, the California legislature passed an act authorizing the payment of $160 for enlistment bounties, $40 payable at the time of enlistment and $20 at the end of each successive six-month period of service. The federal government also began paying bounties to encourage

re-enlistment. Veterans received $50 for one-year exten­ sions and $100 for two years. Of course, these bounties also had time-payment provisions designed to discourage desertion. Some men felt cheated at not having a chance at the rebels. A few deserted in order to re-enlist in Eastern regiments and fight rebels. One volunteer wrote: 138 "There would be glory and honor in being a soldier if we were where we could distinguish ourselves in any way, but to be kept in this out of i:he way place doing nothing, there 25 is but little fame in it that I can see." Volunteer companies took their discharge either on the West Coast or at one of the military posts in New Mexico. Individual soldiers occasionally received their discharges in Arizona, but, as a rule, commanders sent troops to the large military installations in California where provisions could be made for paying the troops, issuing discharge papers, and turning in arms and accoutre­ ments. The decision to discharge troops in New Mexico, approved by Carleton, angered some of the soldiers. The decision definitely had an impact on the development of both Arizona and New Mexico.2 6 By 1866, the government had shifted the burden of the military duties in Arizona from the shoulders of the California Volunteers to other troops. Pour companies of native Arizonans, most of them Mexican-American or Indian, had entered the field and were waging a bloody campaign against hostile Apaches. These Arizonans had endured decades of warfare with the Apaches. They knew the ways of their elusive enemy and took to the field with a will. The army also began filtering regular troops back to the frontier after four years of hard service in the East 27 during the rebellion. 139 In the spring of 1866, regulars of the Fourteenth Infantry and First Cavalry began marching into Arizona

Territory. More than once, these companies, inexperienced in the Arizona deserts, were rescued by California units marching west to be mustered out. John Spring, an enlisted man of Company E, Fourteenth Infantry, wrote that on one occasion his company became lost in the desert. Fortunately, a homeward bound company of the First California Cavalry saw their signal fire and came to their relief. The Californians buried one of the men, who had died from exposure, and provided the rest with food and water. The regulars also appreciated the comfortable quarters built by the volunteers at Fort Bowie and other Arizona posts. 2 8 California units stationed in Arizona during the Civil War had accomplished much. Their presence had spurred the growth of the territory, providing protection for the settlers and prospectors who came to build homes and open mines. Prospecting boomed as the volunteers announced new discoveries and established military posts in mining districts, making travel and living conditions safe and profitable once again. The Californians opened and worked entire mining districts, and many men returned to continue prospecting after they left the service. The volunteers also had dealt the hostile Indians in the territory a serious blow, particularly the Navajo who lost their ability to wage war. They set precedents for warfare 140 against the hostile Indians, inaugurating a system of

military-civilian cooperation and a policy of total war against hostile groups. Carleton had declared Arizona a separate territory when he established a military government there in 1862. In February 1863, President Abraham Lincoln approved an

act of Congress creating the Territory of Arizona. The presence of the Californians hastened the new machinery for a civil government. Carleton also used his troops to clear thieves and scoundrels from Tucson and the rough mining camps of the Walker district. Volunteers policed the territory during their stay, and after the war many of them returned to make Arizona their home. During the post-war years, these men played a prominent role in the social, political, and economic development of the new

territory.29 The greatest contribution made by the California troops to the development of Arizona Territory occurred after the war. Hundreds of soldiers settled in the terri­ tory after the war. They contributed to Arizona's political, social, and economic growth, providing energy and leader­ ship. Few California Volunteers were discharged in Arizona. Most of them marched with their companies or regiments to

Las Cruces, New Mexico, or went to the Presidio in San Francisco for release from the service. Some individuals ended their service at Arizona posts due to resignation. 141 health problems, or personal reasons, but these were exceptions.

Some six thousand Californians had gotten a good look at Arizona during the war and liked what they saw. Many returned to seek their fortunes, believing the new territory was filled with opportunities. Most came back to work in the mines or prospect for new ones, particularly in the lower Colorado River region and central Arizona. Others found the more sedentary existence of hotelkeeper,

shopkeeper or military post sutler to their liking. Still others raised cattle or worked on Colorado River steamers. A number of the Californians who returned to Arizona were former officers and educated men. Several became prominent lawyers and territorial legislators; while others obtained government positions. A number of veterans accepted the dangerous duties of town marshals and sheriffs. Two ex-volunteers worked as educators, one serving as Mohave County School Superintendent. A few Californians demonstrated an aptitude and liking for the military. Two former enlisted men became officers in the Arizona Volunteers, leading these native companies on successful ccimpaigns against the Apaches. Others accepted commissions in the regular army and returned to Arizona for continued service during the Indian Wars. A few veterans who had developed Indian language skills served

as interpreters and guides for the post-war army. The 142 Californians returned in numbers equaling nearly 10 percent of Arizona's population and provided a healthy boost to the growth of the newly-organized region.

Although many California Volunteers grumbled over the arduous and often thankless task of patrolling the frontier, they were eminently successful in fulfilling assignments. They marched across the Arizona desert in large units of infantry, cavalry, and artillery in good order. They rolled back Confederate vedettes in Arizona and by their presence hastened Sibley's withdrawal from New Mexico and discouraged further incursions. The Column regarrisoned abandoned forts and constructed new posts. The volunteers provided mail services and protection from hostile Indians to the citizens of the territory, and exe­ cuted Indian campaigns with great success. Although their achievements were overshadowed by the tiimultuous events in the Eastern theater, Carleton recognized the singular accomplishments of his men. On the eve of accepting the command of the Department of New

Mexico, Carleton wrote: . . . the march of the Column from California across the Great Desert in the summer months, in the driest season that has been known for thirty years, is a military achievement creditable to the Soldiers of the American Army. But it would not be just to attribute the success of this march to any ability on my part. That success was gained only by the high physical and moral energies of that peculiar class of officers and men who compose the Column from California. With any other troops, I cun sure I should have failed. ^0 CHAPTER VI~NOTES

^Pettis, Colximn, 18; Orton, California Men, 669-70. 2 Rigg to Carleton, November 30, 1861, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 33.

^Tuttle, "River Colorado," Arizona Historical Review, 57; C. E. Bennett to Drum, May 28, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 459-61; Bert M. Fireman, "Extending the Civil War Westward to the Bloodied Banks of the Colorado River," a paper read at the 3rd Annual Arizona Historical Convention, March 16-17, 1962, Tucson. 4 Orton, California Men, 669-70; Pettis, Column, 18; Ffrench to Joseph Tuttle, May 28, 1863, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 461. 5 M. O. Davidson to Irvin McDowell, November 29, 1864, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 1080. g Gustav Brown to A. Jones Jackson, October 16, 1864, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 1018-19. 7 Lansford W. Hasting to Jefferson Davis, December 16, 1863, O.R., Volvime L, Part II, 700-01. Q John B. Magruder to S. Cooper, March 2, 1863; 0.R., Volume L, Part II, 332; Baylor to Thomas Helm, March 20, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 942; Colton, Civil War in West, 123; Jcimes A. Seddon to E. Kirby Smith, October 15, 1863, O.R., Volxime L, Part II, 648-49; Smith to Seddon, November 22, 1863, O.R., Volxune L, Part II, 681. ^G.O. 9, A.G.O., January 10, 1865, O.R., Volxame L, Part II, 1121; G.O. 10, H.Q. Department of the Pacific, February 20, 1865, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 1137. ^^Sidney B. Brinckerhoff, "Last of the Lancers: The Native California Cavalry Volunteers, 1863-1866," MS, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson, 6-7. ^^Revised U.S. Army Regulations of 1861 (Washington; Government Printing Office, 1863), Paragraph 1642, 496; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, July 8, 1865.

143 144 12Hunt, Army of the Pacific, 58; Report 2, of Carleton, May 25, 1862, O.R., Volume L, Part I, 89. 13 Robert R. Miller, "Californians Against the Emperor," in California Historical Society Quarterly [CHSQ] XXXVII (September 1958), 193-212; Davis to Carleton, March 2, 1864, O.R., Volume XXXIV, Part II, 593. 14 Carleton to Halleck, March 13, 1864, O.R., Volume XXXIV, Part II, 591-92; Carleton to Coult, May 10, 1864, O.R., Volume L, Part II, 842. 15 San Francisco Bulletin, October 23, 1865. 16 Ibid., October 20, 1865; Orton, California Men, 310. 17 San Francisco Bulletin, October 20, 23, 1865. ^^Brinckerhoff, "Lancers," 11-12. 19 Orton, California Men, 763-65. 20 Hunt, Carleton, 202; Orton, California Men, 5, 381, 21 Ella Lonn, Desertion During the Civil War (Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1966), 219.

22San Francisco Daily Alta California, October 17, 1864; Cremony, Life Among the Apaches, 198. 23Santa Fe New Mexican,April 7, 1865; San Francisco Daily Alta California, September 26, 1866; Orton, Califor­ nia Men, 151. ^^Orton, California Men, 776-87. ^^Hunt, Army of the Pacific, 140-41; Davis, "Pioneer Days," 52; Andrew Ryan, News From Fort Craig, New Mexico, 1863 (Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1966), edited by Ernest Marchand, 65. 26 For the California Volunteers' impact on New Mexico, see Darlis A. Miller, The California Column in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982). ^^Farish, History of Arizona, IV, 96; H. S. Washburn, Company E, Arizona Volunteers, to Goodwin, August 15, 1865, in Arizona Graphic, March 24, 1900, 6-7. 145 Op A. M. Gufstafson (ed.)» John Spring's Arizona (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966), 38-39, 49. Although some artistic license has been taken, the best account of the Camp Grant Massacre is Don Schellie, Vast Domain of Blood (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1968). ^^Carleton to Drum, September 20, 1862, in Orton, California Men, 64-67. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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