Volume 10: Narrative Spaces in a Multicultural City

Introduction by Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Articles Goran Janev Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City. Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces: Comparative Analysis of Stories as the Bases of Lo- cal Identity Ekaterina Protassova and Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces: How Speakers of Russian Talk about Helsinki Orna Blumen and Shay Tzafrir Sentenced to Commute: Indigenous Young Women at a City University Discussions Jewish Life in Eastern European Towns: Between Decline and Resurrection Elena Nosenko-Stein The Sacred and Profane Space in Modern Russian City: A Choice of Russian Jews Vanda Vitti Jewish Culture and its Heritage in Slovakia after 1989: Urban Sites of Remembrance in Košice and their Meanings Svetlana Amosova There Are No Jews Here: From a Multiethnic to a Monoethnic Town of Burshtyn Events Local Culture, Tourism and Festivals Kira Kaurinkoski Globalization in the Life of Small Island Towns: Changes for Better or Worse? The Case of the Island of Kos (Greece) Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova “Holiday of Holidays” Festival in Haifa: Between Hope and Reality

Cultural Analysis: An Interdisciplinary Forum on Folklore and Popular Culture Volume 10: Narrative Spaces in a Multicultural City Special Issue (in association with SIEF) Introduction Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova...... 1 Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City...... 3 Goran Janev One Area, Several Cultural Spaces: Comparative Analysis of Stories as the Bases of Local Identity...... 23 Tiiu Jaago Understanding Urban Spaces: How Speakers of Russian Talk about Helsinki...... 45 Ekaterina Protassova and Anu Reponen Sentenced to Commute: Indigenous Young Women at a City University...... 67 Orna Blumen and Shay Tzafrir

Discussion: Jewish Life in Eastern European Towns: Between Decline and Resurrection The Sacred and Profane Space in Modern Russian City: A Choice of Russian Jews...... 91 Elena Nosenko-Stein Jewish Culture and its Heritage in Slovakia after 1989: Urban Sites of Remembrance in Košice and their Meanings...... 105 Vanda Vitti There Are No Jews Here: From a Multiethnic to a Monoethnic Town of Burshtyn...... 117 Svetlana Amosova

Events: Local Culture, Tourism and Festivals Globalization in the Life of Small Island Towns: Changes for Better or Worse? The Case of the Island of Kos (Greece)..125 Kira Kaurinkoski “Holiday of Holidays” Festival in Haifa: Between Hope and Reality..141 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova

Reviews by Devorah Kalekin-Fishman, Francesca Stella, and Boris Czerny

i Editorial Board Fekade Azeze, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia Pertti J. Anttonen, University of Helsinki, Finland Hande Birkalan, Yeditepe University, Istanbul, Turkey Regina Bendix, Universität Göttingen, Germany Charles Briggs, University of California, Berkeley, U.S.A. Véronique Campion-Vincent, Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, France Linda Dégh, Indiana University, U.S.A. Valdimar Tr. Hafstein, University of Iceland, Reykjavik Jawaharlal Handoo, Central Institute of Indian Languages, India Galit Hasan-Rokem, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem Jason Baird Jackson, Indiana University, U.S.A. Kimberly Lau, University of California, Santa Cruz, U.S.A. James R. Lewis,University of Tromsø, Norway John Lindow, University of California, Berkeley, U.S.A. Sabina Magliocco, California State University, Northridge, U.S.A. Jay Mechling, University of California, Davis, U.S.A. Fabio Mugnaini, University of Siena, Italy Sadhana Naithani, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Peter Shand, University of Auckland, New Zealand Francisco Vaz da Silva, University of Lisbon, Portugal Maiken Umbach, University of Manchester, England, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain Ülo Valk, University of Tartu, Estonia Fionnuala Carson Williams, Northern Ireland Environment Agency Ulrika Wolf-Knuts, Åbo Academy, Finland

Staff Editorial Collective: Anthony Bak Buccitelli, Karen Miller, & Tok Thompson Review Editor: Elaine Yau Website Developer: Brooke Dykman Copy Editor: Fionnuala Carson Williams

ii Introduction

Introduction and mass migration most of the cities have become multiethnic and multicultural, but constituent cultures do not always his volume has evolved as a follow- act in unison. Urban spaces act as an up to the panel under the same arena within which different lifestyles title, which we organized at the th interact and compete. As Simmel argues 10T Congress of the International Society in his seminal work, it is the diversity, the for Ethnology and Folklore (SIEF), in constant tension created by the presence April 2011 in Lisbon. During the General of numerous others and the multiplicity Assembly congress participants were of economic, occupational, and social life informed that the journal Cultural Analysis that create the sensory foundations of and SIEF had decided to be associated. mental life of city dwellers (Simmel 2002, Therefore we are particularly pleased 11-12). Unlike Simmel’s work, none of that this special issue is the first volume the articles in this volume are concerned of Cultural Analysis after the important with a metropolis, yet middle-size and decision was made and that most of the small towns on which the authors focus contributors are SIEF members. also reveal complexities and challenges of The theme of this volume reflects an multiethnic and multicultural interaction ever growing scholarly interest in various in urban life. aspects of city life. The number of urban Among the central and interrelated dwellers is constantly growing, and notions in the discourse on space in according to UN forecasts, by the middle of general, and on city space in particular, this century 70% of the world population are place identity, reading space and will live in cities. The continuing constructing its meaning (See, e.g., Cuba processes of urbanization bring about and Hummon 1993; Lefebvre 1991, 1-67; new challenges and trigger scholarly Lewicka 2008; Relph 1976, 8-26). People’s and public debate (Bandarin 2011, 121). self-conceptions are related to spaces that The very emergence of the subfield of they experience as their own, perceive urban anthropology is intertwined with as belonging to the other but attractive in the study of complex societies. As Eames their very otherness, or just the opposite, and Goode aptly observe, even if a city regard as alien and insecure and so try emerged or was created for one dominant to avoid them. Essays presented in this function it quickly draws to itself ancillary volume show that these perceptions may functions. Moreover, cities are not be rooted in history (Amosova, Protassova isolated geographic units but are linked and Reponen, and Vitti) and socio-political in dynamic interaction with a hierarchy changes (Jaago, Janev, and Nosenko-Stein). of contexts, from the local hinterland to Memories of the past are inscribed onto regional, national and even international places significant for an ethno-cultural fields (Eames and Goode 1977, 79). Among group and play a variety of functions: the many roles of the city, its cultural from domesticating the city and making role, including continuity and changes in it one’s own to reviving community that cultures, remain the primary concern of virtually ceased to exist. Much thought is urban anthropology. Due to globalization Cultural Analysis 10 (2011): 1-2 © 2011 by The University of California. All rights reserved 1 Larisa Fialkova & Maria Yelenevskaya Introduction

given by the authors to symbolic borders competent advice and generous help between urban and rural (Blumen and were invaluable to us. We would also Tsafrir, and Kaurinkoski), and borders like to extend our gratitude to Rafael that are imposed by ethnic politics and Flickstein, whose computer expertise power struggle (Janev, Yelenevskaya saved us from many a disaster. and Fialkova). The latter can be either reinforced by residents’ behavior or Maria Yelenevskaya weakened when members of different Larisa Fialkova ethno-cultural groups find it beneficial to Guest Editors, Cultural Analysis cross them. Another theme that comes up in the volume is places of consumption and their role in the city image, as well as in interethnic and intercultural relations. Works Cited Urban studies is an interdisciplinary Bandarin, Francesco. 2011. “The Creative endeavour, and the background of the Power of Cities. Editorial”. City, authors in this issue testifies to this, as Culture and Society no 2: 121-122. they specialize in cultural anthropology Cuba, Lee, and Hummon, David M. 1993. and human-resource management, “Constructing a Sense of Home: linguistics and immigration studies, Place Affiliation and Migration folkloristics and gender studies, home- across the Life Cycle.” Sociological work relations and Jewish studies. The Forum, vol.8, no. 4: 547-572. geography of the studies presented in Eames, Edwin, and Goode, Judith the volume is also diverse and will take Granich. 1977. Anthropology of the reader from the Baltic (Finland and the City: An Introduction to Urban Estonia) to various regions of Russia Anthropology. Englewood Cliffs, and Western Ukraine, to East European N.J.: Prentice Hall. Slovakia and Macedonia and then further Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The Production of South to the Mediterranean (Greece and Space. Oxford: Blackwell. Israel). But although the authors look Lewicka, Maria. 2008. “Place Attachment, at urban life and urbanites from the Place Identity, and Place Memory: perspective of their various disciplines, Restoring the Forgotten City and although the towns where fieldwork Past.” Journal of Environmental was conducted vary in dimensions, socio- Psychology, no. 28: 209-231. political structure, and ethno-cultural Relph, Edward. 1976. Place and composition, observations and analyses Placelessness. London: Pion made by the authors “talk to each other,” Limited. pointing to similar trends and problems Simmel, Georg. 2002. The Metropolis and in multiethnic cities. Mental Life. In The Blackwell City We would like to thank all contributors Reader, edited by Gary Bridge and for their commitment to our joint project Sophie Watson, 11-19. Oxford: and for the creativity and reflectiveness Blackwell Publishing. that marks their work. We are indebted to the editors of Cultural Analysis, whose

2 Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

Narrating the Nation, to street level, in an urban setting in 1 particular. I will use a spatially-oriented Narrating the City approach to examine the tense ethnic relations in Macedonia in the capital city of Goran Janev Skopje. I employ the concept of narrative University of Sts Cyril and Methodius, spaces to better understand social action Macedonia in the political realm, expressed both in spatial practices and contained in the built Abstract environment, and the mutual influences This article analyzes expressions of power relationships of the social relations thus shaped, or in the built environment through the concept of inter-ethnic relations specifically. Since narrative spaces. The specific case analyzed in this study is the major remaking of public space in Skopje, the early days of independence, the the capital of the Republic of Macedonia. The emerging Republic of Macedonia—once famous ethnocratic regime in Macedonia aims at the creation for its ethnic diversity and even today of an ethnocratic spatial order through the installation with a significantly mixed population of of symbolic markers in the built environment that practically fragment the city into ethnically-defined 2 million structured as follows: 60 per territories. The citizens of Skopje have reacted to this cent Macedonians; 25 per cent ethnic division by crossing these new symbolic borders and by Albanians; and 15 per cent Roma, Turkish, attending places at the border zone and transforming it Serbian, Bosnians, Vlachs and others—has into a contact zone. been negotiating a formula for the new nationhood that can accommodate such Introduction diversity. The emphasis on ethnic politics tudies of inter-ethnic relations, has led to the development of a political and typically provoked or inspired social order dominated almost completely by recent or ongoing conflicts by ethnic interests. I will elaborate below Sand prolonged tensions, often remain on how the emerging order of the past confined to analysis of political discourse two decades has led to the formation of and actions. Analysis of spatiality in this an ethnocratic regime. Yiftachel (2006, 32) branch of research is largely limited to defines as “ethnocratic” those regimes the notion of territoriality, which is most that rupture the concept of the demos in closely connected with research into favor of a single ethno-national group. nationalism and is linked to the concept On the basis of my material I suggest that of the nation-state. As the compilers and relocating political legitimacy to ethno- authors selected in the copious reader national groups and emphasizing the on state space demonstrate (Brenner et plural is what has caused this rupture of al., 2003), probing beyond this assumed the concept of the demos. The ethnocratic “territorial trap” opens up almost limitless regime that has emerged in Macedonia, analytical possibilities. I propose a more as I argue in this article, is best observed thorough elaboration on spatiality in in the new spatial order. That is why I rely the study of inter-ethnic relations within on spatiality to explore and explain the a nation-state. Moreover, I extend the working of ethno-politics. application of the notion of territoriality My fieldwork site is the city of Skopje

where I was born and raised. I later remake the city in nationalist fashion trained as an anthropologist elsewhere were becoming apparent and I decided and conducted my first fieldwork study to focus on this symbolic reconstruction. in Macedonia as a researcher from abroad. It was not until early 2010 that the For this present paper I have again government announced the “Skopje conducted my research from abroad. 2014” project, but it soon became I first became sensitive to spatiality obvious that acts of planning and urban through my interest in local government design were rooted in existing power and the process of decentralization structures of nationalism (Fenster and in post-conflict Macedonia. In 2001 Yacobi 2010, 1). This grandiose project there was a brief military confrontation is intended to make the capital of the between radical ethnic Albanians and Republic of Macedonia into the national Macedonian state security forces that capital of ethnic Macedonians. Favorable maximized the polarization of inter- demographic distribution and ethno- ethnic relations between Macedonians political engineering in 2005 created an and Albanians. The new territorial Albanian-controlled municipality of distribution of the municipalities in 2005, Chair. The local government responded designed to appease ethnic Albanian by proposing the construction of a demands, provoked a renewal of “Skanderbeg Square” to symbolically tensions. The devolution of powers to express their indisputable right over the local government held out great promise part of the city that forms the nucleus of for a more participatory democracy but, the old city. Therefore I decided to adjust at the same time, carried the danger my analytical apparatus to accommodate that democratic participation would be the increased importance of spatiality in limited to ethnic collectivities. my research. In this article I will elaborate Macedonian-Albanian inter- the usefulness of the notion of narrative ethnic relations are arguably the most spaces for the study of politicized inter- appropriate for observing the subtleties group relations in urban settings. of political economy of scale (Brenner My engagement with the city of Skopje et al., 2003) as they involve troubled demanded that I make a decision about international relations in the reshaping my primary unit of analysis. In many of the region of South-East Europe, inter- ways this unit transpired to be Skopje’s ethnic relations within the Republic of Old Bazaar, a remnant of the city nucleus Macedonia, and local administration and from medieval times. On the other hand, regional dynamics within the country at I also explore the workings of nationalist sub-national scale. I started designing forces in a country of great ethnic and my research in 2008 when I realized that religious diversity. Therefore, the bazaar, ongoing efforts to build a number of or charshija as it is called locally, is where I cultural institutions and erect a number concentrated my fieldwork activities, but of monuments were increasingly the implications of this study are much growing beyond affordable, imaginable, wider. or necessary dimensions. Already, by I was familiar with the charshija late 2008, some of those intentions to since my mother, a ceramic artist, ran

4 Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

a studio/gallery in the bazaar with my more privileged treatment of spatiality. father for five years in the early 1990s. Increasing disciplinary specialization, At that time I was a student of ethnology however, has been accompanied by a and would often go to the gallery to slight neglect of spatiality in the social allow my parents to have a break. The sciences in general. With this case research I conducted fifteen years later study of Skopje—and its Old Bazaar in has benefited from this prolonged particular—I propose that spatiality is a engagement, for I was very familiar with central aspect of inter-ethnic relations in the physical terrain. The social terrain an urban setting and requires openness had altered significantly, however, and between disciplinary boundaries to allow so I needed to acquaint myself with the fruitful conceptual borrowings. changed charshija. I conducted more than Urban scholarship that accepts twenty in-depth interviews with various spatiality as constitutive of social shopkeepers and held many other phenomena also tends to disregard shorter exchanges and conversations. I disciplinary boundaries. This results in also organized a short survey with over cross-disciplinary conceptual fertilization 400 respondents, including almost all because borrowings and adoptions of of the shopkeepers in the Old Bazaar. concepts, studies, findings, metaphors Given that the word charshija still means and approaches are plentiful in current “the talk of the town”, and given that this literature dealing with the spatial aspect particular place still affords insights into of societies. Certainly, there are a great the traditional social order and is located many sub-disciplinary divisions and sub- between the new boundaries in the specializations stemming from increased Macedonian ethnopolitical landscape, I attention to spatiality. That could be used believe that the charshija holds the key to to argue that many concepts have lost understanding the emerging ethnocratic their communicative value as they have spatial order. been specifically utilized within different In recent decades, spatiality has contexts within each discipline. Creative finally won a more generous reception license in the manipulation of concepts across various disciplines, including allows for breakthrough findings but anthropology. It has never been could also introduce a great amount completely absent and there have always of confusion. There are also concepts been researchers interested in observing that travel across social sciences and social life through the analysis of spatial humanities and we should be careful phenomena. In spite of the fact that when employing them if we are to avoid engagement with social space was one misunderstandings. of the major concerns of the founders of Rather than steering clear of such a the social sciences, as noted almost half a potentially confusing situation, I intend century ago by Kuper (1972) space, social to engage with spatiality by borrowing a space, or any aspect of spatiality has yet concept of narrative space that has been to attain a mainstream position. The developed elsewhere. This concept has renewed and intensified interest in urban been widely used in film and literary phenomena has contributed towards a criticism, where it also means two similar

5 Goran Janev Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

but different things. Narrative space has informed analysis. In the same volume already been welcomed in the social we find the definition of narrative as sciences. I will use the notion of narrative an analytical tool of urban scholars as space to analyze the consequences of the an appropriate way to comprehend the establishment of an ethnocratic regime expanding role of identitarian politics in in Macedonia and the ways in which increasingly diversified cities around the this regime enforces a corresponding globe (Fincher, Jacobs and Anderson 2002). spatial order. Moreover, I will not limit Trubina (2010) uses the term “rhetorical the construction of narrative spaces by space” to explore the construction of merely observing the narrative functions the identity of Volgograd, formerly of the built environment and symbolic Stalingrad, the defining moment of which landscaping. I argue that narrative was the Battle of Stalingrad in World War spaces are also constructed by immaterial II. Although often referring to various and actions of spatial practices that do not contradictory narratives, Trubina opted even require oral or literary expression. for “rhetorical space” as most expressive The approach to spatial practices and of the transformations of the memory spatial acts that I use to construct my practices that define this city. Finnegan argument follows, to a certain extent, (1998) engages directly with the concept Bourdieu’s (1977) conceptualization of of narrative and remains dedicated to habitus, the unspoken transmission of it from the title of her book, Tales of the spatially-learned social roles and rules. city: a study of narrative and urban life, to its very last page. In her view, scholars Narrative spaces tell their stories just as city planners, investors and people do. This perspective In a comprehensive volume that sets is quite similar to de Certeau’s persuasive out to take stock of developments in the treatment of the planners’ view from field of urban studies at the end ofthe the top of a skyscraper that reveals the twentieth century Eade and Mele propose grid organization of the urban space of that the most remarkable advance crosscutting streets at right angles and was achieved through a cultural turn. the acts of transgression of this order by Including the symbolic and discursive walkers at street level whose trajectories within urban studies has enriched cut through the planned corridors of analysis which was hitherto concerned movement (Ward 2000, 101-119). I build mainly with implications stemming my argument in a similar way, but I from political economy (Eade and Mele add the notion of narrative space to 2002, 6). The cultural turn in urban help identify the emerging disjuncture studies has provided a broader base for between the clear-cut ethnic space of the critiquing the capitalist production of new urban planners in Skopje and the space, no longer confined to political trajectories cut through this space by the economy. The field of urban studies has citizens of Skopje. certainly benefited from the inclusion of processes that produce meaning in social I am interested in the production space. Narrative space, however, is used of narrative space both as a top-down in a great variety of ways in spatially- process and the social construction of

6 Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

narrative space as a bottom-up process. a phantasmagoria of past traces, ghosts In doing so I take my cue from Setha Low and local histories can also be used as a (2009) on the distinction and interplay basis for conceiving narrative spaces. It is between the social production and social in these stories and otherwise-articulated construction of space. I am only adding urban imaginations that narrative space the concept of narrative spaces to better emerges. Narrative spaces are created capture the frantic developments in my by elaborated social relatedness in research location. Therefore I intend to memories and imaginations regarding engage with narrative spaces not only as the past, present and future social and they are intentionally produced to invoke spatial positioning of individuals and certain identitarian connotations, but their group belonging. Of course various, also to understand how this production and even contradictory, narratives is accepted by the local population. In exist simultaneously, depending on the case of Skopje, as mentioned above, converging or diverging positions. this population is extremely diverse, and Which narrative prevails depends on this is especially relevant, given that the the actual power relationships that producers of symbolic meaning in Skopje determine the acceptance and promotion are acting as if they were oblivious to that of the dominant narrative. The nationalist diversity. With their interventions in the imaginary narrative has proved to be public space intended to define that space critical in defining social space and the along ethnic lines, the ethnocrats are narratives that legitimize it. continually challenging the citizens of the Nevertheless, everyday practice capital city and their capacity to ignore invariably proves the nationalist the new symbolic order that divides imaginary narrative to be an impoverished the city by ethno-symbolic markers. By and oversimplified representation of contrasting different narratives—those reality, while spatial practices invariably materialized in space by the ruling reveal those contradictions. Rather than elites, and those of the immaterial spatial defining the concept itself, I will only practices of Skopje citizens—I disclose point out the uses to which I will put the the artificiality of ethno-nationalist concept. Applying the notion of narrative discourse and the dangerous imposition space allows for a better understanding of a divisive spatial order. of symbolic interventions in the built Finally, the concept of narrative space environment as expressions of the power accommodates intangible components relations of ethno-nationalism. I will that shape and influence our relationships engage this concept to unpack the power with the built environment. Narrative relationships based on ethnicity which space can absorb Giddens’ (1990, 19) are turning Macedonian society into an phantasmagoria of global links that ethnocracy. The exercise of political power shoot through every corner of the planet in the built environment can be more or and Appadurai’s (1996) techno-, media- less implicit and on occasions apparently and ethno-scapes that are more than symbolic. The notion of narrative space is just a spatial metaphor. Pile’s (2005) most useful when we analyze politically- more urban-bound conceptualization of motivated interventions in public space.

7 Goran Janev Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

The project “Skopje 2014” and the and around the central city square and project for Skanderbeg Square are will completely change the cityscape. examples of ongoing operations in the Even the facades of the adjacent modern Macedonian capital, and the concept of buildings are to be redecorated and narrative space will help to frame more adorned with Baroque ornaments. Over a precisely my ethnographic material hundred monuments and sculptures are which is awash with ethno-politics. being installed within the radius of one Since the collapse of the Socialist Federal kilometer, none of them less than four Republic of Yugoslavia, Macedonia has meters high and the tallest being fifteen been turned into a country in which meters high and perched on a pedestal ethno-politics determine the social and some 12 meters above the ground. All physical boundaries between members of the historical characters have been of different ethnic groups. At the same chosen for their value and function in time, Macedonia is a country that has the construction of Macedonian national demonstrated incredible resilience to identity. A Macedonian Triumphal Arch the perpetual confrontation between has even been built at the entrance to the different “national interests” as they city square. The central and tallest figure are conceived by the dominant ethno- is that of Alexander the Great sitting upon political elites, as well as resistance a rearing horse and holding up a sword. to numerous calls for ethnic violence This total reordering of the capital city’s made by more radical individuals and center has been dubbed “Project Skopje politically-articulated organizations. 2014”. This seeming contradiction is best Macedonian political life has been explained by focusing on the spatial reduced to the activities of ethno-political features of ethno-politics in Macedonia. parties. Naturally, the Albanians who The concept of narrative space is useful form the second largest ethnic group for observing the effects that the complex in the country are not inactive, passive field of political action has on everyday onlookers in this spatial reordering. practices that, in turn, reflect it, and Their contribution to the new symbolic reflect upon it, by constructing social landscaping has not been directed towards reality through spatial practices, a set of the overcoming of ethnic divisions but inter-related processes that form the crux to deepening these divides. In mid- of this article. January 2012, the leadership of the most The city of Skopje is currently under powerful Albanian political party and intensive assault by irresponsible ethno- the local government of the municipality politicians. I reiterate that the current of Chair, which is adjacent to the location building offensive encompasses the entire targeted for Skopje 2014, inaugurated the central part of the capital; it is aimed at no construction of Skanderbeg Square. The less than a total redefinition of the image equestrian statue of the greatest Albanian of the city of Skopje. Over a dozen new national hero will have no company in buildings designed in an historicist and the square that carries his name. There eclectic mishmash of Neoclassical and is one such statue in Tirana, the capital Neo-Baroque styles are being erected in of Albania, and one in Prishtina, the

8 Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

capital of Kosovo. The construction of days of independence. The most serious the Skanderbeg monument disregarded symbol-related incident in Macedonia legal regulations when it appeared in occurred in the summer of 1997 and November 2007. Skopje is divided into was provoked by contested rights and ten municipalities and Chair is one regulations about the use of national of those in which Albanians form the flags. The mayor of Gostivar, a small town majority. The Mayor of Chair is a high- 70 kilometers south-west of Skopje with ranking party member of the largest a predominantly Albanian population, Albanian party, the Democratic Union for refused to obey court orders to take down Integration, which emerged transformed the Albanian national flag displayed in from the National Liberation Army front of the municipality offices—a flag that ignited the military confrontation which was only officially allowed to be in 2001. The total dominance of ethno- hoisted on national holidays. On the 9th political parties and their respective of July, police dispatched special troops policies and public discourse lead to the to take down the flag. Thousands of conclusion that Macedonia has stepped Albanians came to demonstrate, calling out of democracy into ethnocracy. These for the flag to be reinstated. Several costly and gigantic projects are a direct people were killed in the tense shootout expression of the ethnocratic regime in that followed. The Mayor was arrested the social space. The intention is to create and sentenced for inciting hostilities on a new spatial order with clearly-marked the basis of ethnicity and religion. He ethnic territories within the capital. This later lost his appeal at the European Court new spatial order in Skopje is a perfect of Human Rights, which reaffirmed the example of ethnocratic spatial order. prosecutor’s claims that he had incited Public space has been targeted as a ethnically and racially motivated field for symbolic struggles since the violence. Today, having served his early days of Macedonian independence. prison term and having briefly pursued The practice of displaying flags, religious an academic career, Rufi Osmani again symbols and built objects, and finally serves as the Mayor of Gostivar. monuments, has been used to mark The flag incident and its aftermath ethnic territories over the past twenty have had profound and long-lasting years and has kept fragile inter-ethnic consequences for the citizens of Gostivar. relations aflame. While there is no space When I was doing my research in the here to fully engage with all the aspects town in late 2000 and in 2001, almost of these symbolic struggles (Harrison every person from any ethnic background 1995), it is rewarding to focus on the I interviewed would inevitably mention politicization of flags and the nationalist the incident. The great significance abuse of the flag as a symbolic object that attached to the armed confrontation marks out ethnic territories (Eriksen and concerned the numerous arrests, injuries Jenkins 2007). A whole separate study on and acts of police brutality that took the display of flags deserves to be written place in the aftermath of the incident. and would reveal the politicization of The flag was not centrally present in ethnicity in Macedonia since the first these stories, but the violence sparked

9 Goran Janev Narrating the Nation, Narrating the City

by it remained a top priority for Gostivar by the fact that the composition of citizens, both Albanian and Macedonian, the population of Skopje is constantly for years afterwards. Those struggles changing through the influx of new over symbols in the hands of ethno- arrivals more prone to feeling insecure in politicians always gain paramount their new setting. While there is growing importance and achieve an atmosphere correspondence between residential of fear and distrust by being constantly ethnic segregation and ethno-political related to security concerns. Social rhetoric, the segregation encountered geography constituted in this way (cf. in workplaces and in cultural and Banks 1992), based on spatial practices educational establishments is potentially additionally defined and determined far more of an impediment to social by the mapping of ethnic businesses, cohesion. The Macedonian ethnocracy residential zones, and religious symbols, has turned the logic of minority rights amounts in our case to the creation of on its head by creating a parallel society safe and unsafe zones, depending on the even less coherent than the pre-modern ethnic composition of the neighborhood pluralist societies that managed multi- or part of the city. Fortunately, residential ethnicity through more accommodative ethnic segregation in urban settlements practices (Grillo 1998). The final and most in Macedonia is only at an early stage, dangerous development is territorial yet some prevalently Albanian and segregation, a direct outcome of the Macedonian neighborhoods have gained ethnocracy established in Macedonia. the ethnic labeling that marks them as safe I shall now turn to another more or unsafe depending on demographic recent territorial ethno-symbolic incident, predominance. This ethnic labeling analyzing it in the light of the current further perpetuates ethnic segregation remaking of Skopje before focusing on and makes it yet more concrete. The one locality that still resists drives for town of Gostivar is incredibly mixed, ethnic territorial divisions. Both examples one finds Macedonians living next to will be used to demonstrate the effects of Albanians and next to Turks in almost ethnocratic spatial reordering and the every other house—only the Roma live reactions and even resistance to these in relative cohesion, for multiple reasons impositions. related to their exclusion. In general, the Acknowledging the symbolic residential segregation in practice is lesser dimension, signaling properties and than the ethno-political propaganda semiotic content of the built environment representations. is not novel, yet it remains somehow In Skopje such labeling practices are understated in social sciences. The more frequent and areas with a highly concept of narrative spaces which relies visible Albanian presence are notorious on this perspective provides immediate for drugs procurement and other illegal, access to the political dimensions of the dangerous and mafia-related operations. built environment (Bender 2002). This Those parts of the city with only small understanding of political meaning numbers of Albanians are self-proclaimed in buildings, aesthetics and even as “pure”. This could also be explained infrastructure is of particular importance

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in contested, divided and conflict- of accumulated practices that form social ridden cities. Narrative space implies a relations which regulate diversity by layer of meaning beyond the physical accommodation and not by negation. presence of the construction material Therefore locality almost always used for building. It generates stories contains diversity and stands as a serious and histories, perceptions, intentions, obstacle to nationalistic, territorially aspirations, fears and hopes that help us homogenizing efforts. Those authors orient ourselves in the maze of our built who have engaged with territoriality and environment. To overlook the political nationalism are firm in their belief about dimension of symbolically-constructed the aims of nationalism to homogenize space is to severely impoverish our the territory of the nation-state (Kaiser analysis of related social phenomena. 2002). I bring together concerns about Before approaching more directly nationalism and territoriality to the the case that I offer for analysis on these inherently spatiallyoriented field of urban grounds, let me clarify my argument about studies in order to demonstrate that it will an implicit political spatial dimension, enrich the analysis of ethno-nationalism. especially the nationalist dimension. Amin (2002) tackles the problem of urban As Kuper (1972) and Lawrence and encounters of ethnic and racial groups Low (1990) remind us, the founding that could go either way by focusing on fathers of the social sciences—such as micro-publics, the local public sphere, Durkheim and Mauss, and Morgan— and mixed neighborhoods where daily engaged with social space through the negotiation of diversity occurs. The two study of classificatory practices and examples I offer below demonstrate that as expressions of native cosmologies. some of his arguments can be applied It is not my point here to criticize or generally. praise binarism and it should suffice to say that all these categories and many The Kale Incident others that appear from ethnographic In the past few years, archaeologists evidence are intertwined and often have been daily examining the Old combined but almost always permeated Fortress overlooking the Old Bazaar and with power relationships, regulating the central part of Skopje. The excavation and being regulated by intra- and inter- and reconstruction of this fortress group relations. This leaves us with the is one of many projects proceeding political quality of space as universal from the remarkable intensification of and ubiquitous in every human culture. archaeological research that has taken Twenty years ago, Gupta and Ferguson place throughout Macedonia over the past (1992) launched a powerful warning several years. Even some of the defending against this oft-neglected aspect of the walls of the fortress have been rebuilt. spatial spread of the nation-state in The fortress is now properly illuminated, social sciences. Appadurai (1996) is no more than ever dominating the city less critical of this practice and offers a skyline at evening time. This is the site view in which the concept of locality is from which contemporary Skopje began seen as a historical product with layers to develop, over fifteen centuries ago, on

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a huge rock which forced the River Vardar Albanian militants. The controversial to skirt around it and thus create an ideal museum is just one part of a much medieval fortification. The archaeological greater undertaking that is reordering excavations at Kale, the Turkish word for the Macedonian capital into a Grand fortress still in popular and official use National Capital, producing territorial for this place, are just a fraction of many divisions in a city renowned for its other intensive explorations around the diversity and openness, in a country country. The government coalition of that inspired the mixed fruit dessert the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary called salade macedoine. The essentialist Organization and the Democratic perspective of local politicians is forced Party for Macedonian National Unity upon Macedonian citizens by aggressive (IMRO-DPMNU) is particularly keen on and radical interventions in public space. excavating historical evidence to prove The story of the museum on Skopje Kale and showcase the national continuity of will help us unpack a set of complex socio- Macedonia. As archaeological artifacts spatial or politico-spatial relationships. require public display, a plan was put It was a few weeks after I had returned forward to build a museum within the from one of my fieldwork trips in Skopje fortress to house the artifacts excavated to my cozy office in Göttingen that I exclusively from that site. (A separate was stunned by the news of a bloody building to house the main archaeological incident involving hundreds of young museum with national treasures from all Macedonians and Albanians at Kale. over the country is under construction During the fortnight of my absence from on the bank of the River Vardar and is the field, a metal construction for the new connected to the central city square by a museum had appeared on the horizon. new pedestrian bridge.) The metal frames unambiguously The museum inside the fortress is suggested that the new building at planned only for those archaeological the edge of the old fortress would be findings unearthed at Kale. The building a church, at least in its external form. for this museum happened to be designed Concerned citizens of ethnic Albanian in the shape of a church resembling origin reacted to this imposition of a medieval Byzantine basilica. The the cultural symbols of the dominant museum was to be built where the ethnic group in the country and alerted foundations of such a construction had the mayor of the municipality of Chair. been found. In general, there is nothing The mayor asked the Cultural Heritage provocative or contradictory in such Office to halt the construction. The ruling an attempt to preserve the cultural coalition government partners—IMRO, heritage. As we shall see, however, this which represents Macedonian citizens scientifically- attired conservation and of ethnic Macedonian origin, and the reconstruction project was anything but Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), calmly accepted. It almost provoked which represents ethnic Albanians— ethnic clashes in a country that barely ten agreed to disagree, but a promise was years ago somehow managed to avoid a given anyway that construction would full-scale civil war provoked by ethnic be stopped until further notice.

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Despite this assurance, the Cultural to get hold of the Macedonian protesters. Heritage Office in charge of the They outnumbered the Macedonians and reconstruction of the Kale fortress the police were unable to prevent them proceeded with the construction of the from kicking and beating the cornered church/museum in the evenings after Komiti. Over the following hours and days dark. Concerned citizens discovered the entire media—including Facebook— this work and, led by the mayor of grew frantic. Public panic was so strong the municipality, marched to the that I decided to catch a plane home to construction site and chased away the where I conduct my research. workers. They arrived with pre-prepared banners and metal-cutting machines The Skopje Old Bazaar and began vandalizing the metal frame. On the following Saturday riot police The police arrived in small numbers in armored vehicles surrounded Kale and merely observed the protest with and secured central parts of the city to interest. Television cameras were there to prevent any fresh protests. The next document the event. After this energetic day I met with a friend at the entrance display of determination, the building of the Skopje Old Bazaar just below of the church/museum was stopped Kale. It was the end of February but not for good. This provoked an avalanche very cold and with copious winter sun of reactions in the ethnically-polarized warming the air. It was a Sunday and public sphere. Hate-speech abounded many shops in the bazaar were open and many Facebook groups were and there were a number of visitors. I promptly banned as a result. observed to my friend that the bazaar One marginal radical right-wing party was definitely coming back to life after (TMORO-VEP) called for the defense all those years of abandonment from the of Macedonian pride and scheduled a 2 mid-1990s onwards. He responded by protest on 13 February 2011. Its call was telling me how he had come here with answered by a group of football fans his wife and three-year old daughter called the Komiti, named after the rebels for a midday stroll and some Turkish who fought against the Ottoman Empire. tea on the weekend before the incident The public meeting was scheduled at Kale. There had been hundreds of for noon on a Saturday. The Albanian people thronging the narrow streets of NGO organization Zgjohu! (Wake Up!) the bazaar, he said, incomparably more was quick to organize counter-protests. than at the moment when we were Many football fans from ethnic Albanian speaking. He was concerned that the clubs responded. When the two groups recently- revived bazaar might lose its arrived at the fortress at the same time, momentum for recovery due to renewed police were there to divide them. First ethnic tensions. As we were talking we the Macedonians got in their round of arrived at my favorite part of the bazaar speeches. As they were climbing down the and entered a newly-opened coffee shop. slope of the fortress, Albanian youngsters We were the first customers that morning succeeded in running past the small and when I wanted to pay with one of number of police officers and managed the larger banknotes the owner of the

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place (apparently Albanian, as I had interviews and in the survey I organized been able to overhear in the distance in the bazaar, I learnt that esnaf evokes his phone conversation some minutes the highest moral qualities of decency, earlier) simply waved his hand as if to honesty, trustworthiness, reliability and say “it doesn’t matter” because he had integrity. Many would say that it is a no change. I encouraged him to check value regretfully dying or even already options, to ask a neighboring shop for extinct. The young owner of that coffee change, but he explained that we could shop, however, proved that not all hope is pay some other time. At that point my gone. The bazaar itself produces a certain friend took charge of the situation and kind of sociability, open and receptive to found the exact amount in his wallet. The diversity, since its primary values are moment we left the coffee shop to continue entrepreneurial and civil, just as urbanity our tour on the sunlit cobblestones of the was once distinguishable and praised in tiny, winding streets of the bazaar, we its own right. The bazaar is no longer the simultaneously commented that there central public space of the city—that city was still hope for the bazaar. has grow ten or twenty times bigger since The bazaar was the central part of the the bazaar last commanded Skopje’s town under the medieval fortification trends, fashions, moods, and opinion. Yet and has witnessed many changes of the bazaar keeps alive the ideals of proper fortune—wars, fires, earthquakes, civic values and its stories offer many conquests, prosperity and misery. In the lessons to contemporary politicians. five centuries under Ottoman rule until Skopje Old Bazaar is one of the the beginning of the twentieth century, largest bazaars preserved in the Balkans. it certainly gained an oriental flavor. The 1970s and 1980s were a golden Regardless of the source of the legacy age for the bazaar. After the disastrous to which I want to refer, the bazaar kept earthquake in 1963, Skopje was rebuilt as alive the ideal of esnaf. An esnaf was a a modern city. The Japanese Modernist guild, an association of craftsmen or architect, Kenzo Tange, won a United traders, and was a fully-functioning Nations-organized competition for the institution under Ottoman rule which new master-plan for Skopje. A large part regulated all economic activities from of the old bazaar was incorporated in production to trade, including the the new city of concrete buildings and education and recruitment of new labor straight boulevards. The bazaar gained (Janev 1998). Even today, there is an improved infrastructural amenities and association of shopkeepers that carries also acquired some additional functions. the generic name of esnaf where once each Several of the old Turkish baths were larger group of producers used to have a turned into art galleries, one of the old separate organization. The contemporary inns was turned into a lapidarium and, NGO unofficial association is far from behind it, a museum complex was built the kind of organization suggested by to house the Macedonian Museum of the same name, but the choice of this Archaeology, History and Ethnology, name is an indicator of the high esteem while another old inn was adapted to host in which the ideal of esnaf is held. In my the Academy of Fine Arts. The revitalized

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bazaar saw incremental progress and was an opportunity for such shopkeepers prosperity. The collapse of Yugoslavia to gain cash before retirement if they and the wars in the north in the early had no one to whom they could 1990s destroyed the market for many pass on their trade. This increasing products from the bazaar. The full-blown presence of Albanians amounted to the transition to private property resulted Albanianization of the bazaar in the in a mushrooming of shopping malls in popular imagination. This is how the Skopje and availability of vast amounts story of the bazaar can be concluded as of imported goods, both luxurious and far as it concerns developments during cheap. The bazaar was simply unable socialism. to restructure itself under the pressure The period since independence saw of transition. But this political-economic one unfortunate incident lead to the explanation of the misfortunes of the old bazaar being sealed off for the next fifteen bazaar from the 1990s to the present is years. The Bit Pazar riots of 6 November incomplete: it was practically through 1992 were sparked off by an incident the Albanianization of the bazaar that involving two violent police officers and ethno-politics entered the main political a young Albanian seller of smuggled stage in Macedonia, even in socialist cigarettes. The boy was pushed, kicked Yugoslavia. and finally, after losing consciousness, Radical demographic changes carried away in an ambulance. Rumors followed the growth of post-earthquake spread fast and thousands of Albanians Skopje. The number of citizens doubled soon started rioting. They clashed with every fifteen years. The socialist ideal the police and gunshots were exchanged, celebrated the happiness of industrial leaving four people killed, including one workers and the newly installed overly-curious old lady who was shot by industries in Skopje needed a labor force. a stray bullet while peeking from behind Not all of the workers who moved to her curtains. In the following days and Skopje were of ethnic Macedonian origin. weeks the police patrolled the area heavily Ethnic stratification in Macedonia was and this police presence marked a border already taking shape in this period and around the Old Bazaar as an unsafe area Albanians were often sidelined when of the city. The threat to security was it came to employment or promotion. seen as coming from the Albanians. The The bazaar was loosely connected to the charshija was still popular, however, and socialist state that had begun to tolerate we continued visiting our favorite bars private economic initiative, after an initial since police patrols would let us through period of collectivization and prohibition their barriers as soon as they heard that of capitalist modes of production. By the we were speaking Macedonian. The early 1970s, the flourishing businesses police presence was reduced in less of the charshija offered opportunities for than a month, but the line was deeply self-employment. Growing numbers of drawn. The new geographies of power, Albanians at that time would offer large colored with nationalist sentiments, left amounts of cash to buy up the shops of deep scars on the map of Skopje. The elderly shopkeepers and craftsmen. This co-incidental change of consumption

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patterns that arrived with the transition and articulated political identities: “it is and the securitization of the perceived not so much the act—and its structural Albanianized space contributed towards determinations—that defines resistance the demise of the bazaar for a long (as has been the case so far), but the period. meanings that social action takes on It took almost two decades for the in the practice of everyday life.” (Pile charshija to come back to life and once 1997, 14). With spatial practices, by again bustle with young people. This creating only ephemeral trail, not even revival started in 2008 with the opening a trace, transgression is occurring across of a wine bar and a small alternative club ethnically-prescribed spaces. The spatial close by. The two friends who own the practices of Skopje citizens, through alternative club illustrate the diversity movement, transform these ethnic spaces that ethno-politics seeks to negate: one into spaces of mixture and diversity. is a woman of mixed Macedonian and We can argue that what has occurred Greek ethnic origin, the other woman is amounts to a transgression of ethnic of mixed Albanian and Turkish origin. In boundaries, a breaking of ethnic barriers the following summer, the Macedonian that happens simply through the act of owner of the wine bar, a busker who had sitting next to one another. The mingling spent his youth travelling throughout of ethnic bodies in a shared space is Europe, opened a beer garden above the evidence of a possibility contrary to the wine bar and a fish restaurant further claims of ethno-politicians who disregard down in the bazaar. His businesses ethnic others in their urban plans and are flourishing. Next to his wine bar, a commemorative sites. The trajectories rakija bar has opened offering a variety that cut through the boundaries of ethnic of traditional Macedonian liquors (rakija territories refute ethnic segregation by is a traditional spirit). Next to these showing the impossibility of achieving bars is a Turkish-owned tea house and such clear-cut borders in an ethnically- around the corner is an Albanian-owned mixed city. bar. The timing of this revival of the The cosmopolitanism of those new bazaar is curious. The rediscovery of bars owners is palpable. As is the the bazaar could have happened at any cosmopolitanism of many shopkeepers time between 1992 and 1997, or in 2001, I have met in recent years who further 2005, 2006, 2007, or any other year. This attest that new and traditional values poses the question of why the charshija is which accept and accommodate diversity popular again right now? I argue that the can achieve synergy in this locality. Such movement of people across the old Stone is the Turkish silversmith who is also a Bridge from the city square to the Skopje trained Islamic scholar, the Albanian Old Bazaar is an act of protest created and owner of an antique shop who was expressed by spatial practice. Pile invites trained as an electrical engineer, and the us to think beyond the dichotomies Macedonian owner of a souvenir shop of dominance and resistance, spatial who is trained as an ethnologist. These technologies of governance and open acts and many others have come to the bazaar of resistance, structural power relations driven by the desire to make a living; but

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they are also aware that the bazaar has a the survey, I asked shopkeepers to name history, different from the history which and rank their five best friends and later the dominant political discourse would to attach ethnicity to them. Almost the like us to accept. In spite of the current entire sample responded by refusing to dominance of Albanian shopkeepers in undertake such an exercise: they claimed the bazaar, the charshija remains, and there were no such divisions, despite the perhaps always will remain, a locality reality that there are. A similar answer in which diversity is treated as an asset. was given to my question about the ethnic The numerous stories I heard from the composition of their customers. This shopkeepers in the bazaar during my ideological position, even if only wishful research testifies to their resilience to thinking, demonstrates that socialization divisive ethno-politics. The majority in the bazaar entails inclusivity, not of those I interviewed showed a high exclusivity. awareness of the political manipulations Almost everyone I interviewed that endanger inter-ethnic relations in invoked esnafluk, the quality of being a the country, while clearly positioning proper member of esnaf as it used to be themselves as Macedonians or Albanians. and as it is remembered. Esnafluk is a The shopkeepers were even telling me moral standard which socialization holds about their regular quarrels about ethno- in high esteem and which overcomes politics that affect, but do not destroy, other markers of social differentiation. their neighborly or friendly relationships. I realized that elder shopkeepers took a This situation resembles the agonistic certain pride in pointing out that they political culture model emerging in had spent their entire lives in the bazaar. places of regular contact described by They see themselves as belonging to a Amin: rare and endangered group but they also carry with pride their lifelong What goes on in them are not membership of the otherwise undefined achievements of community or charshija community, a community consensus, but openings for contact and dialogue with others as equals, so characterized by esnafluk, a community that mutual fear and misunderstanding of hardworking, trustworthy, skilled and may be overcome and so that new honest shopkeepers. Many responses attitudes and identities can arise from to the survey evoked esnafluk as a rich engagement. If common values, trust, word, pregnant with obligations and or a shared sense of place emerge, they moral imperatives. Those imperatives do so as accidents of engagement, not do not overlook ethnic and religious from an ethos of community (Amin differentiations, but respect them. 2002, 972). Sustaining or renewing those values is not so simple under the pressures of Even if they keep their ethnic identities an ethnocratic regime, but the sudden entrenched, all the shopkeepers I popularity of the bazaar holds the interviewed would say that their promise of an opportunity as it emerges immediate neighbors, one or two at least, as a site offering an alternative model for were their best friends on whom they negotiating diversity. could count in any situation. As part of

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Conclusion the excavations have resulted in Ethnicity in Macedonia has been violent clashes (Pullan 2011, 8). politicized and this affects everyday practices; a closer look at such practices, Pullan can be quoted word for word to however, reveals a resilient resistance to explain the situation in Skopje “where ethno-politics. One level of resistance many groups and individuals wish consists of a shared memory of more to impose their national and religious harmonious inter-ethnic relations. Here identities upon the city” Pullan 2011, the bazaar plays a particular role as **). In its eventful history, Skopje has a locality that attests to those times. attracted quite a few contenders. Those Secondly, esnaf is a key concept that presently sharing the central government contains a whole moral universe dictating and controlling adjacent municipalities at mutual respect and disregard for ethnic local government level, guided by their or religious differences as defining ethno-political essentialist view, pose the characteristics of the shopkeepers in the greatest threat to the ethnic balance in charshija. Thirdly, the fact that the revival Skopje. of interest in the bazaar has taken place In this article I argue that acts of precisely after the greatest effort to remake resistance can be of an ephemeral public space in the city according to the nature—simple acts of crossing envisaged logic of ethno-politics can also be taken symbolical borders. The revolt against as an indicator of resistance contained in divisive policies and the awareness the trajectories of movement—of revolt of the dangerous ethnocratic order is expressed in spatial practices. best expressed in the action of Skopje’s The Kale Incident reminded Skopje most prominent flash activist group, the citizens that political manipulation “Singing Skopjians”. Only a few days after of national sentiments can be quite the incident at Kale, this group gathered dangerous. The use of archaeology to sing a song in both Macedonian and for political purposes exaggerates the Albanian just outside the police-secured identity-related struggles and is not only zone below the fortress. The song was a temporal extension of the nation, from titled “Injustice”, which had been written the perspective of myths of continuity, by a legendary Macedonian rock band but also supports the territorial claims active in the 1980s which was composed of the nation-state. Therefore, that of Macedonians and led by an Albanian. archaeological battle can be expected, This song was an honest reaction to if we read Pullan’s analysis of similar growing consumerism and emerging processes in Jerusalem: social stratification in socialist times and was very popular at the time. The bilingual Archeology is a favoured vehicle for cover version of the Singing Skopjians, attempting to legitimate the settlers’ who are themselves composed of many presence in the Old City, primarily in ethnicities, highlighted the absurdity of order to enhance their claim to biblical ethno-politics. There are other forms of continuity. In doing so, they follow a activism and protest that react against long tradition of using archaeology for the “Skopje 2014”, like the “First nationalist purposes, and sometimes

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Archibrigade” and “Freedom Square”, The revisiting of the bazaar by Skopje but here I am interested in those verbally citizens demonstrates a desire and a will and discursively unarticulated spatial to overcome ethnic divisions that demand practices. Less overt acts of resistance naïve acceptance of ethnic stereotypes are manifested by the mere presence and prejudices. The resistance that stems of all ethnicities in the “dangerous” from the sheer fact of residential and border-zone, thus transforming it into a otherwise expressed spatial mixing, as zone of contact and habitual encounter. seen in the distribution of shopkeepers This, in itself, is not a guarantee of long- along the streets of the Old Bazaar, lasting transformative effects against the resistance that this mix inspires as the divisive intentions of those in power seen in the renewed popularity of such to carve out ethnic territories within spaces, and the resistance expressed Macedonia and within Macedonian in the transgression of those ethnic cities. It deserves our analytical attention, lines and contained in the trajectories however, as it serves to correct the picture of Skopje citizens that transgress the of irreconcilable ethnic divisions. The invented ethnic boundaries, amounts dominant imposition of ethnic narratives to the creation of alternative narrative in the built environment is met by spatial spaces totally opposite to those imposed practices that undo such divisions. narrative spaces of the ethnocratic spatial Those government-led archaeological order. and architectural interventions in the public space of this remarkably diverse city are used to mark ethnic territories by way of unearthing material evidence Notes and constructing symbolically-laden buildings. Bell (2003) defines this as a 1 This article is based on the findings of production of “mythscape”, but this research funded by the Max Planck Institute materialization of myth-scaping affects for the Study of Religious and Ethnic not only imaginary but everyday life Diversity, Göttingen, Germany. with its imposed spatial order that, in 2 Tatkovinska Makedonska Organizacija turn, has its own logic and dynamic. The za Radikalna Obnova―Vardar Egej Pirin mutual interdependencies and habitual approximates in English to “Fatherland encounters (Amin 2002, 969) that happen in the Skopje Old Bazaar, however, make Macedonian Organization for Radical it a typical place that contains diverse Reconstruction-Vardar Aegean Pirin” (which micro-publics and provides bases for refers to the three parts of Macedonia: Vardar, daily negotiation of diversity. Those the current Republic of Macedonia; the Pirin part traditionally-established practices based in Bulgaria; and Aegean Macedonia in Greece). on mutual respect are under constant This was, allegedly, the solution to the notorious pressure from the ethno-nationalistically Macedonian Question of the political destiny of driven pragmatic populism of Macedonian ethnic politicians. The bazaar the geographical territory known as Macedonia. is a reminder of alternative possibilities.

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Janev, Jovan. 1998. Sociological Aspects Yiftachel, Oren. 2006. Ethnocracy: of the Esnaf Organization in Land and Identity Politics in Macedonia during the Ottoman Israel/Palestine. Philadelphia: Rule. PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania University Press. Sts Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, Macedonia. Kaiser, Robert J. 2002. Homeland Making and the Territorialization of National Identity. In Ethnonationalism in the Contemporary World: Walker Connor and the Study of Nationalism. Ed. Daniele Converse, 229–247. London: Routledge. Kuper, Hilda. 1972. The Language of Sites in the Politics of Space. American Anthropologist no 74: 411–425. Lawrence, Denise L., and Setha M. Low. 1990. The Built Environment and Spatial Form. Annual Review of Anthropology no 19: 453–505. Low, Setha. 2009. Towards Anthropological Theory of Space and Place. Semiotica no 175(1/4): 21–37. Pile, Steve. 2005. Real Cities: Modernity, Space and the Phantasmagorias of City Life. London: Sage. Pile, Steve, and Michael Keith, Eds. 1997. Geographies of Resistance. London: Routledge. Pullan, Wendy. 2011. Frontier Urbanism: The Periphery at the Centre of Contested Cities. Journal of Architecture no 16(2): 15-35. Trubina, Elena. 2010. The Reconstructed City as Rhetorical Space: The Case of Volgograd. In Remembering, Forgetting and City Builders. Eds Tovi Fenster and Haim Yacobi, 107–120. Surrey: Ashgate. Ward, Graham, Ed. 2000. The Certeau Reader. Oxford: Blackwell.

One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

One Area, Several Cultural Spaces: t is 14 June 2010. I have just arrived in Kohtla-Järve from Tartu, and I Comparative Analysis of want to get from the town centre to Stories as the Bases of Local nearbyI Vanaküla in order to take part in Identity1 the meeting organised by local amateur historians. I have never taken this road before and I ask the bus driver to tell me when the bus gets there. I am speaking Tiiu Jaago Estonian; the bus driver is Russian and University of Tartu, does not understand me completely. We Estonia are also using different words to describe where Vanaküla is located. As a researcher who specialises in cultural studies, I try to remain alert and pay attention to what language we are speaking, but at some Abstract point I notice that I have unconsciously The article examines how different ethnic and started using Russian. The bus driver cultural groups living in the same multicultural has also begun to understand me: “Aa- micro-environment (a small town) establish the aa, staraya derevnya” (“old village,” the boundaries for the group with which they identify. The article is based on texts that describe local life literal translation of “Vanaküla” in (personal interviews, life stories, memoirs, local Russian). There is no cultural conflict historical research by amateur historians, etc.). in our conversation. We both want We will be looking at the small industrial town to understand each other and make of Kohtla-Järve, located in north-eastern Estonia, ourselves understood. It is a situation that which became a multicultural environment during is strange to me but common in Kohtla- the period when Estonia was a part of the Soviet Järve—a meeting on the border of two Union (1940–41 and 1944–1991). The regime local cultures. changes during the 1940s and in 1991 caused the mutual relations between the various communities The focus of this article is on the to become politicised. In order to avoid addressing degree to which different cultural spaces the political aspects, the research focus in this are experienced in the multicultural article is not on communities (e.g. the Estonian- town. I also examine the places that speaking and Russian-speaking communities are perceived as common areas by the in Estonian society), but rather on small groups different communities (ethnic groups) and (e.g. the activity groups and cultural societies that where they prefer to function separately. uphold and create ethnic and cultural boundaries). I have been intermittently monitoring From this perspective, Kohtla-Järve can be viewed the interaction of cultures in Kohtla- as a network of intellectual and practical spheres Järve since 1991. My research is based of life that contains junctions for affirming one’s ‘own’ cultural identity as well as intersections on surveys and interviews conducted where a group can find common ground with during fieldwork, the written memoirs groups that constitute the ‘other’. and autobiographies of local residents, and research done by amateur historians.

As a researcher, the primary aim I pursue Kohtla-Järve as a culturally diverse is to observe and interpret: although town I proceed from texts pertaining to local Kohtla-Järve is a mining and industrial life, which have been created for a variety town with a population of 44,000 and is of purposes, I analyse them according to situated on the southern shore of the Gulf my own research objectives. of Finland. It takes about one hour by bus In the next section, I will provide to travel from Kohtla-Järve to Russia’s an overview of the area in question— western border. Kohtla-Järve became a Kohtla-Järve. I will thereafter introduce multicultural environment after World the points of departure for the article, War II when Estonia was annexed by namely, its source material and theoretical the Soviet Union. Although there were framework. In the main part of the article, people of 30 ethnicities living in the I will present a comparative analysis town according to the 1989 census, the of the texts by people of Kohtla-Järve two largest ethnic groups are Estonians based on the aspect of cultural diversity. (23.1%) and Russians (63%) (Valge 2006, Cultural diversity can be analysed both 59-60). at the level of the community (e.g., the The Soviet-era migration brought Estonian-speaking and Russian-speaking about a significant change in the ethnic communities in Estonia) and the level of balance compared to the pre-war situation the individual (e.g., the cultural identity (the status quo during Estonia’s period of a member of a mixed family). In this of national independence).2 Before World article, I look at the manifestation of War II, ethnic minorities constituted 10% cultural diversity at the level of small of Estonia’s population; this number groups: local hobby groups, the staff and had increased to 25.4% by 1959 and to students of a school, and miners working 38.55% by 1999 (Veidemann 1999, 143). in the area. Hobby group activities, The collapse of the Soviet Union and the school life and the workplace provide restoration of Estonia’s independence in representatives of different cultural 1991 caused another shift in the balance groups with the opportunity for more of mutual relations between the ethnic in-depth, long-term and varied contact groups. The political preferences of the than, for example, random or superficial Soviet era were dominated by the ideology encounters in such meeting places as of a state of workers and peasants, which the street, public transport or apartment classified the population primarily on the buildings. However, it is probable that basis of social categories. After Estonia’s the ethnic and cultural boundaries are independence was restored, however, expressed with different intensity in the there occurred a re-emergence of values aforementioned spheres of activity. For related to heritage, language, and culture, instance, a hobby group focusing on which were based on the ideology of the specific cultural features is more likely pre-war nation state. The contradictions to create boundaries, while ethnic and between the two political orientations, cultural boundaries may never become namely, the efforts related to the an issue if one works in a mine. restoration of Estonia’s independence as opposed to emphasising the importance

24 One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

of the unity of the Soviet Union, became Kohtla-Järve is an interesting topical for journalists in (Soviet) Estonia environment since the previously at the end of the 1980s (see, e.g., Brady discussed problems characteristic and Kaplan 2009, 52) and have retained of Estonia in general emerge here in their importance in contemporary a concentrated manner. Despite the politics (ELK 2008, 4-5; Vetik 2008, 4). In prevalence of the Russian-speaking principle, the conflict described above community, the town has cultural strata (Estonian versus Soviet identity) also that date back to the time before the Soviet exists in present-day Estonian society era, as well as those that developed within and is expressed in private reflections the Soviet system. This is to say that on the Soviet era as well as in the data Kohtla-Järve embodies a combination of gathered through sociological surveys two contradictory ideologies. On the one (Vihalemm and Masso 2007).3 In general, hand, the town was established in 1946 it appears that at the level of group by the Soviet regime as a socialist city (cf. identity Estonia’s ethnic groups are Valge 2006, 3-7; Löw, Steets and Stoetzer divided into two relatively independent 2008, 102). At first glance, the centre of communities that have comparatively Kohtla-Järve does indeed appear to be a little contact with each other (cf. Brady Soviet town rather than an Estonian one: and Kaplan 2009, 65). The primary instead of consisting of small buildings marker for differentiating between surrounding a central market square and the communities is language use: one family dwellings with small gardens, consists of Estonian-speakers and the Kohtla-Järve has streets that are straight as other of Russian-speakers. However, in an arrow, lined with Stalin-era buildings addition to people’s native language, we planned by architects from Leningrad also have to take into consideration the (Valge 2006, 42). This difference in the importance of their medium of education milieu is also felt by the people who live in (whether they attended a school where Estonia. I will provide an example taken the language of instruction was Estonian from a life story stored in the Estonian or Russian). A more in-depth observation Literary Museum (EKLA 350v, 16). In reveals the importance of different the story a Russian woman who came identity-shaping experiences (we have to Estonia from Leningrad after World to note that the boundaries of language War II compares her first impressions use and experiences might not overlap). of Kohtla-Järve and the neighbouring We can generally distinguish between town of Rakvere. When she came to two communities: the representatives Rakvere looking for a job and a place to of the local way of life, and minority live she found it to be a small, beautiful groups characterised by their migration and clean Estonian town which was, experience. This experience determines however, completely alien to her. On her a community’s place identity which, in way back to Russia she came to Kohtla- turn, influences how that community Järve, which reminded her of home and interprets the past and present events turned out to be the town that accepted occurring in society (cf. Brady and Kaplan her. On the other hand, the Soviet town 2009, 33). of Kohtla-Järve was built on the sites of

25 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

former villages and mining settlements research in social psychology regarding and, as a result, each part of the town the combined effect of variable and has its own history dating back to the invariable factors on the sense of self time before the establishment of Kohtla- continuity (Hamilton, Levine and Järve. The town is comprised of districts Thurston 2008, 120-123). However, that are located at a distance from each coming back to the subject of Kohtla-Järve other and commonly use place-names as a socialist town, we can assume that pre-dating the establishment of Kohtla- the urban space was not differentiated Järve (this practice was also common according to ethnicity or, for example, during the Soviet era). The local identity where the people came from (native of the Estonians living in Kohtla-Järve is inhabitants as opposed to immigrants) based on their appreciation of the history because the Soviet Union worked of the place they call home. They use towards achieving social homogeneity historical information to emphasise the (workers, public officials). Residents centuries-long continuity of the place.4 could apply for apartments based on Interruptions in the continuity, namely, their place of employment rather than in drastic changes in the local environment accordance with the principles of a free (its transformation from an agricultural market economy. In spite of this, a closer environment into an industrial centre inspection of the urban environment and the loss of national independence reveals that Estonians and immigrants during the Soviet era), are tied together who arrived in Estonia during the Soviet with a method where the fixed points time tended to live in different parts of that represent different time periods are the town. For instance, human geography juxtaposed at the time of speaking. This expert Janek Valge demonstrates in his results in a narrative where the place is research on the distribution of dwellings permanent (everything has been and still is in Kohtla-Järve that the percentage of here) while times change (there was that Estonians is higher in those parts of and then there was this…): the town where the houses were built before the Soviet era. The principle of Open oil shale mines or quarries were equality characteristic of socialist cities built on these lands. In 1927, they is, however, evident in the context of went underground again in the open employment: in 1989 approximately 40% quarry on our and Suuban’s fields. of the population of Kohtla-Järve was Now [1991], the bus stop next to the old town department store stands in involved in the production of oil shale the same spot and the pieces of the and related industries and the living Kohtla-Järve War of Independence conditions of this group were similar, memorial destroyed in 1945 are also regardless of heritage and ethnicity buried there 5 (Mägin 1991). (Valge 2006, 91-92). In general, regions in Estonia tend The fact that the sense of continuity of the to be mainly inhabited by the Estonian- “us-group” is based, among other things, speaking community or the Russian- on the preservation of names (as is in the speaking community. Russian-speaking case of Kohtla-Järve) is confirmed by communities dominate places like the

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town of Sillamäe, created during the Soviet the folkloristic standpoint by Elo-Hanna period, Narva, on the border of Estonia Seljamaa who is focused on observing and Russia, and Lasnamäe, a city district the everyday culture of Lasnamäe, one in Tallinn. Due to the high percentage of of Tallinn’s districts. She has discussed Russian-speakers, Kohtla-Järve and the at length the controversial role of the surrounding county are also considered contemporary (folk) calendar in Estonian to be dominated by the Russian-speaking society. She deliberately overlooks the community. Therefore, it was natural discrepancies between Lutheran and for my colleague to be surprised by the Russian Orthodox holidays (Estonia is fact that I conducted folklore-related traditionally a Lutheran country) and fieldwork in Kohtla-Järve. “What would discusses the celebration of International a folklorist do in Kohtla-Järve? It is an Women’s Day, which was introduced entirely urban environment inhabited during the Soviet era, as an example of only by Russians,” he said. I have also a holiday that transcends the boundaries encountered the attitude that Kohtla- of communities and has adapted to life Järve is a place lost to Estonian culture on in present-day Estonia. On the other a broader scale. However, when we adopt hand, the celebration of 9 May as a a closer perspective instead of looking at ‘Soviet Victory Day’ has proved to be the big picture (thereby moving from the an event that splits Estonian society in level of the community to the level of an two (Seljamaa 2010). In my research actual functioning group), the variety I have used life stories as the bases for of cultures and ethnic groups becomes analysing migration experiences and apparent. This allows us to step beyond the resulting changes in identity after studying separate cultural groups in the the collapse of the Soviet Union and the specific context of time and space and establishment of new national borders, also explore the mutual connections and for conducting a closer examination between these groups, especially their of the experience of cultural boundaries power relations. For example, tolerance based on the example of a mixed family towards ‘the other’ also makes it (Jaago 2011a; 2011b; 2012)6. necessary to determine the boundaries of In my research on Kohtla-Järve I rely one’s “own” culture in more detail. on the observation that Kohtla-Järve does not exhibit the characteristics of Framework of the discussion: approach, a culturally mixed area that could be objective and sources seen as intercultural (cf. Schmeling The study of cultural diversity from 2000, 349). Instead, I see groups that the folkloristic standpoint is not very can be defined in terms of their culture prominent in Estonia, despite the fact and which sporadically communicate that folkloristics tends to compare with each other, whilst establishing cultures and that cultural diversity definite boundaries between each other. has been a topical issue in Europe and (I would like to emphasise that I do not Estonia since the end of the Cold War. To see the situation described above as a date, the aspects of cultural diversity in constant state but rather as a process Estonian society have been studied from where each group has to adapt to

27 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

historical and political as well as social research conducted by amateur historians and individual/generational changes.) and school almanacs comprising Hence, one can see certain dynamics in students’ creative works and teachers’ the communication between different memoirs (Toomsalu 2008; Kiristaja 2010; cultures: on the one hand there is an Võrsed 2004), represent the views of the orientation to “own” culture which, on Estonian community. The articles were the other hand, simultaneously shows a published in the local Estonian-language certain portion of “open” communication newspaper Põhjarannik (“The Northern to “others”. Such examples can be found Coast”) which, in 2009, published in migration studies elsewhere. For 30 issues containing texts about the example, describing the institutions representatives of various ethnic groups established by immigrants in Haifa, living in Ida-Viru County and Kohtla- Larisa Fialkova and Maria Yelenevskaya Järve (with the exception of Estonians). conclude: “We do not believe that these The articles were published in the Meie institutions contribute to the social inimesed (“Our people”) section and they isolation of Russian-speaking Israelis contain interviews that offer information because they welcome members of other on the activities of ethnic societies, ethnic groups and accommodate the descriptions of events organised by needs of the wider public” ( Fialkova and ethnic communities and so forth. The Yelenevskaya 2011, 159). For the purposes texts provide an insight into the attitudes of the present study, I chose to observe of local ethnic groups towards cultural three spheres of activity: hobby groups, diversity in Estonia. However, since the school life and the workplace. I assume section was funded by the European that hobby groups represent a sphere of Fund for the Integration of Third Country activity where both ethnic and cultural Nationals, the Office of the Minister for boundaries are clearly determined and Population and Ethnic Affairs, and the the inclusion of members of the “other” Integration and Migration Foundation, community cannot be taken for granted. the articles tend to emphasise the goals The workplace (the mine in the case of of Estonia’s integration policy (this is this discussion), meanwhile, is a sphere made evident by the choice of topics, of activity where ethnic and cultural the connections between the topics boundaries are least clearly defined. and national integration programmes, Bilingual schools as institutions that and discussions on the successes and are officially intended to bring together criticisms of the policy). The third different communities allow us to gain category of sources is life histories, which a better understanding of the specific are stored in the life histories collection of needs for boundaries between spheres the Estonian Cultural History Archives of activity in the context of an integrated (EKLA f 350). This life histories collection institution. is located in Tartu and contains more than My analysis is based on texts published 2,500 stories recorded from 1989 to the by local publishers, journalistic interviews present time. These stories include nearly and articles, and manuscripts of life one hundred autobiographical narratives histories. Local publications, such as the in Russian, so the collection can be used to

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simultaneously examine the experiences represent the boundaries between of both the Estonian-speaking and different cultural groups (if we consider Russian-speaking communities. them from the standpoint of the sphere In the context of cultural diversity, of activity itself) as well as the common I primarily look at Kohtla-Järve ground they share (if we look at the as a social and cultural space or a products of the sphere of activity from product of social action (Löw 2008). My the perspective of the general public). It approach towards cultural contacts and is important to emphasise, however, that boundaries is inspired by the concept the boundaries are not absolute from of the semiosphere, created by cultural the standpoint of the individual either: semiotician Juri Lotman, which makes it the same person may belong to a group possible to look at the boundary between characterised by cultural limits in one the “self” and the “other” not only as a sphere of activity, while the importance line that separates cultures, but also as of cultural boundaries is overshadowed space where meanings are created as by limits related to professionalisation a result of a dialogue with the “other” or the career ladder in another sphere of (Lotman 2005, initially published in activity. Russian in 1984). What is more, the semiosphere simultaneously allows us to Example 1: hobby groups observe the process of meaning creation Estonia’s national integration policy from the synchronic and the diachronic supports the operation of cultural perspective. This is important for the societies by ethnic minorities. In 2007 purpose of understanding the reasons there were 153 “cultural societies and behind the current positions held by other organisations that received support the communities, which are usually from the state and were operated by non- connected to past experiences. This Estonian speakers” (ELK 2008, 29). This aspect is discussed in Estonia’s National integration policy has been criticised by Integration Programme as the historical folklorist Elo-Hanna Seljamaa (2010). In dimension of integration (ELK 2008), her opinion, the policy restricts cultural which I referred to at the beginning self-expression by confining it exclusively of the article. The application of the to the private sphere. This criticism is, in theories formulated by Martina Löw and part, based on a differing understanding Juri Lotman does not presuppose the of the concept of culture. In the integration existence of clear and visible boundaries, programme, “culture” is related to such as unambiguous ethnic and cultural “the preservation of one’s culture and boundaries. The boundaries of the space language,” which largely falls within the they describe are open and flexible and purview of cultural societies. For Elo- several of them can coexist in the same Hanna Seljamaa, the concept of culture place. Furthermore, the boundaries shift also includes aspects related to everyday over time according to the development life. In this sense, “culture” does not of the mutual relations between the mean engaging in cultural activities in communities but never disappear. addition to living one’s daily life—it is a The following three examples natural part of life that is connected to all

29 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

of the spheres of activity of an individual. subject based on the articles published This aspect of the criticism is acceptable, in 2009 in the Põhjarannik in the section although the issue here is clearly the titled Meie inimesed and an overview of difference in the interpretation of the the 20 years’ of activity of the Kohtla concept of culture due to the different Historical Society (Toomsalu 2008). I functions of the approaches, seeing as would like to state in advance that the one is related to cultural research and the activities of cultural societies and hobby other to the shaping of integration policy. groups can be interpreted according The second part of Seljamaa’s criticism is to Lotman’s definition of the cultural problematic, according to my research. boundary: it is important to understand Seljamaa claims that a culturally diverse that, although cultural boundaries are society should strive to exhibit cultural important in this field, the activities also differences in the public sphere since this provide an opportunity for the definition would allow the minorities to establish of the relationships between “self” and contact with influential partners, such as “other”. This is evident; for example, the Estonian government, the Estonian when we look at the fact that formulating ethnic majority, the European Union, a more thorough definition of one’s Russia and so forth (Seljamaa 2010, 683- “self” becomes increasingly important in 684). Based on my research experience, a culturally diverse environment as well I cannot unequivocally support making as in the vicinity of cultural boundaries. cultural differences a part of the public Therefore, from the perspective of a sphere since, besides promoting contacts researcher, cultural boundaries are and mutual understanding between the dialogical in nature, although we cannot different cultural and ethnic communities, find evidence of dialogue per se in the this approach could exacerbate conflicts. texts in question. Despite the fact that At the end of the 1980s and beginning there is no direct dialogue with the of the 1990s, I encountered expectations “other,” the entities do define their similar to those expressed by Seljamaa in position and characteristic traits in their Kohtla-Järve regarding integration on the environment in a remarkably obvious basis of ethnic and cultural differences manner. The definition of “self” is based through joint public events, but this on differentiating oneself from the did not yield the expected results.7 It “other”. Therefore, descriptions of one’s is possible that integration is a process “self” also provide the outline of the where success in different stages requires “other” by default. the implementation of different strategies. The articles published in the section At present Kohtla-Järve has reached a Meie inimesed describe the activities of stage where the establishment of local the representatives of various ethnic and cultural societies resembles the creation cultural communities in Kohtla-Järve of hobby groups (in a mono-cultural and its surroundings. The questions of society)—although it is impossible to the journalists are generally focused make them palatable for everyone, they on the issues of language, the activities are important to a certain group. undertaken by societies, and school I will take an in-depth look at this education. To a lesser degree, the articles

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also touch upon the topics of heritage immediately ask for an explanation” and religion (the latter, for example, is (Põhjarannik, 30/04/2009). The majority discussed in connection with Jews and of the articles discuss issues related to the Muslim Tatars). While (the Estonian) cultural societies. In general, the societies language is viewed as a central marker of are linked to specific ethnic groups ethnic identity by Estonians, other people (Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, of various ethnic backgrounds and/or Ingrian Finns, Tatars, etc.) and emphasise migration experiences see it simply as a the need to carry on their cultural heritage means of communication (Ruutsoo 1998, (handicrafts, music, language). Contacts 139-202).8 They switch between languages with the ‘other’ mainly develop through without paying attention to it: “Our joint concerts or public events: language of communication at home develops completely freely; there are no The people of Kohtla-Järve were very rules—and we are very comfortable with surprised on Tuesday when they speaking Estonian as well as Russian” saw a strange tent near the town’s cultural centre with people eating, (Põhjarannik 4/07/2009). They learn and drinking and dancing in it. It turned forget languages: out that the Jewish community was celebrating one of its most important Hilja herself began to learn her father’s religious holidays—Sukkot ( Põhjarannik native language—Estonian—only 10/10/2009). after becoming an adult. [---] Hilja only regrets the fact that she is starting to forget her Latvian, since there is no Experiences related to simultaneous longer anyone to speak it with and contacts of the same nature with keep the language alive (Põhjarannik members of different ethnic groups are 28/03/2009). connected to teaching (dance, music) and, to a lesser degree, parties organised In this context, Estonian is primarily seen at clubs. In both cases people tend to as the national language that is linked to mention the considerable differences education and career opportunities. For in the temperaments of Estonians and example, a Russian-speaking Estonian Russians. It is also noteworthy that, top athlete explains: “I guess you have although the importance of maintaining to decide for yourself how much of it one’s “own” culture is stressed at the [Estonian] they need but if you want community level, at the individual level to accomplish something, you have people’s interest in the “other” tends to know the language” (Põhjarannik to arise from their interest in someone 18/04/2009). To the journalist’s question: they are close to who is a representative “Do you always understand what you of the “other” culture, rather than their are talking about?” a Russian-speaking fascination with the culture itself.9 communications specialist at Estonian Oil The Kohtla10 Historical Society, Shale answered: “At first it was difficult, established in 1988, is an organisation of course, since I did not know the words of local Estonians who are interested in they were using even in Russian [---] if I history. Although the activities of the do not understand something, I always Society are open to Estonia’s general

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public, they are relatively inaccessible The manner in which the Historical to the people who came to Kohtla-Järve Society is closed to the locals is expressed after World War II. The Historical Society through the principles that connect expresses its openness to the public the members of the group. They share through its active collaboration with the the same cultural experience and the Estonian National Museum in Tartu. same place identity based on their local Between 1988 and 2006, 25 members of heritage and similar interpretation of the the Kohtla Historical Society submitted past. They are connected to each other 112 contributions to the Estonian National through the Estonian school system and Museum (Toomsalu 2008, 16-21). Among cultural history. According to the idea the subjects researched were “The bicycle behind the Historical Society, Kohtla is through the ages” in 1997; “The history of more than just a place on a map—it is skis and skates” in 1998; “Life in Soviet also an intellectual living space that ties times” in 2004; and “Research into village together the people “whose roots are history” in 2005. When preparing their here” (Toomsalu 2008, 9). It is the sense of contributions the correspondents follow being connected to a place through one’s the interview plans established by the roots that creates a boundary between the Museum and used as the basis for telling local native population and the people a story based on the contributor’s own who came to Estonia after World War experience, which may take the form of II. The former see themselves as being a narrative, a study or simply answers connected through their “roots” even to to a set of questions. Some contributions those Estonians whose ancestors lived in have also been prepared at the initiative or near Kohtla but who reside elsewhere of the people of Kohtla-Järve who are themselves. At the same time, the correspondents of the Estonian National residents of Kohtla and its surroundings Museum (e.g. the contribution regarding who are locals now but whose “roots” the creation and disappearance of are elsewhere do not converge with the Servaääre Village, submitted in 1997; the Historical Society. contribution regarding the founding of Despite this, the activities of the Kohtla-Järve and its effect on the villages, Historical Society are, in some respects, submitted in 2000). These contributions open in the context of local cultural are mostly either memoirs or works of life. The Society has published research amateur historical research. Therefore, and memoirs pertaining to local history one of the outlets for the members of the (e.g. in the series titled Kohtla vaimne Historical Society is the creation of texts eluruum [“The intellectual living space in different genres about their places of of Kohtla”] and Kohtla-Nõmme lood [“The residence. Through this activity and the stories of Kohtla-Nõmme”]) in addition agency of national institutions (such as to organising public events (I mentioned the aforementioned Estonian National one such event, the commemoration Museum) the Society is connected to event in Vanaküla, at the beginning of similar writers and interest groups all the article) and exhibitions. Its greatest over the country. achievement was the collaborative project with the local government, which led to

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the establishment of a new museum in of the “other” and, as such, there is no the Kohtla mine after it was closed in need for establishing specific cultural 2001. Kohtla mine was built in 1937 and boundaries). before its closure was the oldest among the functioning mines in Kohtla-Järve. Example 2: bilingual schools The museum has become a relatively As a rule, schools in Estonia are either popular tourist destination in Estonia Estonian-speaking or Russian-speaking. and is visited by approximately 27,000 As I mentioned before, the medium people per year (Kiristaja 2010, 3). From of education at school (language of the perspective of the Historical Society, instruction) is a significant factor in it is also important that the Museum terms of differentiating between ethnic makes it possible to maintain a settlement and cultural communities in Estonia. In that grew together with the development accordance with the education reform of the mine since the 1930s and now that is being carried out at the moment, possesses a certain degree of cultural and Russian-language schools should be environmental value (Toomsalu 2008, gradually moving towards adopting 11). Estonian as the medium of instruction (in The activities of hobby groups in 2011, 60% of all subjects should be taught culturally diverse environments focus in Estonian in secondary schools where around people who share the same the medium of instruction is Russian). cultural identity. The activities of the There is a bilingual school in Kohtla- societies also include more private Järve that has been practising language spheres (events for members, regular immersion since 1994. In a school where meetings). Although the “others” are language immersion is practised, at least not directly prevented from attending 50% of all subjects must be taught in a these events, their nature presumes that language that is not the learner’s native the participants share a strong sense of language. Kohtla-Järve Ühisgümnaasium communality and this creates a boundary is currently one of 21 language immersion between the “self” and the “other”. schools in Estonia and was one of the Therefore, while there are no formal first to adopt an immersion programme. restrictions that apply to hobby group At the same time this school, established activities, identity-related boundaries do in 1949, has never functioned as a mixed become apparent. However, the activities school. It has always consisted of an of such societies always include a Estonian-speaking part and a Russian- component that is directed at the public. speaking part, which have furthermore The closed nature of hobby groups and been separate in terms of location: there societies is linked to the need for one’s have been times when each has had its “own” group and culture. The closed own building as well as times when the and clearly defined nature of the “self” space in one building has been divided seems to be one of the characteristics of a between the two parts. For example, a culturally diverse society (since the “self” former teacher wrote the following about functions naturally in a mono-cultural the situation in the 1950s: environment even without the presence

33 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

The Estonian-language classes memorial for the victims of fascism and had already been located in the the celebrations of national holydays that kindergarten building for some time. are mentioned in the memoirs. It was like being hidden in plain When we observe the present-day sight—we were completely separate and everything was done in Estonian school life by looking through the (Võrsed 2004, 5). school’s website at http://www.kjug.edu.ee/ index.php (last accessed on 14 December, People also mention the head teacher of 2011) it appears that certain sections of the Estonian part of the school (who was the website are bilingual. By clicking on not the head teacher of the entire school) an icon, you can choose between viewing and the fact that the study processes were an Estonian-language version and a distinctly separate: Russian-language version of the website. It mostly contains general information At one meeting of the teachers’ council and notices in both languages for the a Russian teacher said that our life parents of the students. The Russian- was easy and that it was as if we were language version of the site does not working in a greenhouse. And, in include some areas (e.g. the history of the truth, our children were more calm school). The schedule of events reveals and diligent (Võrsed 2004, 10). that Christmas is, in part, celebrated separately by the two halves of the school. The extracurricular events organised This is to be expected, since Estonians at the school are also divided between consider Christmas to be one of the most the two parts in a logical manner. For important holidays in December, while example, the song festivals and theatre the Estonian way of spending the holiday visits organised by Estonians are closely season and celebrating Christmas is alien related to upholding the traditions of to Russians: rather they celebrate the Estonian language and culture. During New Year or the Orthodox Christmas in a conversation with the teachers of the January. Estonian part of the school on 31 January The local practices related to cultural 2006, I learned that the school organises diversity are manifested in the bilingual separate parties for the Estonian- school: rather than follow state language and Russian-language parts regulations, the educational institution of the school (MK: Virumaa, 2006). This tends to function according to previous is due to the different temperament of experience on how best to cope with the the students as well as their different ethnic and cultural situation in question. understanding of what a party should be It follows that the administration of the like. As a result, each half of the school school is simultaneously run in two has its own employee who organises languages and some events related to extracurricular activities. Both of these hobby activities are organised for the employees have a blog.11 In addition to whole school while others are separate. the separate events, however, the two The opportunities for cooperation are parts of the school organise joint sports increased by the fact that the language events and undertakings connected to immersion programme works in both national symbols, such as a trip to the

34 One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

directions: in Estonian as well as in Example 3: the workplace Russian. The less significant the language I chose to examine the difference and barrier becomes the more joint events the coexistence of cultures in the workplace school will be able to organise. The joint on the basis of texts related to working events tend to be of a more general nature in mines. I used two types of text for (holiday camps, health days, Fathers’ this purpose. My first source was the Day, sports days, etc.). The events held collection of articles Kohtla kaevandus separately are more closely linked to (“Kohtla mine”), published in 2010 as cultural traditions (e.g. Christmas). the third part of the series Kohtla-Nõmme Culture-specific events are organised lood (“The stories of Kohtla-Nõmme”) for the language immersion classes (Kiristaja 2010). The articles tell the story (beginning with the 5th year students), of the same mine that I mentioned above such as the Russian Culture Week in in connection with the activities of the October 2011. Meanwhile, the students of Kohtla Historical Society. In terms of both parts of the school belong to a single genre, the collection is a work of research student community. Texts by students carried out by amateur historians. The are published in the school’s literary collection is structured on the basis of almanac, regardless of their ethnic a linear time frame, and the individual background (Võrsed 2004). The students articles depict the development of the participate in national inter-school events, mine over time. such as Olympiads, sports competitions, My second source consisted of the singing contests and so forth. Looking at autobiographies of four former miners, the school almanac and the website, it is which are preserved in the form of possible to make guesses as to people’s manuscripts in the life history collection ethnic and cultural backgrounds in this of the Estonian Literary Museum. Unlike field based, for example, on names or the aforementioned amateur historical language use. However, this would research, the life histories do not focus simply be an observer’s interpretation. directly on the issue of working in a In this context, the students are presented mine. The discussion of issues related to as a single community that does not working in the mine generally comprises categorise its participants based on a relatively small part of the life story ethnic or other features. It is noteworthy and accounts for just a few pages of the that the interviews with former teachers entire life story. of the Estonian-language part of the The historical research brings out school (Võrsed 2004, 19-22) contain opinions regarding the upkeep and no questions regarding the links and culture of work of the mine. For example: relations between the Estonian-language “The Kohtla mine was known for its high- part and the Russian-language part of level culture of work, low manufacturing the school. I have experienced the same cost of oil shale and exemplary upkeep” phenomenon in the course of my own (Kiristaja 2010, 3). Due to the fact that this fieldwork: people do not want to answer is a recurring theme in the characterisation direct questions about cultural conflicts of all of the periods in the mine’s history, or even the general attitude towards I believe that this is the theme that carries the “other” community (MK: Virumaa, on the legacy of the mine’s history. 2010).12

35 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

Interruptions in the continuity of head of the mine. He was replaced by the history of the mine are portrayed an Armenian named Sergei Zebeljan through the political history of Estonia. from the 10th mine. He told everyone The political turning points depicted are that we would have to bid farewell to the resort named “Kohtla mine” and as follows: firstly, the Soviet occupation start working (Kiristaja 2010, 16). in 1940-41 marked the destruction of what had been built up in the Republic of It is important to note that, due to Estonia’s Estonia. Secondly, the German occupation political history, the issue of ethnic and in 1941 which was interpreted as the cultural diversity may intertwine with reconstruction of the mine. The third that of power. For example, it might be break in the history of the mine occurred said that either Estonians or Russians, with the destruction of the mine in 1944 or some other group, had access to when the front moved west, after which better conditions during the Soviet era it was possible to start the reconstruction or after the end of the Soviet period. In works during the second half of the the collection in question, such claims 1940s. Descriptions of the stable period have been avoided. The book presents that began in the 1950s focus on two a field-specific look at mining from the subjects: occupational safety and the perspective of the management of the development of the technology used in mine. the mine according to contemporary requirements. As is characteristic of the Three of the aforementioned Soviet era, the important issues that are autobiographies of miners are written 13 discussed also include the problems in Estonian and one in Russian. related to the fulfilment or non-fulfilment The Estonian narrators are older by a of national production plans. generation, having been born between 1926 and 1927. The Russian narrator was All in all, it can be said that the texts born in 1943. The stories were recorded concerning the operation of this mine between 1990 and 2007, although the prefer to discuss history in terms of time of narration is mainly important a technological rather than a political with regard to the life story as a whole framework. Accordingly, the sources and does not have a direct influence on discuss the adoption of mining machinery the subject of working in the mine. Two and provide rather field-specific technical of the texts are handwritten, one has been data. Even if the texts happen to mention written on a typewriter and one author the ethnicity or background of the people has used a combination of handwritten who participate in the management of the text and typewriting. The shortest story mine, they do not contain stereotypes or takes up 12 pages and the longest spans judgements based on ethnicity—instead, 86 pages. the texts discuss how specific individuals handled their roles as managers or Compared to the previously mentioned workers: research articles, the autobiographies of the miners focus much more on the However, the mine kept failing dangers of working in a mine. to fulfil its production plans and therefore J. Lust had to resign as the

36 One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

I was teaching new workers in the their shovels and loading it onto the longwall face [a long, narrow corridor- chain conveyor without saying a like supported area of the mine, T.J.]. word, thereby inadvertently showing First the safety techniques—then the me the patient characteristics of a true support and machines. When you Estonian (EKLA 350v, 39). move the support, the roof immediately collapses. That district had only begun It is noteworthy that while ethnic and its operation and the first roof collapse cultural boundaries may arise as sources had not yet occurred. The roof could of conflict in other parts of the life stories collapse at any moment. The supports had signs on them that said “Stop! of the same narrators (e.g. childhood; Unsupported!” We were looking at a political context; relationships in the the shearer when I suddenly noticed public urban space), this does not occur that one of my students was walking in the descriptions of mining work. around in an unsupported area. I was The life stories in question are told afraid to call out and just waved with from the perspective of the people my arm. If the roof had collapsed, I who worked down in the mine, rather would have gone to jail. My student than the management. This brings the would have been dead (EKLA f 350, experiential aspect of the miners’ work 487). into the narratives. However, despite the different perspectives of the management The miners discuss specific accidents and the miners, the focal points of the and the effect of these on the work. They historical research and the life stories often mention that working in a mine coincide in terms of the description of is physically hard work. However, this the mine’s development, especially its issue is touched upon in the context of technological development. Cultural coping with the difficulties and attaining differences are either casually mentioned professional mastery. in the mining stories (as in the case of the Ethnic traits are discussed in the life story that describes the work methods Russian narrator’s story since he talks that had developed in the Estonian team about his work experience in an Estonian and the Russian team) or are avoided team as well as in a Russian team. These completely (in the case of the historical stories illustrate the difference in the research). In my opinion, this is due to work ethic of Russians and Estonians. the political colouring that accompanies Although the narrator describes the the rhetoric of cultural diversity and difference, he does not present it as an unavoidably emphasises the conflicts ethnic or cultural conflict. For example, between the communities. Based on the he briefly mentions the characteristics of other episodes in the life stories analysed two of his Estonian colleagues and then for this article, as well as my general links them to a stereotype concerning knowledge of life stories, I can say that Estonians: the issue of cultural conflicts surfaces in discussions concerning history (cf. Kõresaar 2005). History is not simply a They stood knee deep in icy water, collection of past events that can be left scraping up oil shale fragments with behind—history is used to determine

37 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

one’s present-day social identity and school life or the working methods of connection with Estonia (Jaago 2011a; the miners. In spheres of activity where 2011b; 2012). In the case of the topic at specific cultural traits are less important hand, the politicisation of the past has than some other characteristics (e.g. been avoided in the analysed texts. This aptitude for a school subject, professional makes it possible to focus on the work competence at work, etc.), the factors that that was done in the mine, rather than mark cultural boundaries also recede into Estonia’s political history. However, it is the background. In these cases, the fading also probable that this approach allows of cultural boundaries is a result of the the narrators to emphasise the continuity, general context: the different groups live characteristic of themselves and the and operate in the same conditions (e.g. a group they identify with, in regard to the mine where technological development is history of the development of the mine. tied to the given situation, therefore, has the same effect on members of different Conclusion groups). In this article I have presented my analysis The texts or segments observed here of a culturally diverse environment at do not contain descriptions of cultural the level of a group (rather than the conflicts (although such descriptions level of an abstract community with can be encountered in other episodes schematic characteristics or the level of a of the very same life stories). Therefore, specific individual). My sources included the situations described above do not texts created by narrators and amateur give rise to opposition based on cultural historians who belonged to certain differences. These situations (unlike groups, as well as newspaper interviews historical and political situations) are with representatives of specific groups. not seen as a danger to the “self” group. The texts analysed in the article represent Some of the texts used here (e.g., the three spheres of activity: societies and newspaper articles) are directed at hobby groups, school life and the mine promoting a culturally diverse model as a workplace. of society and so intentionally avoid the subject of cultural conflicts. Therefore, The texts portray cultural diversity it is evident that research into cultural as a network of intellectual and practical diversity in society depends on the spheres of life of the people of Kohtla- texts that are analysed (e.g., the genres Järve, which contains opportunities for of the texts), the size and nature of the affirming one’s own identity as a member group that is observed (e.g. community, of a group as well as intersections where family), as well as the situations that are common ground can be found with other described. As such, it continues to be a groups. The more we deal with culture- multifaceted and topical phenomenon. specific needs, the more noticeable the boundaries between the groups become. The differences are apparent in the case of hobby activities and ways of spending free time as well as everyday culture— for example, the daily organisation of

38 One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

Notes in the form of manuscripts (Estonian Literary 1 This research was supported by the projects Museum, EKLA f 350 and 350v) also reveal SA131578, ESF 8190, and the European Union that the population of Estonia is generally through the European Regional Development divided into two in terms of their attitude Fund (Centre of Excellence CECT). towards Estonia: those who see Estonia as a 2 The migration that occurred during the territorially and culturally indivisible whole Soviet era (and is defined in present-day and those who consider Estonia to be a part Estonian politics as a result of the occupation) of Russia (Soviet Union) (see Jaago 2011a). plays a significant role in Estonia’s integration The relationships between the communities policy and contributes to the need to stress are usually not discussed in the life histories the importance of the historical dimension in stored in the aforementioned archives, addition to the international dimension. It is although there are a few stories about ethnic said that avoiding the historical and political conflicts as well as mutual understanding in conflict between the different communities communicating across ethnic, linguistic and living in Estonia would be impossible and cultural boundaries at the level of everyday that “simplified solutions along the lines of life (EKLA f 350v, 5; 57;and 74; and EKLA f ‘let’s live together as friends’ unfortunately 350, 1071). do not work” (Vetik 2008, 4). Instead, we 4 The collection of articles titled “Kohtla have to ascertain the common interests of 755” that has been prepared by local amateur the communities that will allow us to bring historians about the history of the region Estonian society together (ELK 2008, 4-5). proceeds directly from the wish to celebrate 3 For instance, the sociological identity studies the 755th anniversary of the time when conducted in the 1990s and the 2000s indicate the place was first mentioned in 1241. For that the identity of the Russian-speaking local amateur historians the collection is an community currently living in Estonia is based authoritative reference book (see Toomsalu on two factors: the first is the understanding 2008, 7). The date when Kohtla was first that Estonia is a part of the Soviet Union that mentioned has been determined on the basis broke away (therefore they may not see the of the Danish Census Book (Liber Census Soviet Union as a phenomenon of the past) Daniae), a source from the 13th century or, and the second is related to the fact that more specifically, the study on the document living in Estonia is seen foremost as living in published in 1933 by historian Paul Johansen the European Union (Vihalemm and Masso (Kala 2005). Johansen’s study contains 2007). According to this research the concept information on Kohtla as well as Järve village of Estonia as an independent and historically and manor (Johansen 1933, 938 and 940). separate territorial and cultural entity is 5 The monument in question was erected in not a part of the approach that Russian- 1932 in memory of the battle of the Estonian speakers in Estonia adopt with regard to War of Independence (1918-1920) fought near their “own place”. The life histories available Järve village in January 1919 and of those

39 Tiiu Jaago One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

who fell in the battle. The monument was her husband as well as events that were destroyed by the Soviet regime in 1945. important to her in order to make each other 6 All of the articles have been written as happy. She believes that the common ground part of the project “Writing Cultures and of the different cultures is human in nature Traditions at Borders” and constitute a and can be summarised with the phrase single body of work in the series of studies “good people” (EKLA f 350, 405, EKLA f concerning Kohtla-Järve. 350v, 57. For an analysis of the life story see 7 While interviewing representatives of Jaago 2012). cultural societies as part of my fieldwork in 10 Kohtla is one of the regions in Kohtla- and near Kohtla-Järve in 1991 I heard the Järve. head of the Belarusian cultural society say 11 In January 2006 I gave a couple of lectures that he felt the need to organise joint folklore to the secondary school classes of the festivals with Estonians (EKRK I 93). The Estonian part of the school. I also met several Collection of Estonian Life Stories contains teachers at the school and was able to ask the memoirs of a Russian-speaking man who them about subjects that interested me (MK: lived in Kohtla-Järve in which he describes, Virumaa 2006). You can read the blogs of the among other things, his participation in individuals responsible for extra-curricular events organised by Estonians. He talks activities in the Estonian-language part and about how he felt alien and excluded when the Russian-language part of Kohtla-Järve attending the events. This was not due to Ühisgümnaasium at the following address: the standoffish attitude of the Estonians. On http://www.kjug.edu.ee/index.php?option=com_ the contrary: he could speak Estonian, was content&view=article&id=252&Itemid=162&lan known to the people organising the party and g=et, last accessed on 14 December, 2011. was also an expected guest. He felt excluded 12 At times, when I asked people in Kohtla- at the party that celebrated Estonian culture Järve direct questions about the relations because he became more acutely aware of his between ethnic groups or the feeling of different heritage and identity— instead of alienation towards other cultures, the finding common ground he saw how he was responses were general or neutral. For different (EKLA f 350v, 350; cf. Jaago 2011b). example, people often mentioned the 8 On relationships between language and different temperaments of the ethnicities or nation-states in Europe see McDermott 2011, the differences in culture-specific holidays. 6-15. In places where the cultures come into 9 An Estonian woman who lives in Kohtla- contact with each other, relationships with Järve and is married to a Russian man the representatives of other ethnicities and describes her interest in Russian culture cultures tend to be rather concrete; therefore, specifically as an interest in her husband’s the communication and attitudes are based intellectual world. She says that they used on the level of actual contacts between people to attend events that were important to (rather than stereotypes). However, I have

40 One Area, Several Cultural Spaces

also encountered situations where people Works Cited are motivated by my questions to talk about Brady, Henry E., and Cynthia S. Kaplan. issues that are important within the context 2009. Conceptualizing and of their own culture. I presume that focusing measuring ethnic identity. In Measuring Identity: A Guide specifically on one’s own culture is a method for Social Scientists. Eds. Rawi for dealing with the presence of the “other”. Abdelal, Yoshiko M. Herrera, 13 The selected life stories (EKLA f 350, 154; Alastair Iain Johnston and 487; and 643; and EKLA f 350v, 39) contain Rose McDermott. Cambridge: mining-related episodes that could be Cambridge University Press, 33- compared to each other: they are relatively 71. long and describe the everyday work of a Fialkova, Larisa, and Maria Yelenevskaya. 2011. Immigrants miner. The Russian life story discussed here in the City: From Exploration is the only life story in Russian that talks to Domestication. Israel Affairs. about the life of a miner. 17(1) January: 142-163. ELK 2008 = Eesti lõimumiskava 2008- Archive Material 2013. Available at http://www.kul. EKRK I 93—Fieldwork materials of the ee/webeditor/files/integratsioon/ Department of Estonian Literature and Loimumiskava_2008_2013.pdf, last Folklore (Viru county 1991). Estonian accessed on 14 December, 2011. Folklore Archives at the Estonian Literary Hamilton, David L., John M. Levine Museum, Tartu. and Joel A. Thurston. 2008. Perceiving Continuity and Change in Groups. In Self EKLA f 350, 350v—Estonian Life Continuity: Individual and Histories: Manuscript Collection (1987- Collective Perspectives. Ed. 2011). Estonian Cultural History Archives Fabio Sani. New York, Hove: at the Estonian Literary Museum, Tartu. Psychology Press, Taylor and Francis Group, 117-128. MK: Virumaa 2006—Fieldwork materials Jaago, Tiiu. 2011a Nõukogude aegne collected by Tiiu Jaago (Viru county migratsioon ja selle ilmnemine 2006). Department of Estonian and omaelulugudes [The Soviet Comparative Folklore at the University migration and its appearance in of Tartu. autobiographies]. Acta Historica Tallinnensia. 17(1): 140-149. MK: Virumaa 2010—Fieldwork materials _____. 2011b. Negotiating Place collected by Tiiu Jaago (Viru county Identity in Life Stories 2010). Department of Estonian and from the Viewpoint of the Comparative Folklore at the University Multiculturalism. Ethnologia of Tartu. Fennica, Finnish Studies in Ethnology. 38: 9 6-111. _____. 2012. Cultural Borders in an Autobiographical Narrative. Folklore. (forthcoming).

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Johansen, Paul. 1933. Die Estlandliste McDermott, Philip. 2011. Migrant des Liber Census Daniae. I-II. Languages in the Public Space: A Kopenhagen: H. Hagerup, Case Study from Northern Ireland. Reval: F. Wassermann. Zürich and Berlin: LIT Verlag Kala, Tiina. 2005. Käsikiri ja uurijad. Münster. “Liber Census Daniae” ja/ Mägin, Feliks. 1991. Käva küla ajaloost. või “Codex ex-Holmiensis”? Manuscript in the author’s [Manuscript and researchers. possession. “Liber Census Daniae” and/or Ruutsoo, Rein. 1998. Eesti “Codex-ex-Holmiensis”? ]Tuna: kodakondsuspoliitika Ajalookultuuri Ajakiri. 1: 22-31. kujunemise piirjooned. In Vene Kiristaja, Rein, Ed. 2010 Kohtla kaevandus. küsimus ja Eesti valikud. Ed. Mati Lühiajalugu. Meenutused. Heidmets, 139-202. Tallinn: TPÜ Arengud. Kohtla-Nõmme lood Kirjastus. III. Kohtla-Nõmme: SA Kohtla Schmeling, Manfred. 2000. Mischung Kaevanduspark-muuseum. als Konzept. Ein Aspekt Kohtla 755: 1241-1996. 1997 Kohtla: kultureller Grenzüberschreibung Kohtla vallavalitsus. in Kulturwissenschaft und Kõresaar, Ene. 2005. Elu Literarischer Praxis. In ideoloogiad: kollektiivne Grenzkultur—Mischkultur? Ed. mälu ja autobiograafiline Roland Marti. Saarbrücken: minevikutõlgendus eestlaste SDV Saarbrücker Druckerei und elulugudes [Ideologies of Verlag, 349-365. Life: Collective Memory and Seljamaa, Elo-Hanna. 2010. “Kui pidu Autobiographical Meaning- korraldatakse, on järelikult making of the Past in Estonian seda kellelelgi vaja.” Vene post-Soviet Life Stories]. Tartu: vastlapühade tähistamisest Eesti Rahva Muuseum. Tallinnas [“Every celebration Lotman, Juri. 2005. On the Semiosphere. is necessary for someone”: Sign Systems Studies. 33(1): 205- Russian Shrovetide in Tallinn]. 229. Keel ja Kirjandus. 8-9: 671-686. Löw, Martina. 2008. The Constitution Toomsalu, Laine. 2008. Kohtla ajalooring. of Space. The Structuration of Kohtla-Nõmme lood II. Kohtla- Spaces through the Simultaneity Nõmme: J. Rooden. of Effect and Perception. Valge, Janek. 2006. Kohtla-Järve hilis- European Journal of Social Theory. sotsialistlik segregatsioon 11(1):25-49. [Late socialist segregation of Löw, Martina, Silke Steets and Sergej Kohtla-Järve]. Magistritöö Stoetzer. 2008. Einführung in inimgeograafias. Tartu: Tartu die Stadt-und Raumsoziologie. 2. Ülikooli geograafiainstituut. Aktualisierte Aufl. Opladen, Available at http://dspace. Farmington Hills: Budrich. utlib.ee/dspace/bitstream/ handle/10062/1358/valge.pdf, last accessed on 23 November, 2011.

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Veidemann, Andra. 1999. Eesti rahvus- ja rahvastikupoliitika. In Eesti rahvaste raamat: rahvusvähemused, -rühmad ja –killud. Ed. Jüri Viikberg. Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 139-146. Vetik, Raivo. 2008. Eesti ühiskonna integratsiooniprogrammi 2008- 2013 üldideoloogia kontseptuaalne põhjendamine. Available at http:// www.meis.ee/raamatukogu?actio n=download2&book_id=156, last accessed on 14 December, 2011. Vihalemm, Triin, and Anu Masso. 2007 (Re)Construction of Collective Identities after the Dissolution of the Soviet Union: The Case of Estonia. Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 35(1) March: 71-90. Võrsed 2004 = Võrsed 2. Kohtla-Järve Ühisgümnaasiumi õpilasalmanahh. Kohtla-Järve: Kohtla-Järve Ühisgümnaasium.

Understanding Urban Spaces

Understanding Urban Spaces: when Finland was under Russian rule, and so has a special appeal for the How Speakers of Russian Talk Russians. The city of Helsingfors (the about Helsinki Swedish name for Helsinki) was growing at the time. Deviation from its Swedish- Ekaterina Protassova and language past went hand in hand with Anu Reponen Russification. This can be illustrated by University of Helsinki, the history of the adaptation of the Russian Finland street names. Some places in Helsinki have well-established Russian names. Many of them date back to the beginning of the Abstract 19th century, when Finland became part of Helsinki, the capital city of Finland, is multicultural. the Russian Empire; others appeared later It has a distinct Russian component glorified by as new streets were built. We therefore writers and poets. The city is also the history of began our project by studying historical the people who lived here in the past and who visit every day. Russian is the most spoken foreign documents. language in Helsinki. This article examines how The historical minority of Russian- the inhabitants of Helsinki, whose first or second speakers has been recently joined by language is Russian, experience this city and large groups of immigrants and tourists. describe it, what places in Helsinki are relevant Today, one per cent of the population of for them, and what emotions and associations Finland are native speakers of Russian. are connected to the urban places and names. The historical Russian-speaking minority Similarities and differences in the descriptions comprises about 5,000 speakers, and their are discussed and explained. Peculiarities in the perception of urban spaces are discernible among language differs from that of the so-called the Finnish and Russian speakers. “New Russians” (not to be confused with the proverbial nouveau riche in post-Soviet Russia). Forty per cent of the 50,000 native Introduction speakers of Russian live in the Helsinki o love or to hate a city, to understand metropolitan area. Russian speakers its historical past and to penetrate are a heterogeneous group consisting of its multicultural modern life is a people of different ethnic backgrounds taskT that can never be completed, and and of different nationalities. Russian our different backgrounds lead us to is the third most spoken language after verbalize it differently. The goal of this Finnish and Swedish. The history of article is to find out whether the image the city with regard to its ties to Russia of Helsinki is similar or different among has been analyzed by Klinge and Kolbe Russian-speaking residents and visitors of (1999) and by Kuhlberg (2002). Different different ages, and how this compares to perspectives are presented by Poxljobkin the perceptions of the city as expressed by (1974) and Jussila (2010). The image tourist guides and shared by the Finns. of Helsinki among Russian-speaking The center of the city was built in the tourists has changed since Soviet times, 19th century in the period of autonomy, along with geo-political and ideological changes. Cultural Analysis 10 (2011): 45-65 © 2011 by The University of California. All rights reserved 45 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

In the framework of this project, Viapori. Today the official Finnish name members of the heterogeneous is Suomenlinna, the “Finnish fortress,” community of Russian-speakers were but Sveaborg remains its official Swedish interviewed in groups and individually, name and is also used in Russian. After with attention focused on the use of Russia defeated Sweden in the Finnish place-names and/or language biography. War and annexed Finland in 1809, the In addition, we organized an open land was proclaimed the autonomous essay-writing competition in Russian Grand Duchy of Finland, and Sveaborg under the title My Helsinki, in which came under Russian command. These both Finnish- and Russian-speakers changes led to the introduction of took part. We compared articles in the Russian as an official language in Finland Russian language media in Finland with that had to be learned by civil servants. opinions expressed on Internet forums. Czar Alexander I of Russia moved the We also studied Russian tourists’ views Finnish capital from Turku to Helsinki to of Helsinki in order to find out what reduce the Swedish influence in Finland; places are perceived as familiar, cozy, its original location was changed, and important, interesting, appealing to the the new town was built in the style of St. heart, and experienced as one’s “own,” Petersburg. Helsingfors, as it was called and what places are avoided or perceived in both Swedish and Russian, continued as miserable, foreign, belonging to to grow and flourish as a trilingual city. the domain of the “other”. The results The period of autonomy is often should help us understand the process of described as a time when the Finns integration that follows immigration and elaborated their national and linguistic is linked to adjustment to a new space. identity as they began to use the Finnish language in newspapers, public meetings, An overview of the linguistic and and schools. All the art forms began to demographic history of Helsinki prosper, and the masters of architecture, Looking back on the history of Helsinki, painting, music, and literature had close we can see that it has always been a ties not only with Swedish and French multicultural city. Established as a artists, but also with Russian ones. It is trading town by King Gustav I of Sweden linguistically important that the Finnish- in 1550, at first it was predominantly speakers outnumbered the Swedish- Swedish-speaking. Despite the fact speakers in 1890 and became the that Helsinki has 450 years of history, majority of the city’s population (61,530 the present-day site of the city center is citizens). A special urban slang called much younger: the city was moved there stadin slangi evolved on the basis of non- in the 17th century. The naval fortress native Swedish and non-native Finnish Sveaborg, constructed in the 18th century, with a substantial Russian component. transformed the place into an important Russian-speakers played a significant military maritime fortification on the role in the life of the city, even though Baltic Sea. The meaning of its Swedish they did not form a big group. They were name was the “Swedish fortress,” and in entrepreneurs, merchants, and military Finnish it was pronounced and written as (Tommila 1983).

46 Understanding Urban Spaces

Finland gained its independence framework of a repatriation program in 1917 and both languages, Finnish launched in the early 1990s. and Swedish, were adopted as state The population of the city of Helsinki languages. Russian was regarded is 588,941 (31 January 2011), making it the with disfavor because of the recent most populous municipality in Finland. Russification attempts and a massive Finnish-speakers make up 83.7% of the influx of Russian-speaking émigrés, as population, Swedish-speakers 6.0%, well as a fear of communist influence. and speakers of other languages 10.2%. The status of Russian deteriorated Foreign-born citizens comprise 7.9% further during the Winter War (1939–40) of the population (44,400). The largest and later, when the Soviet Union was groups of residents with a non-Finnish the enemy of the Finnish Republic. From background come from Estonia (5,900), the end of World War II and until the Russia (5,633), Somalia (2,400), China 1970s, there was a massive exodus of (1,150) and Thailand (680) (see www. predominantly Finnish-speaking people tilastokeskus.fi, a governmental source from the countryside to the cities of giving Finnish statistics, accessed 19 Finland, primarily to Helsinki. Between February 2012). In Helsinki, 2% of 1944 and 1969, the population of the city the population are native speakers of nearly doubled, from 275,000 to 525,600, Russian. About 67% of the population are and the role of the Swedish language Evangelical Lutherans, and up to 2% are kept declining. Orthodox (Finnish, Russian and Greek). In the last two decades, immigration Helsinki has 190 comprehensive has grown in Finland and now accounts for schools, 41 upper secondary schools, and 2% of the whole population. Immigrants 15 vocational institutes. Many of these use usually dwell in the metropolitan area more than one language of instruction, (that is, Helsinki, together with the and several languages are studied as neighboring cities of Espoo, Kauniainen, target languages. Even at the pre-school and Vantaa) because more services are level, bilingual kindergartens with available to them in their own languages Finnish and Swedish, English, German, and because they are able to form French, Hebrew, Russian, or Spanish communities (cf. www.infopankki.fi, offer a variety of linguistic programs. In an electronic resource providing basic schools, more than 50 home languages information about Finnish society and are taught as optional courses. culture, accessed 19February 2012). Nearly one per cent of the total Research on immigration population are people who speak and toponymy Russian as one of their home languages, and about the same number of Finnish- To adopt a second way of life after or Swedish-speakers have learned immigration means to adopt the routes Russian at some point in their lives. Most taken by the locals, to speak their of the “New Russians” are ethnic Finns language, and to act in the same way and Ingrians and their family members. they do. The natives are aware of the They emigrated from Russia within the history of generations who lived in the area; they know stories about remarkable

47 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

or strange people, and legends about the local people is also important, and such city’s past. For the newcomers, the context occurrences accumulate throughout the is totally different. They may come from years one lives in a district. Immigrants’ bigger or smaller towns or villages, spatiotemporal orientation to the city bringing their image of the world with and their embodiment within it remain them. Some try to reconstruct what they individual and linked to the toponymy. left behind: émigrés from St. Petersburg For all the immigrants places such as find Nevsky avenue, and Muscovites the police station where they received their recognize images of Tverskaya street in residence permit, the embassy of their Mannerheimintie, the main thoroughfare own country, and restaurants with their of Helsinki. Others pick up knowledge national cuisine are culturally marked. and habits from the local people, and Many retain memories of the buildings then there are those who just build their where they studied the language, history, shaped by their own ordeals. outpatients’ clinics and hospitals they Many remain oblivious to the metaphors visited, the firms that employed them, behind the place-names, which are so and so on. As we will show further on, dear to those who have lived their whole for children describing their favorite life in the city. places in Helsinki such landmarks are A new cultural context imposes not significant (cf. the notion of nodes in a specific use of familiar and newly- Fialkova and Yelenevskaya 2011). learned names and reflects an interplay Table 1 illustrates the methods of between imported and newly-acquired Russification of the street names in experience (a similar phenomenon of Helsinki during the time of autonomy; making a city “your own” was described these are official names, as printed in by Fialkova and Yelenevskaya 2011). Adres 1911, and Plan 1900 and 1903 (cf. This is true for place-names too. Du Bois Pesonen 1970). First, the Swedish name (2010, 122-127) considers name references was used. On Russian maps of the period as one way of constituting cultural the name was transliterated. During the identity in immigrants. She mentions 19th century maps of the city often also that spatial references such as river and appeared in German and French. Later, street names have a commonsensical a Russian name was derived from the meaning that is important for bilinguals: Swedish one with the help of a Russian they discover what the locals call places suffix. At the third stage, the Russian in their new surroundings, partly real, name was translated from Swedish, and partly mythological, and functionally so was its Finnish version. Nowadays, polysemous. While identifying maps of the city appear mostly in Finnish themselves with the city, immigrants and Swedish and, for the use by Russian- demonstrate their knowledge of its speaking tourists, the street and place- geography and their rootedness in its names are transliterated from Finnish. rituals. They affirm their belonging, even if their speech habits differ from those of the native inhabitants. Sharing experiences of different events with the

48 Understanding Urban Spaces

The street names in the history of Helsingfors

Swedish Russian 1 (19th Russian 2 (1900) Russian 3 (1911) Finnish century)

Främlingsgatan Фремлингсгатан Фремлингская Чужеземная улица Muukalaiskatu улица Gengatan Генгатан Енская улица Ближняя улица Oikokatu Högbergsgatan Хёгбергсгатан Хёгбергская Высокогорная Korkeavuoren- улица улица katu Berggatan Берггатан Бергская улица Горная улица Vuorikatu Villagatan Виллагатан Вилла улица Дачная улица Huvilakatu Brunnsgatan Бруннсгатан Брунская улица Колодезная улица Kaivokatu

Skillnadsgatan Шилнадсгатан Шилнадская Раздельная улица Erottajakatu улица

она по-русски написана, единственное From 1833 to 1917, street signs in название, которое сохранилось). Helsinki also bore Russian names. One example is Sofiankatu, [“Sofia’s street”], The onomastic variations in the speech named after the mother of Alexander I, of Helsinkians when they refer to their Maria Fjodorovna. One of the original home city is discussed in Ainiala and names given to this German princess at Lappalainen (2010), and the role of place- birth was Sofia. In present day Helsinki names in the sociolinguistic construction Sofiankatu was chosen to be the street of immigrant youth identities in Ainiala museum of the city in order to restore and Halonen (2009). Other studies examine its historical atmosphere, and one sign what reasons people give for using or has survived since the time streets had avoiding specific names, whetherofficial triple inscriptions. The Russian history of or unofficial, stigmatized or neutral. It Helsinki is known only to a small section turns out that these choices are connected of the Russian-speaking immigrants. As with the process of self-construction. a rule, new immigrants do not adopt The ethnomethodological and socio- the traditional Russian street names and onomastic research that we conducted other place-names used by the historical focuses on the use of urban place- Russian-speaking minority. One of names in Helsinki in spoken Russian, our informants singled out Sofia street, and is based on unofficial names and because it is the only name written in place terms in Russian and Finnish. The Russian on a street sign in Helsinki toponymic perspective combined with (Софийская улица – вот это да, потому что the sociolinguistic approach allows us to

49 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

investigate the language and toponym Many names for things related to usage of Russian speakers in Helsinki. everyday practices are borrowed into The individual and group interviews that Russian from Finnish, even if these we conducted were videotaped, or tape concepts already have appropriate recorded and transcribed. They make equivalents (cf. Protassova 2004). These up approximately 40 hours of recording are common nouns, although some place with “Old Russians” (cf. Reponen 2004; terms, such as a library, or an activity/ Protassova 2007) and about the same shopping/sports center, are used as amount of time with “newcomers” of proper nouns in speech, for example, different ages. The interviewees discussed “подойди к kirjasto” [“come to the their attitudes to different languages, to library”]. In the utterance “М-бар – это their place of residence and its names. прямо ihan keskustassa” [“M-bar is right, Immigrants as name-users is a special right in the center”], the speaker switches theme for research, because patterns of from Russian to Finnish in the middle name usage reflect ways of integrating of his turn and produces the particle into the receiving society and thus “right” twice: first in Russian— прямо constructing their new identity on —then in Finnish—ihan. The place term Finnish soil. Obviously, Russian speakers “center” is produced in Finnish in the mostly use the same place-names as correct grammatical case—keskustassa. other Helsinkians—predominantly For some reason, the speaker chooses the official Finnish names. However, for Finnish variant instead of the Russian various reasons, places are also named центр, although the latter is also used unofficially. The place itself may be in this particular sequence. Perhaps the relevant for a person even if its official speakers remember the signboards above name remains unknown or identified the buildings or heard Finns mention the incorrectly. For example, meeting places names of these spots, and this is why they are often named unofficially. Self- insert Finnish while primarily speaking invented unofficial names can be used Russian. to express stance, opinion of and feeling Many informants say that they for the place itself, and certain name Russify the pronunciation of Finnish variants can be used as speakers’ identity names, which occasionally leads to markers or in order to convey specific misunderstandings. Thus, talking about implications or interpretations of the her daughter, one interviewee says: situation. Unofficial names belong to the …она не воспринимает названия, если мы toponymic landscape of all speakers, but скажем с русским акцентом; то есть, ей there are particular sites which Russian- надо Ω по-фински потому что она, как бы, speaking Helsinkians call by the names воспринимает это вообще, как другое место coined by in-group members. We will вообще, может, как это не в Хельсинки”. [“… demonstrate how these are formed, of she doesn’t grasp the names if we talk with what linguistic elements they are built, a Russian accent, so we have to repeat them what functions they have, and what their in Finnish because she sort of perceives social meaning is. We will also quote them as some other places, maybe not in excerpts from the interviews in which Helsinki at all.”] our informants reflect on their naming practices.

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For a young bilingual, the Finnish almost all Russian speakers, both tourists variants are easier to recongize. She and local residents, know this unofficial hears them outside her home, whereas name, Finnish speakers do not have a her parents feel more comfortable using corresponding informal version, and Russian-colored pronunciation of these stick to the official name: names. The informant’s remark about her daughter certainly reflects more common - А-а, как это церковь в скале называется? [“Um- linguistic differences between frist and um, what is this church in the rock called?”] seond generation immigrants. - По-фински? [“In Finnish?”] The referent of the name may be - Да. [“Yes.”] unknown to the speaker, or it can be - Это, ну… (pause) Temppeliaukion kirkko [“This confused with some other place. The is, well, it’s Temple Square Church.”] linguistic meaning of the place may also - Вот мы никогда не говорим, так не говорим. be unclear. Our interviewees told us Церковь в скале хе хе она одна единственная where and how they had encountered и легче сказать, вот прямо, церковь в скале. such puzzling names, for example, [And we, like never say it in this way. Church some Finnish slang names, and how in the rock ha-ha it is unique and it is easier to they found out what the referent or say simply Church in the rock.”] meaning of that name was. In the next Meeting places often have names example two informants are discussing invented by their users. In Eastern the name Kompas [“compass”] which Helsinki, in a large shopping center, refers to a spot in the central train there is a sculpture officially called Kuru, station that is a popular meeting place. a “stony gorge”. In one of the group In the course of the conversation it interviews our young informants say turns out that one of the interlocutors, that this is their meeting place, and they Tanja, mistakenly believed that the call it Камень [“stone”]: “Ну, мы обычно name referred to an old observatory встречаемся возле Камня, ну вот этот located in the Kaivopuisto park: памятник, что-то похожее на него, вот там мы обычно встречаемся с друзьями” - Таня, вот, не знала, где это, раньше [”In the [“Well, we usually meet near the Stone, past, Tanja didn’t know its whereabouts.”] you know, this monument, it’s sort of - Да все знают, а мне, а мне объясняли, где like a stone, and it’s there that we meet такой, я знала Компас, который вот там, our friends”]. During the interview one Kaivopuisto of the informants speaks on the phone [“Yes, everybody knows, and they explained to his girlfriend in Finnish and uses the to me, to me, where it is, I used to know the same name, Камень, but in Finnish, kivi. Compass which is there, in Kaivopuisto.”] The speaker is not sure whether the place is known to the girl, so he also describes Temppeliaukio (“temple square”) church is it as a flower: “menti takas se kiven luokse very popular among tourists who come to Itiksee ulkon siin on semmone kivi sellane Helsinki. Russian speakers call it церковь kukka tiätsä” [“we went back to that rock, в скале (“church in the rock”) because it to Itis, outside there is such a stone, sort is actually built into one. Notably, while of a flower, you know”]. In general, talk

51 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

in interaction is recipient-oriented, and masculine variant may have appeared place descriptions are no exception. The under the influence of the Finnish slang meeting place is described in different variant in –is (Rautis for Rautatientori, Itis ways to the interviewer and to a close for Itäkeskus). These hybrids are declined friend. like genuine Russian words. Informants Another example comes from claim that such usage is much easier the Helsinki train station, one of the and handier when the conversation is in notable architectural spots in the city. Russian. For the sake of convenience, some The building is decorated with four of our older informants change Finnish statues called Lyhdynkantajat, “lantern urbanonyms. By adding suffixes and carriers”. In Finnish folk toponymy, the adapting them to Russian morphology statues are called Kivimiehet, the “Stone they make them sound like native Russian Men”. One of the interviewees describes words. Besides, by making them familiar this meeting place: and handy, the speakers add a humorous Мы много раз назначали встречу около touch: Kontulovka (for Kontula), Matveevka страшных дядек, это значит около вокзала, (for Matinkylä “Matthew’s village”. там, где центральный выход; там же эти Matthew is Matti in Finnish and Matvej мужчины” [“Many times we fixed to meet near in Russian, so the etymology plays a role these frightening guys?, that is, near the train in these innovations). Again, the popular station, you know, there, at the main entrance, form in Russian is neuter, ending in –ovo, where you can see these men”]. but in Finland the original Finnish word The statues of the “Stone Men” are so influences the slang form. popular among Helsinkians that they were The following example illustrates used in several advertisements favorably how the Finnish word can be Russified in received by the public (see, e.g., www. pronunciation and declension, and how youtube.com/watch?v=4wh3coG3pLg, the informants explain why they prefer accessed 20 February 2012). to employ the Finnish borrowing kehä Young speakers of Russian use both (“ring road”) in their Russian speech: Finnish and Russian slang names. - Почти все говорят «кеха три», кеха один, кеха Russian slang names are often derived три», то есть как бы читают финское слово, from official names by using the а цифры говорят по-русски, «рядом с кехой», colloquial Russian suffix –ik (masculine), (смех) «на кехе» (смех) [“Almost everybody as in Kaisik (for the Finnish Kaivopuisto), says ‘kehä three, kehä one, kehä three,’ that is, Espik (Esplanaadi), Itik (Itäkeskus), and as if they were reading a Finnish word while Rautik (Rautatientori) (cf., Fialkova and saying numbers in Russian, ‘near the kehä (+ Yelenevskaya 2011, 161). The subjects instr. case) (laughter) on the kehä.” (+prepos. case) (laughter)] account for their use of slang names by - Рядом с кехой, где ты по кехе, то мне этa making it clear that those names are the первая кеха заколебала (смех) с ее пробками speakers’ own inventions and are used (смех) [“Near the kehä (+instr. case), where for their own reasons among friends. Yet, are you on kehä (+prepos. case), or this first in Russia, the normal onomastic slang kehä is driving me nuts (laughter) by its traffic suffix used in street names and in some jams.” (laughter)] other cases is –ka (feminine), and the - А вот что на кольцевой, как-то вот по

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Финляндии это не звучит, даже кольцевая, Impressions and connections такие там в Москве, в Питере – там кольцевая For our contemporaries, most events of [“As to the ring road, this somehow doesn’t their life take place in towns, and this is sound right in Finland, the ring road of this sort, this is in Moscow, and in Peter (the where their cultural forces are applied informal name of St. Petersburg), that’s and tested. Every city should have its where the ring roads are.”] own genius loci, understood here as an - Э, ну а здесь кеха [“And here there is kehä.”] individual who connects intellectual, As mentioned earlier, the local identity of spiritual, and emotional events with their Helsinki Russians is constructed, among material milieu and shapes the image of other things, through linguistic nuances the city for the group which shares the and place-name usage. Whether official multi-layered subjectivity of his texts or unofficial, toponyms in immigrants’ (Vail 2007). speech are conventionalized among The Russian-speaking genius loci of certain Russian-speaking immigrant Helsinki was a famous writer Alexander groups (for example, among young Kuprin (1870–1938). He had visited people) as markers of double belonging: Finland many times before the October to Finland and to its Russian community Revolution of 1917, and afterwards lived (cf., Yelenevskaya 2011). A name can in Finland as an émigré. In the 1930s he be misunderstood even if only its moved to Paris but kept warm memories pronunciation deviates from the local of the country that had given him norm. Immigrant Russian speakers hear refuge. names around them and learn them. They choose and use various versions of It is so close to St. Petersburg, and this is a real European city. From the train the same names creatively, differentiating station we pass to a large square, as between them, depending on the big as half the Field of Mars. On the purpose. For example, young people left-hand side, there is a massive gray are aware of slang names used by their marble building looking somehow Finnish-speaking peers but often prefer like a church in the Gothic style. It is a their own versions, as they put it. Besides new Finnish theater. On the right-hand Finnish speakers, Helsinki Russians also side, there is a severely styled National make a distinction between themselves Ateneum. We are in the very center of and Russians living in Russia. So, the town. they say kirpushka for kirpputori [“flea We go upwards along Michelsgatan. market”], while St. Petersburg dwellers Because the street is so narrow, and sometimes use kirputorij which sounds the houses have three or four storeys, more like a Latin name. In the interviews it seems to be dark but, nevertheless, it our informants describe how the new makes an elegant and solid impression. environment with its unfamiliar names Most of the buildings are Jugendstil and the new language have affected their [Art Nouveau] architecture, with perception of the linguistic landscape. a Gothic nuance. The facades have Obviously, many official Finnish names no cornices and no ornaments; the are widely used as well. windows are placed asymmetrically, they are often framed on all sides, etc.

53 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

(Kuprin 2001, 313, translated by the analyzed Internet discussions to obtain authors). further evidence of the impressions of Russian tourists. The views of those who The themes raised in this essay are live in Helsinki were supplemented by still warmly embraced by the Russian articles about Helsinki in the Russian- speakers visiting Finland or living here language media in Finland. permanently. First and foremost, it is The first excerpt we cite was authored the question of equality: the absence of by a retired Finn whose hobby is beggars but also of the rich; secondly, it is studying Russian, which is rather typical appreciation of cleanliness and neatness. of the leftists, and whose youth fell in It is also about the respect for women, the1960s. He reflects about his relations children, the elderly, and the disabled. to the city, important places in the town Even the places mentioned by Kuprin and the stages in its history that he has have retained their importance for witnessed and gone through like many contemporary visitors: the central train of his peers: station, the Finnish National Theater and the Ateneum (the museum of Finnish My home town is Tampere. I was born national art) are unlikely to be missed by there during the war time. I loved this Russian visitors to Helsinki. The pseudo- town very much, I was a local patriot! Gothic architectural style of Helsinki As a child, I visited the maritime capital still makes the visitors dream of an ideal Helsinki many times with my parents. medieval city, although this image is My mother came from Helsinki, and my grandmother, my aunt, and my misleading. cousins lived here. In order to have a more detailed picture of the role of the city in the life of Russian I remember the Olympic Games of speakers we organized an essay-writing 1952 quite well. Helsinki was then in competition on the subject of Helsinki, the center of attention of the whole supported by the local Russian-language world! I do remember that it rained newspaper Spektr which is published in every day! Helsinki, the University of Helsinki, and Having completed my high school the City Council of Helsinki. We asked studies at Tampereen yhteiskoulu, I the participants to write about their entered the Medical School of the feelings and about places that were dear University of Helsinki. I managed to them in Helsinki. We received 64 texts, to succeed at the second attempt. all submitted in Russian. Some of these The city was really bilingual at that contained impressions of tourists from time, and one could hear and see the different countries, some were written Swedish language in the streets of the by Finns learning Russian, the rest were capital much more than today. After I composed by speakers of Russian living had become a physician, I worked for in Helsinki and able to write in Russian. some years in other towns of Finland, but I came back to Helsinki at the end The level of proficiency among members of the 1960s. of the latter group differed, revealing various stages of attrition. In addition, we

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Today, Helsinki is quite a different T.L., a 14-year-old bilingual boy from city! Connections to the outside world, a mixed Finnish-Russian family who to the West, South, and East have participated in the competition, wrote: become better and, especially in the last few years, we have had more and I live in Helsinki. Helsinki is a typical more tourists from Russia. Today, the European city. Everything is clean, Russian language can be heard in the tidy, comfortable and peaceful, and streets and in the shops of our town. one doesn’t find crowds of mad people Yes, the former bilingual city has anywhere. That is why it is pleasant to become a multilingual international live in Helsinki. It seems to me that the city. city is constructed especially for the habitation of many people. All of the My dearest place is Esplanadi with areas have something of their “own” its monuments. It is the heart and and whatever differences there are soul of the capital, especially on a between them, they were built almost spring evening one can experience in the same style. the magic “blue hour” there! In summer, my favorite is the sea fortress For example, when I walk in my of Suomenlinna, and in winter the district, Itäkeskus, I feel that it is “my” museum island Seurasaari where I district. I know where the things are as usually walk once a week. if they were in my own pockets. I also know that it was built wisely. Houses, My wife and I, we have two traditions. department stores, and parks surround In spring, together with our friends, a big shopping center. It is interesting we take part in the day concert of the for us, teenagers. On the other hand, the City Orchestra in Finlandia Hall. One center of Helsinki is a large labyrinth can notice that our student caps, once with tall buildings, department stores, white, are becoming yellower every and shopping centers. It’s Babel, and year… The festival of the First of people are in a hurry. So I like it less. May in Helsinki is a unique carnival, It still remains strange to me, and I am It means champagne, balloons, and not really familiar with it. spring music played by students. The second tradition belongs to the Day of Independence on the 6th of December. If we compare the center of Helsinki Then we visit the common grave in the with the center of St. Petersburg, Hietaniemi cemetery where Marshal the center of St. Petersburg is more C.G. Mannerheim lies among the beautiful and old. But the suburbs of St. heroes of the capital who fell in the Petersburg are terrible! They are dirty war of 1939–1945. and messy. There is nothing like this in Helsinki. Of course, Helsinki has its What about Tampere? I haven’t imperfections. There is absolutely no forgotten it! I often go there. But now antiquity like in the European cities. I may say that I am a“stadin kundi” Even Stockholm, another northern [slang: a “guy from the capital”] and I city, has its Old Town. Not to mention love the capital of Finland ... beautiful Paris, where the whole center is old and gorgeous with its medieval and Renaissance buildings and cathedrals. Helsinki was assembled in the Middle Ages from wood, therefore

55 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

nothing old has remained. But because the film is about to start, you Helsinki is my dear capital, and it was can buy candies, ice-cream, popcorn, built not for tourists, but for the Finns, or lemonade right there. When you the inhabitants themselves, and to my watch a film at Tennispalatsi, it is very mind, there is no better place to live. easy, you just buy your ticket and popcorn and that is all you have to do, you watch the film and you will have So, the image of Helsinki is compared lots of fun. Tennispalatsi is situated in the very center of the city, and this is to other places familiar to the author. one of the reasons why it is easy to go Due to his age, what may be considered there. by adults to be the most important things about the city—historical and artistic values—remain unknown to My second home and another place I the adolescent. His experience of the like to be is the Helsinki Ice Hall which Russian city of St. Petersburg makes is very big and old and not so cold. It him appreciate the calmness of Helsinki, lies not so far from the city center and while many Russians sometimes feel can be easily reached. There are two bored by its tranquility. This attitude arenas and many locker rooms. When I was small and came with my mom to can be frequently found in other essays see how the girls were skating there, I by the young writers. For example, S.P., told her that when I grow up I would a 15-year-old girl from a Finnish family skate there too and people would studying Russian since kindergarten, applaud me very loudly. This is the composed this text: dream that I would like to fulfill.

I was born here and I want to live Helsinki is the place where you can here. My elder sister already lives on dream and make your dreams come her own and can go to the city center true. whenever she wants to, but I cannot. I practice figure skating six times a This essay reflects the naive picture of the week, and when this is over, I have to city where people go shopping and to the go home immediately. My parents do cinema, sit in cafés and practice sports— not like it when I go to the city center one of the most important hobbies among in the evening, but when they allow Helsinkians. Girls and boys intuitively me to go, it becomes a very happy day. When I can go to the city center, I go love their closest neighborhood and to the cinema, cafés, or to the Kamppi places where their friends live. Most of Center for shopping. the Finnish youngsters appraised the city in the same way. When the results of the essay competition were published I go to the cinema at Tennispalatsi such vision of the city was criticized by because this is my favorite theater. The the Russian-language newspaper Spektr. auditoriums there are very big and the The editor wrote that she was sad that choice is very good. In Tennispalatsi the children had not learnt about any of I like it that when you have no time the other interesting things in the city to go to the shop to buy something

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(Gusatinskaja 2011). Yet the essays of the perception of Helsinki. Men’s essays the children from the Russian-speaking emphasize military monuments and families in Helsinki could console her. remnants of the wars. Women are fond These texts depict cultural attitudes of of the “masculine” character of the city families who encourage their children that helps in many ways and supports to visit museums and architectural whatever happens in their life (Helsinki monuments. These essays also reflect the is like the male protector they dreamed writers’ love of nature, the zoo, squares, about in Russia but who never appeared and avenues. Thus, the expectations of there, indeed, to feel safe does not adults differ, and so do the texts produced necessarily mean to have a husband with by the children. enormous biceps—good social welfare is The essays of the adults can be sometimes enough). divided into two groups: those written As mentioned earlier, we have also by visitors and those by inhabitants. received essays from speakers of Russian The inhabitants tend to look for those from different parts of Russia and the aspects of Helsinki that are connected “near abroad” (the CIS countries). For to the Russian influence, so that they many, Finland is the first European can justify their presence in this city, country they ever visited, and it ranks their immigration, and their sense of high as a tourist destination in Russia. belonging to the city’s past and present, On their road of discoveries some tourists to its cultural heritage and contemporary tend to look for stereotypes and expect life. They seek to affirm their membership prejudices against the West to come true. in the community of Helsinkians and, In this case they see only what they want therefore, their equal share in the to see, for example, medieval fortresses city’s investments and dividends. The associated with the tales by the Grimm contribution to the modern prosperity brothers who belong, of course, to the may be justified by deeds aimed at the German tradition, while ignoring the wellbeing of the community, and also by real Finnish history as reflected in the strolls, trips and excursions through the fairy tales by Z. Topelius. This is why city that provide good knowledge of its they skip the modernity but enjoy the structure, past and present, and by living Jugend style. Another conception is the memories. This is the way the Russian- “Scandinavianism” of Helsinki that is language newspaper Novosti Helsinki definitely different from other Nordic [“Helsinki News”] positions itself. A metropolises, by virtue of its Russian sense of delight at the Finnish way of past inter alia. Alternatively, the visitors life is commonplace, although many are imagine what life could be like in Russia disappointed by the lack of joyfulness in if the Bolshevik October Revolution the atmosphere and their own inability had not happened. The places that to cope with difficulties when the visitors like in Helsinki are those tourist Finnish way of life, including its values, attractions where they can relax or enjoy has not been learned at an early stage of life, but not those where the Finns like immigration (Tabakova 2010). We also to be, with the exception of Suomenlinna observed gender-related differences in (sea fortress) and Seurasaari (open air

57 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

museum). Many essays mention that Finnish authors underscored the comfort thousands of seagulls and squirrels of living in Helsinki, and writers of all are part of the city landscape and they ages were impressed by its tranquility capture the imagination of the visitors. and orderliness. Writing for the oldest Finnish For Russians, as for Finns, the city is Russian-language newspaper known a place where dreams come true, yet the by its asymmetric name as The Finland Russians perceive the city as a mystery, [in Russian] or Russia [in Finnish] Trade while the Finns emphasize its comfort. Road, Jakkonen (2011) summarizes what When something is put into action and brings Russian tourists to Helsinki: functions without great pomp, it always They come for shopping and for non- comes as a big surprise for the Russians. material quasi-retailing from tertiary The city embodies freedom and, for a industries such as sports, medicine, and Russian, to feel free and on your own, so on. They wish to visit various places when nobody oppresses you, is to learn of interest, or just to obtain a Schengen about yourself and your feelings, to live visa, which is allegedly easier to do in making use of all your senses. For visitors the Finnish embassy than in the embassy from Russia and many other countries, of any other country. Judging from the Helsinki is unlike any other city in the topics discussed on the Internet forums, world; it is like an animal from the woods. among the specific products attracting The Russians ask themselves what kind of Russian tourists are fish, candies, coffee, inhabitants Helsinki can shelter and what tea, clothes and even the dishwashing it means to become a true Helsinkian. detergent “Fairy,” known to be of better They wonder whether they are ever quality and cheaper than in Russia. going to be like Finns. The essay writers Importantly, these consumption-related reflect about dilemmas of allegiances: If issues are hypocritically avoided in the Helsinki is not their birthplace, how can essays written by the Russian participants they love something other than their own of our competition, as these topics may homeland? Does this mean that they are be considered too petty or too arrogant. traitors, or just that they have found a When Mumford (1961) was dreaming place for honest and free people that they of an ideal organic city where nature always longed to find and now aspire to and technology achieve a balance, he stay with? Then, more general questions was perhaps imagining a town with about urban life arise: If this is a town, the qualities of Helsinki. Nature and then what can be called a town? What is hi-tech, for example, meet here every the meaning of culture and architecture day. In 2009 Helsinki became a member in urban settings? Is the town its people of the international Network of Good or its nature? What is the meaning of life? Food Cities of the World, and in 2011 Without the experience of Helsinki, these Helsinki came first in the “Quality reflections might not be possible. Such of life” survey conducted by Monocle reflections often arise among travelers. A magazine (Monocle 2011). Due to this participant in the competition, E.S. from symbiosis of qualities and what came the Ukraine, shares her experience: as a surprise to us, almost all the young

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I am thankful to you, the magic city, compared to Helsinki 2009, the best for having shown to me what is true places recommended to visitors reflected love and real friendship. I thank the results of the visitors’ votes on the you for making me appreciate every Internet, while Helsinki 2011 placed on moment of life. I would like to say a lot its cover words from different languages of grateful words but, instead, I will again confess my love and my infinite describing the city as “peaceful,” “green,” respect for you, my dear town. “friendly,” and so on. Among these is the Russian adjective modnyj [“in vogue”], An anthropomorphic attitude to the city which might mean that this characteristic (the city as a friend, father, and mother) is of the city is most attractive to the Russian- a very strong element of the relationship speaking tourists who come to Finland in with the city in literature and in informal their millions, often just for shopping. For discourse. the Finnish people, it is important that Helsinki hosted the Summer Olympics in 1952. This symbolized recovering from The image of the city the war and post-war sufferings, and Due to the pronounced Russian influence put Helsinki on the world map. More in architecture (an example of which recently, membership of the European is the Uspensky Orthodox Cathedral Union, participation in the program of the dominating the harbor, although it “European City of Culture” in 2000, and operates mostly in the Finnish language), designation as the World Design Capital the official tendency is to describe in 2012 are milestones in self-perception Helsinki as a capital where Eastern and and are dear to all Finns. For the Russian Western cultures meet. This description tourists, these achievements are markers replaces the previous “Daughter of the of the life they could not benefit from at Baltic Sea” that did not fully correspond home and a source of reflection: to the inner form of the word “Helsinki” in many languages other than Finnish. Why do the Finns, who have received The image-makers of Helsinki underscore far from the easiest part of the Earth that Helsinki is a northern city, enjoying to inhabit, and who share a common its marine surroundings with many past with the Russian Empire, do islands, combining the old and the better than the Russians? Why is their quality of life so high? new, traditional and high-tech, artificial parks and natural woods, museums and nightlife—the city where everything is The brochures do not answer these nearby. “Helsinki’s identity has been fundamental questions. The idea that in formed by cultural influences from both the past Finland and Russia were parts of the East and West” (the Helsinki Today the same country is the most important brochure, 2011). myth about Finland, and without myths no symbolic domestication of any city The series of Helsinki City Tourism can be performed (Istorija 2005). brochures (Helsinki—Visitor’s Guide) underlines different features of the city The brochure 24 hours in Helsinki every year. Thus, in Helsinki 2010, as (Tourist and Convention Bureau 2011, 16) recommends, among other things, a visit

59 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

to Kafe Moskova, i.e. “Moscow café”. It was smog and where are traffic jams, where founded by the famous film director Aki are fashionable clothes and, after all, Kaurismäki to suit his own taste, so that where are palaces and castles? What is nobody else would like it, but it became happening? popular nevertheless. Besides, Helsinki has several restaurants specializing in Nothing. Russian cuisine, which is held in esteem Nothing will happen in Helsinki: it thanks to Marshal K.G. Mannerheim, lives for itself, absorbed in itself, and who liked it. The Russian restaurants are concentrated on itself. It neither rejects run by Finns, and a number of dishes nor pays attention to strangers, being are thought to be Russian, although they matter-of-fact and polite. It hides, are not (for example, salted cucumbers bringing the invisible mobile phone to with honey, borsch with sausages, and the ear. This is teleportation through open cabbage pie with mayonnaise). the receiver. It [the city] conceals traces and leads you onto the streets where Many people enjoy the special flavor that you will find the sun, ceremonial shop Russian culture from Czarist and Soviet windows and Japanese tourists with times has given to Helsinki. cameras, but where you will never get To get to know a city should give a hold of the city itself. special pleasure. To absorb the city, to identify the relationship between maps Similar reflections can be found in a series and the 3D reality, to classify its qualities, of advertising photographs published and to sort out impressions of its sights by Time magazine in 2000. Helsinki was and attractions is partly hard work and celebrating its 450th anniversary then and partly an adventure. “Nearly every was declared the official European City sense is in operation, and the image is a of Culture. The photographs emphasize composite of them all,” wrote K. Lynch the feeling that the nature of Earth (1960, 2). In the Russian tourist guide and the nature of men and women can (Goldenzweig 2003, 5) we read: be genuinely sensed in a city that is nowhere and yet everywhere. Appealing There is no such city. to the five senses, the pictures do not tell us anything about the structure of the city, except that it is full of moisture and There is salty sea air, boulders strewn around, the mirror of the Sanomatalo water. and the balls of light in the hands of Some essays submitted by Russian- the train station Atlantes. There are no speaking residents of Finland and Atlantes—their silhouettes fade in the analyzed in this study reflect the same granite. Here people do not look you sensitivities and emotions. To illustrate in the eyes; they worship silence and this, we cite an excerpt from the text treat an accidental touch like an electric by V.P., a Russian-speaker living in discharge. The city is dissolved in an Helsinki: unrealistic manganese sunset, a sterile world behind the glass, a pervasive This city smells like spring: the early mirage of Scandinavia leaving you spring of March, the dripping water of perplexed: where is the city? Where is

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a thaw that comes after the Epiphany Conclusion frosts. It smells like the melting snow In order to discuss the social environment upon the reddish-brown sidewalks, of the places we live in, we must take like the almost sweet salt of the Gulf of into account not only the demographic the Baltic Sea and like sharp fir-needles. It rains, and the light drizzle hovering constellation of the citizens and various in the air—now icy, now prickly, now urban aspects (including architecture, warmly and gently enveloping the history, design, and so on) but also field streets—evaporates and leaves traces research exploring communication about of moisture on the cheek of a passer- places and, in particular, their names. by, as if a palm passed over it. [---] In our research, we combined methods This city seems to hint that it is on its derived mostly from socio-onomastics, own, like a cat on a seafront pier, as if ethnography, sociolinguistics, content by accident found near the fishermen. analysis, and conversation analysis. It belongs to nobody, it is ephemeral, mirrored in the rain spilled upon the Owing its uniqueness partly to its pavement that will dry up. It looks as “Russian” past, Helsinki has a specific if there were no city, as if the mirage romantic flavor in the eyes of the Russians of the daybreak dream disappeared visiting or living here. It is a European the minute you opened your eyes. capital with a false Gothic style, a city The tramways clank at the turns and boasting proximity to nature (the sea, pedestrian crossings, as if telling each seagulls, forests, rocks, and stones). It other the latest news. The bells of the is a Nordic town without particularly Three Cathedrals play the second part, and the bicyclists rushing along the long traditions, eluding those who want roads echo them. to capture its particular character. This study enhanced our understanding of The texts we analyzed reveal striking the image of Helsinki for the speakers of similarities in the image of the city created Russian and Finnish, as well as for the by very different people with different bilingual immigrants who have their own life experiences. peculiar patterns of communication. We understood what places are dear to them, The image of the city, changing what their feelings are when Helsinki is only slightly over time, is presented compared to the places where they lived in Finljandija 1972, 1994 and 2000). For before, and how the Russian-speaking example, in 1972, the words of V. Lenin community is layered. We also came to from 15 June 1913 are quoted: “If in understand how familiarity with the city Finland we see culture, civilization, affects the quality of everyday life, and freedom, literacy, educated women, and vice versa. so on, this is solely because there is no such ‘social disaster’ in Finland as the We studied historical transformations Russian government” (Finljandija 1972, of official place-names and the emergence 6). Unfortunately, 100 years later, the of unofficial ones coined by immigrants same opinion is expressed by the Russian of different age groups. We explained media. the use of such names linguistically, for example, in comparison with the slang terms used in Russia, and gave

61 Ekaterina Protassova & Anu Reponen Understanding Urban Spaces

their psychological and sociological What happens in the minds of those antecedents. The “Old” and the ”New” who try to formulate their feelings about Russian terms for various places were Helsinki reflects conflicting feelings that also discussed: the names used in the range from repugnance at their former Czarist era have vanished from the city’s sufferings to satisfaction with the city toponymy, but they are still present in that offers them completely new and the discourse of the “Old Russians”. The favorable experiences. Their perceptions new immigrant identity is constructed and prejudices clash and, as a result, they through the use of markers of the either seek emotional refuge in the past new life. Historically, Russian names or comfort themselves saying that their of the Helsinki streets went through dreams have come true, even though reality turned out to be a far cry from a series of transformations. First, they what they expected. were transliterations of the Swedish names; then they were partly adapted to the Russian language: the word Works Cited “street” was translated and a Swedish Adres. 1911. Адрес-Календарь на 1911 name was transformed into a Russian- годъ. Гельсингфорсъ. like adjective with a Russian suffix. Ainiala, Terhi, and Hanna Lappalainen. At the final stage the Swedish name 2010. “Miten Helsingistä was translated completely, in the same puhutaan?” Virittäjä 1(113): 71– way as its Finnish counterpart. Today, 107. Russian speakers adopt Finnish names Ainiala, Terhi, and Mia Halonen. 2009. in their original or slang form, or make “Place Names in the Construction up their own variants. Young people use of Social Identities among the hybrid slang words, while some adults Immigrant Youth in Helsinki.” apply Russian models to Finnish place- Urban Place Names—International names. Urban names commemorate facts Symposium. Pp. 2–3. Eds. Terhi of integration, acquaintance with Finnish Ainiala and Jani Vuolteenaho, urban culture, a clash of prejudices, and Helsinki: Research Institute for real-life stories. Different explanations the Languages of Finland. have been offered to interpret the specific Du Bois, Inke. 2010. Discursive use of urbanonyms in the speech of Constructions of Immigrant Identity: Russians in Helsinki. A Longitudinal Trend Study on The image of Helsinki is reflected in Long-term American Immigrants. the minds of its residents and tourists, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. and it contributes to the fusion of Fialkova, Larisa, and Maria cultures. The Finnish sources try to Yelenevskaya. 2011. “Immigrants present a visitor-friendly version of in the City: From Exploration the Finnish understanding of history, to Domestication.” Israel Affairs whereas the local media in the Russian 17(1): 142–163. language seek to facilitate a long-term Finljandija. 1972. Финляндия. Краткий task of familiarization with the new обзор. Keuruu: Otava. surroundings by immigrants and guests.

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—. 1994. Финляндия. Краткий обзор. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Keuruu: Otava. Monocle 2011. “Most Loveable City: —. 2000. Финляндия. Краткий обзор. Helsinki.” Monocle 15 June. www. Keuruu: Otava. monocle.com/sections/affairs/ Goldenzweig. 2003. Гольденцвайг, Web-Articles/Most-liveable- Григорий. Хельсинки. Москва: city-Helsinki accessed 2 January Афиша. 2012. Gusatinskaja. 2011. Гусатинская, Эйлина. Mumford, Lewis. 1961. The City in History: Наш великий гибкий язык. Спектр, Its Origins, Its Transformations, and 9, 4. Its Prospects. San Diego: Harcourt, Helsinki. 2009. Хельсинки—туристический Brace and World. путеводитель. Tampere: Mustajoki, Protassova. 2010. “О русском PunaMusta. языке в Финляндии.” Изучение и _____. 2010. Хельсинки—путеводитель преподавание русского языка в для туриста. Helsinki: Helsingin Финляндии. Ed., Арто Мустайоки matkailu. and Екатерина Протасова. Санкт- _____. 2011. Хельсинки—путеводитель Петербург: Златоуст, 4-12. для туриста. Helsinki: Helsingin Pesonen, Leo, Ed. 1970. Helsingin matkailu. kadunnimet. Helsingin kaupungin Istorija. 2005. История, места. учебник или julkaisuja 24. Helsinki: Helsingin роман. Москва: НЛО. kaupunki. Jakkonen. 2011. Якконен, Александр. Все Plan. 1900. План Гельсингфорса. дороги ведут в Хельсинки. Venäjän —. 1903. План расширения по lauppatie –lehti – Финляндский направлении к северо-западу торговый путь. 1, 10. города Гельсингфорса. Jussila. 2010. Юссила, Осмо. Великое Poxljobkin. 1974. Похлебкин, Вильям В. княжество Финляндское 1809– Финляндия. Москва: Мысль. 1917. Хельсинки: Руслания. Protassova. 2004. Протасова, Екатерина. Klinge, Kolbe. 1999. Клинге, Матти and Феннороссы: жизнь и употребление Колбе, Лаура. Хельсинки—город языка. Санкт-Петербург: Златоуст. мира и моря. Страницы истории. Protassova, Ekaterina. 2007. Stability Хельсинки: Отава. and Instability in Language: Kuhlberg, Svante K., Ed. 2002. Venäläiset Contemporary Changes in kauppiaat Helsingin historiassa. “Finland’s Russian”. Siirtolaisuus- Helsinki: Helsingin Venäläinen Migration. 1, 20-30. Kauppiasyhdistys. Reponen. 2004. Репонен, Ану. “Финские Kuprin. 2001. Куприн, Александр И. Мы, урбанонимы в речи русских.” русские беженцы в Финляндии: Русскоязычный человек в публицистика (1919-1921). Eds., иноязычном окружении. Eds., Бен Хеллман and Ричард Дэвис. Арто Мустайоки and Екатерина Санкт-Петербург: Нева. Протасова. Helsinki: Yliopistopaino, 169-178. Lynch, Kevin. 1960. The Image of the City.

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Tabakova. 2010. Табакова, Ирина. Финляндия.ru. 12 Chairs OY, или Бизнес-иммиграция в Финляндию. Москва: Зебра. Tommila, Päiviö, Ed. 1983. Suomen kaupunkilaitoksen historia 2. 1870-luvulta autonomian ajan loppuun. Vantaa: Kunnalispaino. Tourist and Convention Bureau. 2011. 24 Hours in Helsinki. Helsinki: Tourist and Convention Bureau. Vail. 2007. Вайль, Пётр. Гений места. Москва: КоЛибри. Yelenevskaya. 2011. Еленевская, Мария. Дорогие наши столицы: образ Российского мегаполиса в Рунете. В Эволюция ценностей в языках и культурах, ред. Ирина Седакова. Москва: РАН, Институт Славяноведения, 101-134.

The Column of the Empress Alexandra

The Statue of Emperor Alexander II in

Senate Square The Uspensky Orthodox cathedral, one of the symbols of the city

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The former house of the Russian Seller Kiseleff, now a fashionable department store Sofia Street, a museum about streets

Café Sofia which serves Russian food

Sentenced to Commute

Sentenced to Commute: education—the pivot of the current Indigenous Young Women at a study. Urban multiculturalism is largely evaluated by spatial separation into 1 City University neighborhoods so that social groups, usually ethnic and racial, are sorted into Orna Blumen and Shay Tzafrir various parts of the housing market. This University of Haifa, Israel is largely explained by prejudice and discrimination against such groups and by own-group preferences to maintain Abstract distinctiveness within specific urban This study unveils the city from the perspective parcels (Clark 2002; Krysan and Farley of young, indigenous women, undergraduate students who commute to a city university 2002; Massey and Denton 1993; Yinger from remote, traditional communities. Relying 1995). This common focus on spatial on in-depth interviews with 22 Israeli Druze segregation dismisses the temporal impact women, natives of Galilean locales, it explores of daily dynamic, misreading additional their daily transition to and from the city. The forms of segregation across the urban analysis divulges key issues worth attention: the space. Some recent research has noted respondents’ use of temporal frames to organize that racial and ethnic transformation of their experience of transition, the effects of place urban tracts occurs through employment. and mobility on how they negotiate their identity As many urbanites move to their places following their interactions with the urban way of of work, where they meet people from life and, finally, a comment on the spatialization of multiculturalism is conveyed. different socio-cultural groups who live in other neighborhoods, their commuting disrupts the known segregated order of Daily commuters and the multicultural the housing market, yielding additional city urban patterns of segregation (Blumen ulticulturalism is a term and Zamir 2001; Ellis, Wright and Parks mentioned with regard to 2004). non-hegemonic groups, most However, as a focal point for various commonly:M immigrants, national activities, the city also attracts many, minorities and indigenes. It refers to the employees and others, who reside beyond decent response to the socio-cultural the metropolitan limits. Not only does heterogeneity of the demographic this flow of incoming people increase the composition in specific places (Song, 2010). city’s day-population, it also intensifies Most typically, cities are such diversified its diversity, portraying new, short-lived, places attracting many who seek to hard to measure and unexplored spatial benefit from their qualities as trading patterns of interactions and segregation. hubs, marketplaces, industrial complexes, One well-acknowledged familiar daily transportation nodes, governmental influx is that of ex-urban employees cores, foci of political activity and centers who re-enter the city for employment of service provision. Cities are also the purposes. Another relatively ordinary location of many institutes of higher flow of incomers is that of university

students who have not located to the unveil their accumulative experience city and commute regularly from their of frequent urban encounters and remote, often rural, neighborhoods. habitual fluctuations between these This study explores such a case, tackling two, traditional and modern, gendered multiculturalism from the less common worlds. After considering the status of perspective of daily migrants. It turns Israeli Druze women and methodological the light on their reality, focusing on the issues, this experience is conveyed experience of indigenous young women and then analyzed with reference to who, in their pursuit of higher education, multiculturalism in the city. re-enter the city and experience its spirit while adding to its multicultural Druze in Israel characteristic. The Druze people of the Middle East In the last decades, in most developed reside in Syria, Lebanon and Israel societies as well as in many developing where they exist as small minorities ones, a remarkable boom in higher with no national aspirations. They make education has been largely centered on up a small, traditional and religious women. Higher education increases community whose origin is unclear. the chances of women to upgrade their Today it is common to identify Druze earning potential and enhances their with Arabs because of some similar social capital as well as that of their family ways of life: customs, popular beliefs, and community (Becker, Hubbard and dress, food and language. However, Murphy 2010). In developing societies alongside some unique cultural traits, in the Arab world these advantages their esoteric religion (evolved in Egypt often provoke a paradox, challenging about one thousand years ago) separates the traditional confinement of women them from their neighboring Arabs. To to the home environment and the strict protect their mores and maintain their supervision over their movements and distinctiveness the Druze tend to live in social contacts. This study explores isolation, mostly in small, mountainous the experience of young women, villages away from national centers. undergraduate students, who live in this Solidarity with the Druze collective is paradox. It conveys the perceptions of very strong and includes powerful ties Israeli Druze women who dwell in remote, between patriarchal, patrilineal clans semi-rural, traditional communities and that rank women at the bottom of social commute to a city university. Previous hierarchy (Dana 1998, 49; Farraj-Falach research on Arab Palestinian women in 2005; Firro 1992; Katz 1990; Layish 2000). the Israeli system of higher education In Israel, some 123,000 Druze comprise focused mostly on long-term processes less than 2 per cent of the national of identity re-construction after their population and only 10.1 per cent of the university period and homecoming. The Arab citizens minority (82% Muslim), current study highlights their university residing in 16 mountain locales. Living period, exploring their present actuality in isolation, Israeli Druze have shaped as students. Following their commuting a rural, conservative and close-knit to and from the city, this study seeks to community that strictly preserves its

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religious and traditional values with 1992; Hassan 1992) and not with their strong clan solidarity (Al-Krenawi and level of education. In recent years, Graham 2001; Dana 1998; Hassan 2011). however, Druze emphasis on schooling Israeli Druze are a recognized, has yielded a rapid increase in schooling, autonomous religious group with a including tertiary education for women. separate education system where Druze heritage is integral in the curriculum. Druze women Unlike the majority of Arab-Palestinian The patriarchal nature of the Druze citizens who are exempt from military community in Israel has been meagerly service, military conscription for Druze researched and, similar to other men is compulsory following agreement characteristics, much information has between the state and the community. been extrapolated from research on As a result, individuals and locales are Muslim women which attenuates Druze entitled to some lawful privileges, such distinctiveness where, for example, religious proscription of polygamy most as, subsidies in housing, infrastructure prominently singles out Druze women. investments, construction and welfare Nevertheless, women’s status is low and benefits. Existing research has tended, social control over them is especially mostly, to illuminate Druze involvement tight. They are obliged to obey the men in the Israeli political system. Studies of of their extended family and to assume Druze multiple-identity in connection housework and child-rearing (Farraj- with their Israeli and Arab identities Falach 2005; Hassan 2008; Layish 2000). show that the majority adheres to the Women’s behavior greatly determines Arab identity component and dissociates the reputation, “honor”, of their entire itself from the Palestine narrative, while family and hence their chastity must be considering Druze Israeliness as a real, demonstrated by modest clothing, limited non-instrumental identity (for detailed individual mobility, male chaperonage discussions see Nisan 2010; and Yiftachel in public places and, in many cases, also and Segal 1998). Unlike many Arab by refraining from driving and physical citizens who live in cities and in semi- exercise (Dwairy 1998; Lewin-Epstein urban locales close to urban centers, and Semyonov 1992; Farraj-Falach 2005; Druze tendency of separatism confines Weiner 2004, 2008). most of them to isolated, rural locales. Although in Israel, higher education is As a result, the ability of Druze women considered important and has raised self- to rely on modern ideas of equality and awareness among indigenous women negotiate the traditional gender regime (Pessate-Schubert 2003), cultural barriers and the patriarchal constraints it imposes still constrain Druze women’s access to on their daily lives barely exists. The institutes of higher education (Weiner effect of this dissociation from urban life 2004 and 2008). Adherence to traditional has been noted, though not researched, cultural practices is greatly affected by by few scholars and only with regard to locales’ distance from the metropolitan Druze involvement in the Israeli labor center of Haifa. This cultural geography market (Kirschenbaum and Goldberg has determined the expansion of higher

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education among women in recent rural schools, promoting intellectual years. In the late 1980s, despite stringent curiosity and academic independence, forbidding by religious traditional and legitimizing the questioning of leaders, several Druze women from the taken-for-granted knowledge and two Carmel vicinities, on the outskirts arguing with authority. As the effects of of Metropolitan Haifa and a ten minute this openness extend beyond academic drive from the University of Haifa, texts, university women students also broke through patriarchal hindrance and challenge patriarchal authority and attended higher education. Leaving their norms common in their own community. home neighborhoods, often unescorted, They illustrate their university period and studying in the company of men, as a time of intense individual change these women contravened traditional and as an opportunity to discover their norms and they encountered powerful true “inner selves” and restructure their opposition, at times even ostracism of identity in a more individualistic way. their families and excommunication Their reconstructed, new identity is from the Druze religion (Falach 1991; fragmented and divided between covert Weiner 2004)— a punishment ordinarily and overt components: the covert, reserved for murderers and adulterers. suppressed identity is constructed by Approximately a decade later these Western, more individualistic norms, trailblazer women were followed while the overt, openly-expressed by young women from their Carmel identity manifests traditional cultural vicinities and, a few years later, young norms common in their semi-rural home women from the more remote, rural and communities. The overt component traditional locales in the Galilee joined regulates the identity displayed in public them. Over the years, higher education and this observed femininity involves slowly gained legitimacy, yet some modest clothing and adherence to Galilean communities still disapprove of traditional gender roles (Weiner 2004). higher education for women. Today some Indeed, this identity reconstruction 80% of high school Druze female students reflects the paradox of higher education aspire to higher education (Farraj-Falach for women in developing societies where 2005, 61) and, within higher education, increasing the likelihood of women’s female Druze students outnumber their earning and of the community wealth male peers. might not keep the need to preserve Most research attention to Druze specific indicators of women’s (lower) women is centered on their education. status and identifiable pointers of the Tertiary education, especially at traditional gender regime which are universities, presents Western culture often considered as a brand-marking to Druze women and equips them symbol of the distinctiveness of the with new perspectives on their own whole community. The potential of space needs and values regarding the place to unravel this paradox is important of individuals in the family and society. though hardly recognized in these University teaching differs greatly from studies of Israeli Druze women and their the traditional methods common in the Arab Palestinian peers. Distances and

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the nature of movements between places insights can be derived from research on may influence the flexibility of patriarchal Arab-Palestinians. Israel, which defines control, although the need to travel to a itself as a modern, democratic and Jewish city university from small, isolated, rural state, granted equal rights to Israeli-Arabs communities seems to work against such at its inception, including the affirmation flexibility. Only one study of Bedouin of Arabic as a formal language. However, women identified chaperoning and Hebrew evidently dominates the entire religious clothing as instrumental means spectrum of life outside indigenous that legitimate entry to the modern, locales and this almost guarantees a Jewish space of the university, but serious disadvantage at the level of higher consequences are discussed as a long- education for graduates of the Arabic term process the effect of which appears language based secondary education. mostly after finalizing university studies This structural disadvantage generates (Abu-Rabia-Queder, forthcoming). Thus an enduring confusion and a tendency the spatialization of everyday life, of toward collective separatism on the part how distances and movements turn into of Israeli Arab-Palestinians alongside a matter of daily decision-making and the view of university education as an daily practices within the “big” pattern important path to upward mobility, at that conditions attendance at higher least for individuals (Rabinowitz and education, is generally overlooked. Abu Baker 2002). While, today, many This study seeks to unveil how such young Arab women are encouraged to performance of routine transitions become university students, they are structures the daily reality of young Druze still marginalized by the socio-cultural women students who move between strategies of a traditional society which, their traditional home communities and in the last few decades, has selectively the modern city where their university is adopted modern influences. Primarily, located. gendered cultural norms encourage women and men to maintain their The city, the university and the research distinctiveness from each other; women setting are inculcated from childhood to give precedence to their families’ and clans’ To illustrate the setting of the current interests and curb their individuality study about the daily transitions of (Haj 1992; Hassan 1991; Rapoport, young Druze women we have to rely Lumski-Feder and Masalha 1989; Sa’ar on studies about Arab-Palestinian 2001; Shokeid 1993). students. Previous studies have hardly concentrated on Druze students in The respondents are students of the Israeli universities. Considering the University of Haifa. Haifa is the third focus of the review on Druze and two largest urban area in Israel, the population important similarities between Druze of which exceeds half a million, nearly and Arab-Palestinian female students, 10 per cent of the national population. their minority language, that is, Arabic The city is situated on Mount Carmel, as the mother tongue, and living under and its range of influence includes the strict patriarchal regime, some relevant Northern District where Israeli Druze

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live. Haifa is one of a few Israeli cities situation in their families as “relatively where Arab-Palestinian and Jewish good” and “a little better than average” citizens live together, and it is known for which is supported by the fact that none its comfortable coexistence. A magnet were involved in paid work. While for many students from the north, the these characteristics imply openness city affords young Arab-Palestinians, to the outside, modern world, the fact especially women, a relatively free social that the majority of their mothers (19) environment (Kashua 2004). As a result, are full-time homemakers and that all the University of Haifa is the only research the respondents said that they spend university in the country where the a considerable amount of time doing percentage of Arab-Palestinian students domestic chores in the immediate and the (23%) is higher than its percentage in extended family, indicates the prevalence the Israeli population (almost 20%). The of the customary gender regime and number of women students, especially women’s focus on their traditional roles young women, has risen dramatically in (see also Fogiel-Bijaoui and Bechar 2003; the last decades and today they make up Seginer, Karayani and Mar’i 1990). At the over 65% of the Arab-Palestinian students time of interviews the respondents were on campus. As a result, the University 19-21 years old, second- to fourth-year of Haifa is a unique Israeli arena with a full-time undergraduate students at the long tradition of teaching mixed classes faculties of Humanities, Social Sciences, of Palestinians and Jews (Safir, Nevo and Education and Law at the University Swirski 1994). Hence, the choice made of Haifa. They all lived with their birth by many scholars to focus on Arab- families in their native neighborhoods Palestinian students of the University of in three Galilean Druze locales, the most Haifa is not surprising, but this is the first distant being about 60-80 kilometers from study that focuses on some parts of the the University of Haifa and an 80-130 experience of Druze women. minute drive each way. Thus, this group of respondents represents a relatively Methods long and bothersome commute and the interviewees are well acquainted with Considering the complexity of this this experience of daily transitions. situation, we asked how they reckon with the decision to commute to the city and Interviews were conducted in Arabic how they feel about their experience of (the Druze mother tongue) by two young, daily transitions to and from the city. The female Druze peers (as part of a wider study relies on in-depth, semi-structured research project about the effect of higher interviews with 22 young Druze female education) previously unacquainted with students. The respondents’ fathers are the interviewees, at a place chosen by the mostly skilled blue-collar workers (11) interviewees (usually off-campus), lasting and self-employed (9), usually outside about ninety minutes. Interviewees were the locale (18) in urban vicinities, and re-approached (by the same interviewer the men in the immediate family (fathers on campus or via phone) to verify the and brothers) assumed military service. impressions gained in the course of the The respondents describe the economic interview. This matching was valuable in

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enhancing our access to such relatively “chain of sprints” and the respondents intimate information (Bhavnani 2004; say that they feel like participants in a see also the discussion in Wolf 1996). “race” or as attempting to “grow wings”. Interviews were recorded, translated and The daily routine is quite similar for all transcribed; the text was analyzed by respondents who start their day very the authors with the help of indigenous early in the morning aiming to reach the young women in a process of double classroom in time for the earliest lecture verification across cultural boundaries (8:30 am). within the research team. Taken together we believe that these measures assure I wake up at about five thirty [am] high-quality, authentic information. to catch the first bus. My mother has already prepared some hot beverage for me and I grab a pita [bread] or Transition to the city through time a sandwich or a cookie to eat on the frames way. I have to dash. I arrange all my The experience of transitions is primarily stuff the evening before, not to waste and most prevailingly structured in “sleeping time” in the morning. If I temporal terms. Time represents itself miss the bus the whole day gets messy and stressful. It’s better to be on time as a manifold array made of various for the first bus, then you can relax. I frames, serving as a high-level apparatus have to take my big bag which is quite by which reality is sorted. It embraces full and heavy, especially in the winter daily transitions as a two-way, concrete [when] it is annoying, [because of] the occurrence, and a sense of passing cold, the wind and the rain, it’s easy to through time that implies mid- and be late and sure, you’ll be late often. long-term processes. Typical interviews If I take the second bus I’m late. And started with daily concerns, and then also I spend the whole ride with those long-term processes, which contextualize [students] who slept over, most [of daily transitions, were expressed. This whom] are not very good [students]. I am not like them, I am a good student, order indicates that sorting out daily though I am from a [distant] village. occurrences is a more pressing issue for I’m not in one of these “nothing” [low- the interviewees while dealing with long- level], though closer, colleges. (Rim) term processes is a much more transparent and comprehensive undertaking. University students are distinguished The “management of time” is a from college students by their ability to term often used to describe day-to-day handle the burden of long commuting. routines and occurrences which are Clearly, space is considered to be a barrier largely structured around commuting to for the students’ academic achievements and from the university. Daily transitions and wellbeing. Evidently, spatial mobility are foremost about handling the routine is constrained by two institutional as university students. The respondents times. The first is determined by the city attend the university four to five days each university. Besides the need to study week and distinguish their “university and prepare academic assignments, days” from their “home/family days”. its daily effects are felt in the evening University days are described as a before the commute, when the students

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do all their non-academic preparations. I also need time to study at home. University institutional time clearly So they pay a lot for me to go to the sculptures the morning waking time university in the city and I am grateful. and other arrangements so as to enable (Arin) the interviewees to fit into another institutional time which is scheduled Although none of the respondents holds mostly by commercial considerations a driving licence, and none actually of the public transport service. Meeting knows a young Druze woman who the time constraints of the, usually two, drives her own car to the university, public transport schedules facilitates either occasionally or regularly, all do the students’ capability to synchronize share a fantasy of commuting by their their transition from their domestic own self-driven car: setting to that of the university. Five of I wish I had my own car, it’s so less the respondents are regularly driven by stressful, makes you free not sentenced a family member (father) to a nearby bus [constrained] to the bus. Having your station on the main, intercity road where own car to go to the university it’s many buses heading to the city central almost like living in the city, you can be station stop. Without parental help the yourself, go where nobody knows you. mornings of these students would be Just knowing that changes you much extremely stressful because of the scarcity more than going to the university with of public transport in their village as some [familiar] people. But I couldn’t compared to the neighborhoods of most ask my father to also pay for this [out of the other respondents. of home residence], it would break his heart to turn me down for something Morning transition is also indicative of that could really ease my studies, make class, including issues such as economic me an even better student. (Arin) background, mode of commuting, personal expenses and family support. Although class nuances are mostly All respondents reported on satisfying associated with the pricey commuting, occasions when they are driven by a the respondents recognize this costly family member “door-to-door”, from transition as only one part of their their home to the university. These are comfortable status as full-time students rare occurrences and unaffordable by that burdens their families. They try their own, “above average”, families: to reciprocate by physical efforts such as travelling in overcrowded buses, Public transport [to the university] carrying their heavy luggage all around costs a lot, more than 70 shekels [20 US$] per day to go back and forth. during their long university days, My mother prepares some food and a consuming less expensive food and, vacuum flask with coffee and a bottle obviously, by aiming towards high of water that I take but it’s a long day academic achievements, including and I often buy some snacks. I don’t association with students of similar work because they [family] want me academic aspirations (see an excerpt to excel and know that travelling so from Rim’s interview quoted earlier). Yet many hours each day is really tiring. their experience induces a wish for a less

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constrained existence with regard to the native culture and to the importance of institutional time of the transport service family ties and approval. The reports and social control (as expressed by Arin), on such fancies are withheld by financial but not necessarily with regard to the concerns and even Maysloon aborts her university institutional time. The latter outspoken desire to experience city life, triggers this imaginary flight to the city, which would rely on her own independent away from their native neighborhoods. income, for that reason. Very interestingly, The inaccessible car clearly epitomizes gender, though unmistakably implied, autonomy as the benefit of potential is not brought up directly with regard exercise of anonymity and individualism to these socio-economic and mobility which are characteristic of city life. Seven concerns of the morning bus ride. It is, respondents are more direct, contrasting however, tackled most prevalently with the city with their home locales: regard to the evening ride.

I usually wake up a few minutes The evening transition to the home before my mother checks on me and think about the day. I think about how The evening commuting is usually very I need to hurry to catch the first bus to tight and demands coordination of the [inter]city and catch the city bus; several passages between different means how it is going to be overcrowded of transport. Latest buses on campus are and move slowly through the jam- strictly timed 10-15 minutes after the packed, noisy streets and the smelly evening lectures (18.00 and 20.00), which smog. It is different from what we barely leaves enough time to reach one of have at home, not frightening, but the bus stations on campus. intriguing. [City] people can come and go as they like, wear what they want, Missing the [last] bus is not an option. talk to whoever they wish and have It means that my father or my older coffee with anybody. They are not brother has to drive to the city, to recognized and labeled [by passers- the university, about one hour each by]. I think this place suits me. I often direction, to drive me home. It’s ask myself whether I could move, unthinkable. Now [normally] one of really separate from my life and live in them has to drive to the main road the city, alone [independently], having and pick me up at the bus station, a job, an apartment, and new friends. but this is only about half an hour But this is too expensive a dream and altogether, not two hours. The second my family could never pay for such an [intercity] bus drops me off on the undertaking. (Maysloon) main road and it’s late and the service is slow [infrequent]. I call home about Notably, the respondents refrain from 15 minutes before my stop, and my explaining the contrasting circumstances brother leaves to wait for me. There that inspire such fancies of flying away as is little light and it is quite frightening a liberating step. Although this refraining for a girl [young woman] alone at may be related to a wide, taken-for- night on the road and they [the family] granted understanding of the restrictive don’t want me to wait because it’s regime in the home environment, it also dangerous. It’s better not to be [seen] alone, to be waited for. We [women] attests to the respect they have for their

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have to be careful. What if a [male] and the deserted environment. These student or somebody else is already at signify moral panic and generate a sense the station? People [might] think we of vulnerability and insecurity in the are together and talk [gossip]... By the young women upon their late return time of the spring semester it is not so to their distant locales. To reduce the terrible because the night comes later and he [her brother] waits for me only perceived risk and the panic it raises, after the last lecture. But winter nights evening commuting is also constrained are terrible. Not only do I have to pay by the personal time of men, usually attention [coordinate] to call home on brothers, who chaperon the women for time when on the bus and see nothing the last part of their journey. Although outside, it’s also very cold, windy and seemingly personal, the chaperons’ often rainy. So it’s really better that time is also largely institutional: it he waits. It could have been better to represents the family whose men drive my own car but this is a dream provide the chaperonage and whose for most unwedded [young, female] evening schedule incorporates this students. Also for me even if we [the immediate family] are modern, not need to care for the family women. The religious. … This is my last year [at chaperons’ time is also embedded in the university] and I never miss the the second institutional time, that of the [evening] bus... With all these layers community by which the circumstances of clothing, the heavy bag and the for chaperonage are determined. Clearly crowded corridors, I have to be quick this moral panic is gendered, centered though I’m tired. Sometimes I skip the on the protection of women’s modesty toilet to be on time for the bus, and (sexuality) as a signifier of the family remember, it’s a long ride. Honestly, reputation and “honor”. Phrases such I’m careful not to drink during the last as, “because we are girls”, “especially class. (Belkis) important for women” and “only for women” were often voiced as indicators Belkis touches upon most of the issues of this concern. mentioned by the other respondents. It is indicated that, similarly to the Because of their burdensome morning commuting, the institutional commuting, ex-urban students who try schedules of the university and of at to make the most of their university days least two more public transport services usually stay late which integrates such shape the journey back home. Means of a late, anxious ride into their routine. commuting appear to be very important Reflecting on this evening anxiety, the and, while driving a private car is interviews resort to irony and even mentioned and dismissed immediately cynicism: as irrelevant for women, being driven It is not only that these [daily] journeys in a private car by a family member is are tiring for me, they are also more an important component, typical of the expensive for my family than dorm evening transition. In this context several living. During the first year some of us other aspects are emphasized: physical [female friends] even indicated it to the discomfort, tiredness and climate hassles parents, to show how we [the family] are accumulated over the night-darkness can save money, make university less

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costly. All received the same response new people [unknown male students]. saying that “some things are worth It’s fine because you are never alone more than money such as our tradition, on the bus and must be careful not to values and honor” and that “women chat with them for long because you’re and daughters that respect their not really unfamiliar... You know how [religious-traditional] origin don’t it is for women, people always know fancy city living, where sinful episodes people who know people who know are a daily matter”. Isn’t it funny? I you and your family. It is not [her voice my opinion to my parents but emphasis] like you are walking alone not outside [publicly]. So I respect their in the city and there is little chance to view and go [commute]. I’ll never be meet acquaintances. On the bus you disrespectful, immodest [because] that meet a lot of new people who speak might hurt them. (Ranna) your language and you are relatively free to look, talk and laugh, and then Apparently class nuances and economic you can meet later on the campus, concerns are tied in with social control elsewhere in the city. It’s surely not easy but possible even if I myself and the need to commute daily in order to never did such a thing, especially with avoid the peril of the urban lifestyle. Yet, someone who is not like me [Druze]. it is attested by all the respondents that Anyway, as you get closer to home, some criticism, individualism and sense of you have to arrange your clothes to autonomy are expressed indoors, within [suit] the home [community milieu] the confines of family privacy. This gap and call your brother to come and indicates how gender is negotiated within meet you and, even if you have a nice the context of modernization, where chat with someone, he knows your processes within the family are muted family watches you, and soon you in order to protect the social consensus get off. You are a “good” girl. You can continue later on facebook, but you outside, in the community public space. have time to think if you are interested This negotiation is discussed later. at all. (Rim) Similar to the morning bus, being confined for a long ride with only Thus, evening commuting becomes a vaguely familiar fellow-passengers— discrete arena for mixing and matching women and men, yields opportunities opportunities where social control, for mixing. Following her description of though existing, is not as tight as the morning bus, where socializing with usual. It is interesting to note not only students of high academic aspirations that considerations for mixing on the seems important, Rim conveys the evening bus are different from those different atmosphere of the evening on the morning bus, but performance ride: of social control such as re-dressing to affect a modest appearance and You meet a lot of new [young] people coordinating chaperonage are used to on the bus and it’s nice. You are still “city pretty” [voiced in Hebrew “Yaffa “correct” random flirting on the bus. The La’ir”, see Amira below] and a little respondents are familiar with a few cases bit droopy, and the evening is dark. If of romantic relations that had originated you are not too tired, you can talk with on the evening bus and tend to clarify

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that, normally, young Druze women where she takes the intercity bus] and follow the code of chastity and separate I walk around window-shopping, themselves from strangers. This latter watching the people in the cafes, going emphasis reflects the Druze tendency in different directions. It seems like a big mess but it’s not, everybody goes of separatism from non-Druze Arabs somewhere, nobody is lost. I like to with whom they share a mother tongue. watch all kinds of people: old, young, Segregation from the Jewish majority children, Arabs, Jews, tourists… I differs because, as Amira implies, it look at the women wearing beautiful, is embedded in their dependence on fashionable clothes, some wearing institutional time: tight T-shirts and shorts; they are lovely though they look so naked. I have to catch the bus and don’t Sometimes I ask myself if I could have time to talk with the teacher walk like that on the street, not at and others [students] when the class home [neighborhood], of course, but ends. This is bad mostly when we elsewhere around the world. I wear [students] have to do team tasks. [As trousers and it’s fine, but never tight a result] I can work only with other jeans. When I’m there [in the city], I try Arab [female] students, and it turned to make myself prettier, modern, to be out that we [Druze] usually study fit for the city. I put on some make-up, together and sometimes with [Arab] lipstick, arrange my blouse… Christian [female] students. Many [Jewish] students want to work with [She re-presents her body: tightening us [Druze] and we want to work with her blouse, opening the top button, them, but it’s hard, we never have time hanging her coat on her hand, shaking to hang around and do things together her head to let the hair fall freely, with them so we stick to each other. stretching her body upright and (Amira) wearing a big smile.] I don’t overdo it because someone It is indicated that the evening pressure not [familiar] might notice me, but I do only incapacitates personal preparations change myself a little. I feel different, but it also purges discussions with freer, more myself, the real Amira, more than in the university and certainly teachers and cooperation with other more than in my neighborhood. I students. While separatism is maintained, always dress nice for the university academic achievements and aspirations and take special things [clothes and suffer. accessories] to change into in the It is, however, noteworthy that, though [public] toilets. But when I to go to the common, commuting to the home does mall I pay more attention to be “city not always imply a late bus ride. The pretty”. Sometimes I go with a [girl] respondents reported that at least once friend and it’s more fun, but even by myself it’s nice. It is not like going to a week they return home earlier, in the Hadar or to the Merkaz [local business afternoon: districts] where you are actually out [doors], where it’s more dangerous On Tuesdays it turned out that I have around places [sites] which are really some time to do what I like. Usually no good for women. Anyway, I don’t I go to the mall [at the central station have much time to wander around,

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but every other week for one or two on campus where they are recognized hours I feel different, like abroad. as Druze by others, including kith Interviewer: Did you ever go to Hadar and kin. It is noteworthy that all the or to Merkaz? respondents dress in a modern way yet, Sometimes I go, but always with as they move toward the city, all slightly friends. It’s interesting for me because I’m used to the village, but I feel better amend their appearance in a way which at the mall. I’m more comfortable to is less acceptable as modest in their do some little shopping for myself, neighborhood but hardly noticeable clothes and in the drugstore, and by modern outsiders. Altogether, these [costume] jewelry, and all the other seemingly minor changes in representing stores. In my neighborhood the stuff the body at home, on the campus, and in [selection] is boring, at the university the city, reflect variations in the sense of it’s limited and at the mall there is the gendered self which are related to everything. (Amira) place and mobility. These are discussed in the last section. Returning home in the afternoon offers an advantage which is most often taken Home days: transitions through the by the young women to encounter city weekly and yearly frames life as a fourfold experience: reduced social control, exploring “improper” Although the women’s experience of territories, restructuring bodily daily transitions is fragmented between appearance, and joining consumption as the morning and the evening bus rides a relatively private act. While all these as separated endeavors, the two are aspects are unquestionably embedded in not unconnected. To explicate their their “going-to-the-university”, they are connectedness, the respondents turn experienced as spatially and temporally to different time frames that better separated from the campus life. The semi- capture the cyclic experience of their public space of the mall seems to provide transitions—the weekly and the yearly an agreeable mixture of anonymity, routines. Out of the seven days of the safety, and hubbub that enables these week the respondents spend two or three young women to encounter city life days at home. They usually describe without seriously challenging their themselves as adult daughters in their community conventions. Interestingly, parents’ home: bodily restructuring, which is admittedly The most important thing is to study, to an important component of the morning prepare my academic tasks, including daily commuting, was mentioned in reading. Written assignments always passing by only two interviewees. Yet come first and then reading [which is] it was brought up with regard to this extremely difficult and time consuming less frequent ride which was mentioned because it’s mostly English [second by an additional 16 respondents. While foreign language]. Often I tend to avoid this neglect might be related to privacy it... I know it’s not right, my parents and modesty it, nevertheless, indicates are making [financial] efforts, and I the extent of social control which is don’t have to [take paid] work except felt by these young women also when during the [summer] vacation… I am

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a good student, but I could do much to that of her native neighborhood with better. [Hence]It’s good that I don’t regard to studying, personal autonomy, live there [dorms] with all the friends domestic work, unsupervised mingling and the “city fun”. I would probably and mobility. Although none complained have studied even less, go out to about their home-days’ routine, all wander around with friends, to spend time in the city and the [dorm’s] club respondents confessed envisaging such and so on. I do imagine what it could an alternative. Thus, while descriptions be like to live there but, still, even with of daily commuting are mostly structured all these annoying tours [commuting], around practices and habits of moving I have more time to study at home. to and from the city, contrasting “home Here I can help my Mom at home, days” with “university days” offers you know, cleaning, washing, in the a fuller perspective of the women’s kitchen. I help my aunt with her young transition between the two worlds. toddlers, I do some shopping for my Mariam alludes to another cyclic order grandmother and help her in the house, and once a week I help some of that contextualizes the transitions to and my uncle’s kids with their homework. from the city. The yearly order separates There are many things that I do and the university period from the four- my family counts on my help. And month summer vacation. Besides the I spend some time, actually a lot of short-term ceasing of daily commuting, time, with my friends and some of my the most important aspect of summer cousins. Here there are a lot of family vacation is the involvement of most (19 affairs but I can always say that I have out of 22) of the respondents in paid to study to avoid some of them; in the work for three to four months. All are dorms you’re alone [independent]… employed in jobs near to their homes, who can tell you what to do? You don’t need to say you’re studying to have a working as temporary shop assistants, little peace [privacy]. (Mariam) cashiers, child minders and other types of helping jobs, often in local businesses Mariam’s description clearly identifies owned by members of the extended studying, domestic and family work, family. While all said that they were and same-sex mingling as the three most treated fairly well at their jobs, 14 (of prevalent activities that dominate the the 19) reported on being underpaid— students’ “home days” routine. These below minimum wages and commented are portrayed hierarchically so that that such unlawful salaries are common the prioritization of studying is widely among employed women in the region: accepted. The effect of gender is noticeable I believe that in the city people with regard to the non-academic [employers] who don’t know you or activities, such as, domestic chores, your family wouldn’t dare to pay you child minding, controlled social links less [than minimum wages] but I live and exemption from financial worries, here. Even those who live on campus which altogether structure a relatively return home for the summer vacation sheltered environment for young women and are underpaid. But we usually students. For Mariam living on campus have to work during the summer for in the city implies an alternative order at least three months to help the family

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and save some money, not to ask always emphasized education and [money] for every petty thing. (Rula) I always tried to be good [at school]. My father always wanted me to go to Apparently city jobs appear more the university, to have a better future profitable than local ones because the as a woman and a mother. I now know what a better future means for me. typical anonymity of urban reality seems Not being a homemaker who has no to protect against social control. At the money [earnings]. To have a better home locales, traditional values of gender job than just cleaning or arranging hierarchy and loyalty to the clan and to the vegetables at my uncle’s grocery community seem to cultivate a closely- [where she works on vacations], and it knit reality that enables financial abuse will be more interesting [fulfilling]. My of these (and other) employed women. fiancé and I will make a “good” family Rather than expected vacation-topics with [higher] education and income to such as relaxation, leisure, independent support our family. My mother never earning and occupational considerations, worked outside [the home] but I will … have my own money and my own the ill-feeling of being financially abused life. I’ll live in a [the nearby] village dominates the “home days” experience of with my fiancé’s family. We will not the employed respondents during their live elsewhere, not even in Akko [a summer vacation. This experience also neighboring, medium-size, mixed— shapes their future view of themselves as Arab-Jewish, city at the metropolitan employed women. outskirts]. But having visited the city often, watching how people live there, A life course perspective I learnt a great deal about how to manage my life as a modern woman References to the respondents’ past who will also be a mother and who and future, though not necessarily won’t stop respecting her tradition. voluminous, are found throughout (Samira) the various testimonies, illustrating an additional time frame. The life course The effect of the “big picture” is usually perspective is a taken-for-granted frame, pushed aside. It typically emerged serving as an underlying principal with regard to descriptions of some that contains the venture of university long moments of solitude which were education as one part of a longer occasionally offered by the long evening and diverse course. Samira, who was commuting. This broad perspective interviewed on the last week of her entails a strong sense of future disposition, four-year university course, offers a encapsulating issues of family life with retrospective view of her venture: motivation for social mobility as the main benefit of university education, and Sometimes when I’m alone [with depicts some differences from the typical no acquaintances] on the [intercity] lifestyle of the parents’ generation. Social evening bus I think about my life. I try, I need to explain myself, justify this mobility is conveyed in conventional- burden. I see [adopt] a wider picture, a modern terms of occupational and income panorama that helps me to appreciate characteristics and in the more traditional this long, tiring ride. My family terms of reputation in the community.

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Like most others (19) who are engaged frames, demonstrating the interlock of to be married when completing their the spatial and temporal dimensions university course, Samira realizes that (Hägerstrand 1985). The interviewees the coming wedding implies migration to recognized two cyclic time frames by her partner’s native locale, and predicts which they organize their routine, the her future in the bosom of her Druze week and the year. The weekly order community. Although the option of future separates university days from home city residence is declined, she appreciates days. University days are structured the input of her urban encounters to the around academic activities and loaded enhancement of her future prospects as with urban impressions. Although home she portrays a kind of middle ground days are also structured around the where the traditional and modern value priority given to academic concerns, they systems are integrated. Evidently, she include many more activities which are differentiates her “urban experience” typical for young women in these Druze from her “university experience” and neighborhoods. Thus, while each daily recognizes the inconsistency between routine is perceived as linear, the full city life and the traditional life in her impression of daily transitions to the city locale. Altogether, this “university-city” and encounters with the urban milieu is phase in her life helps her to formulate a evidently captured and conveyed within future which is believably viable. the respondents’ experience of the weekly cycle. This time frame enables Discussion them to process and evaluate their urban encounters against the common This study unveils the city from the standards in their native neighborhoods. perspective of a transient population Most likely this lag is explained by the of young, indigenous women students overtiring and exhausting routine of from remote, traditional communities, each university day and the relief offered examining their experience of daily by the weekly perspective. transition to and from the city. The analysis divulges some key issues that Some correlation can be found between are worth attention: the respondents’ the weekly and the yearly cycles which use of temporal frames to organize separate university terms from summer their experience of daily transitions, the vacations. It is notable that throughout effects of place and mobility on how the testimonies the entanglement of space they re-construct their identity following and time includes common references their interactions with the urban way to the effect of seasonal changes as part of life and, finally, a comment on the of the yearly cycle. Vacation, however, spatialization of multiculturalism is implies withdrawal from urban offered. encounters and involvement in paid work close to the home. Individual earning Throughout the testimonies, the most does not necessarily entail personal prominent issue is the intuitive tendency autonomy, indicating the respondents’ of the interviewees to order their experience of tension between some activities as well as their multifaceted “home conventions” and some “urban- experience in cyclic and linear time

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modernist” basic rights. This cycle are rather limited by the institutional represents the sense of moving back and schedules that prescribe their commuting forth between their two statuses: during procedure—temporal constraints—as university terms they are privileged nights outside the home and dormitory young women who are permitted to residence are not acceptable (for them). access higher education and, in the course They are also limited by the life course of that, also experience a weakening in frame which implies time–space (re) social control and licitly encounter the compression upon their graduation urban milieu. During university vacation and home-coming, when traditional they are young women of the community gender hierarchy will regain hold on who experience (re)intensification of their lives and re-confine them to the social control and restricted mobility home environment (Blumen and Zinaty which makes them captive, exploited 2010). Altogether, going to the university employees. shapes an incoherent experience which Unmistakably, cyclic and linear time entails identity discontinuity. Narrating frames are twisted together. Despite their mobility through the various time the obvious pairing of the morning and frames helps the respondents to cope evening transitions and that each typically with the challenge that mobility between reflects “transitional concerns” which the two places brings into their lives. are contained by the other, they were In that process, the effects of place and described as separate, linear activities. mobility on identity (re)construction Quotations that enclose both within the transpires. sequence of one day were hardly voiced and their correlation is articulated within Place, mobility and identity the cyclic time frame of the week. The need to reckon with the effects of place An overarching linear time frame and mobility is a recent development in is that of the respondents’ life course. identity research and is mostly applied The women are aware of their current to international migration, transition stage in the final phase of their formal from pre-modern to modern settings education. During this (three to four year) and the rise of hybrid identity (Bauman university phase, the yearly cycle though 2001; Easthope 2009; Urry 2000). This lively and sparkling, is mostly hesitant study emphasizes daily mobility, and ambivalent. Daily transitions are exploring the experience of indigenous entwisted with the life-course frame young women who move from their and, together, the twisted time frames traditional remote communities to the epitomize a wavering experience of time– city with a typically modern purpose of space expansion and compression (Katz entering higher education (Tuan 1996 2001). For these young women attending “hearth” and “cosmos”; see Ley 2001). the university implies access to the To understand how they negotiate their benefits of modernity and their world has identity components in that chapter grown bigger, practically in spatial terms which is typified by diurnal transitions, as determined by their daily mobility. the significance of place must not Their urban encounters, however, be overlooked. It is, however, worth

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mentioning that, unlike international Under these circumstances, the migrants, the respondents routinely recent development of daily migration exercise travelling by which mobility of young women to the city is tolerated, itself turns out to be a stable identity but with reservations, doubts and component and their hybrid identity suspicions. This inconsistence largely extorts more vitality from encounters shapes the way these women negotiate with the two places at both ends of their the urban way of life. They are curious, daily journeys. some even passionate, about city life, The urban way of life (Wirth 1938) and their urban experience is typically is probably the best term to capture modernist as it is set against their lives the meaning of their daily going to the in their semi-rural home communities. It university and exposure to the city. It embraces some physical features such as refers to the erosion of moral structure noisiness, smelliness, throng, and some and community life in the traditional more abstract thought-provoking issues, sense as a consequence of new division for instance, individuality, anonymity, of labor, cultural diversification and autonomy and, most prominently, a sense socio-economic segregation which isolate of a new moral order which is based on individuals within the propinquity of the slackening control on their sexuality strangers. The traditional nature of the and their discontent with their summer respondents’ home communities, their job arrangements. It is noteworthy that place of departure, was described earlier. these women recognize the “liberating”, Clearly, the respondents are situated modernist potential of city life for women, within a broader modernization of their which is deeply seated in the urban way Druze communities. In the Israeli Druze of life (e.g., Nava 1996). Yet they differ (and Arab-Palestinian) communities from the original context of the term this process has typically leaned on “urban way of life” in that they have no men’s daily commuting to relatively intention of becoming urbanites. Their close employment foci. As a result, strong home attachment, clan and ethnic some modern–urban features have loyalty, and deep sense of community been “imported” into the traditional– belonging renounce urban citizenship rural locales by men commuters and (see Maya-Jariego and Armitage 2007). residential outmigration to urban centers Thus, the hybridity that the urban way has been scarce. Women, who were of life phases into their identity mostly traditionally confined to the rural locales, reflects this multifaceted bond to their have had limited direct encounters with place of departure. This somewhat modernization and its benefits and overshadows the effect of their current continue to perform their gender role in encounters with city life, which include the traditional ways. Consequently, their some minor “provocations”, such as, adherence to the traditional gender role less modest clothing and appearance, was ingrained into place identity, re- socializing with unfamiliar others, some affirming the authentic Druze character (usually) innocent flirting, unchaperoned of these locales. mingling in central streets and malls, independent purchasing of personal

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things and frustration with their vacation only hybridize their identity as Druze jobs. However, the effect of the urban way women, but also liquefy the place of life is easily detected by their intention identity of their origins and destination. to modernize their future life within the But this liquefying effect differs between community limits: they plan to marry, the two places. Whereas the effects of to have a family, to become employed their encounters with modern city life, mothers and assertive spouses, and then especially those related to their gender, to grow to be respectful, convincing are often suspected, disapproved of, and women in their communities. This order even criminalized, within their home of things implies that the hybridity communities, the city milieu tolerates acquired through their current encounters their apparent strangeness. In that sense with city life (and university education) it is also noteworthy that despite the is suspended, turning into a future “Arabic” characteristics of their observed orientation. It also unveils their identity strangeness, none of the respondents re-construction at present by which reported prejudice or discrimination daily boundary crossing indicates that against them either on that ground or as gender and ethnicity are re-negotiated a woman. While this does not suggest within a unitary system that involves that they have not experienced such place and time. Yet it is noteworthy that, harassments, it does indicate the extent of within this unity, gender, though re- forbearance and signifies the city milieu negotiated, is categorically subordinated as tolerant, supporting its multicultural to the ethno-cultural component as the characteristics. The difference between preponderance of the life course linear the two places, though understandable time frame indicates. and even justified by some, shows how Currently, however, they come multiculturalism is spatialized. The to the city as day migrants who are entanglement of gender, education, distinguished by their appearance, that tradition and hegemonic power relations is, clothes, limited social interactions emphasizes that, beyond multiplicity and temporal constraints, language and and diversity, multiculturalism involves studying habits. Their visible foreignness tolerance, acceptance and inclusion and observed engagement with in- and as integral to its “decent” component out-daily migration embody some non- (Song, 2010), and that this component modern Druze values that they “import” is not necessarily policy-dependent to the modern-Jewish city. In that sense but can also be detected as integral to these mobile women challenge the binary routine practices of daily life. Thus the distinction between rural and urban ways spatialization of multiculturalism is also of life, infusing attributes of one milieu affected by the varied maps of decency, into the reality of the other: their daily as reflections of various systems of power mobility infuses modernization into their relations. native locales and, by the same token, Overall, this study sheds light on also diversifies the city, intensifying the viability of city multiculturalism as its multicultural character. Thus, daily emerging from a transient, non-hegemonic transitions and city encounters do not population which is unquestionably

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accepted by urbanites and other passersby Graham. 2001. “The Cultural with whom they fleetingly interact and Mediator, Bridging the Gap share the urban space. Focusing on between a Non-Western the urban day population, the current Community and Professional study skips the common disposition to Social Work Practice.” British map wards of residential segregation Journal of Social Work. 31:665–685. and delves into the experience of one Bauman, Zygmunt. 2001. The group of this day population. Yet it is Individualised Society. Cambridge, indicated that a spatial investigation UK: Polity Press. of the impermanent, daily patterns is a Becker, Gary S., William H. J. Hubbard challenging direction for future research. and Kevin M. Murphy. 2010. Identifying, documenting and mapping Explaining the World Boom in urban routes and spaces of multicultural Higher Education of Women. encounters, indifference and avoidance MFI Working Paper No. 2010-09. across the metropolitan area are worthy Available at SSRN: http://ssrn. of research attention. They will provide com/abstract=1681606 Accessed a better understanding of the city as a February, 2012. mosaic of social spaces and how these Bhavnani, Kum-Kum. 2004. Tracing vary between day and night. Contours: Feminist Research and Feminist Objectivity. In Feminist Perspectives on Social Note Research. Ed. Sharlene N. Hesse- We are much indebted to the interviewees Biber and Michelle L. Yaiser. and interviewers, young Druze women New York and Oxford: Oxford who chose to maintain their anonymity University Press, 65–77 but willingly shared their experiences and Blumen, Orna, and Iris Zamir. 2001. views with us. They became our teachers Two Social Environments in and interpreters, acquainting us with many a Working Day: Occupation facets of the lives of our neighboring Druze and Spatial Segregation countrywomen. We also appreciate the in Metropolitan Tel Aviv. comments of the editors Larisa Fialkova and Environment and Planning A Maria Yelenevskaya on the early versions of 33:1765–1784. this article. Blumen, Orna, and Bader Zinaty. 2010.

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Sacred and Profane Space

Sacred and Profane Space in the Modern Russian City: A Choice of Russian Jews

Elena Nosenko-Stein Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia

Abstract A profound transformation of the cultural memory in the former Soviet Union has resulted in deep changes in the cultural identities of all Soviet—and ex-Soviet—ethnic and religious groups. This transformation led to a change of perceptions about sacred and profane spaces and the connections of these spaces to the urban landscape. As a result of complex historical and cultural processes, contemporary Russian Jewry is a highly heterogeneous community and its perception of traditional Jewish sacred places— synagogues, cemeteries, saints’ tombs—is that th they have lost their function. During the Soviet This postcard of the early 20 century depicts era these places had often not been considered the building of a former synagogue in Smolensk. by Jews as sacred. Moreover, non-Jewish sacred At present the college for Communication places, like Christian churches, had, paradoxically, Studies is located there in some cases, become Jewish sacred places. The so-called Jewish renaissance in post-Soviet Russia has led to a revived interest in Judaism and Jewish Introduction traditions. Therefore, Jewish communal centers, ome scholars stress the decline of philanthropic and youth organizations, centers many traditional collective identities, for economic support, leisure time activities, and the emergence of new ones at and places for Jewish sentiments and memories Sthe same time (Davidman 1991; Giddens function as Jewish sacred places. This inversion of 1992; Vermuelen and Govers 1994; Eriksen sacred and profane spaces, typical of post-modern 1993; Anthias 2001). The deep crisis of culture, is visible, especially in small urban centers, some traditional religions and nations is where there are no synagogues and where the role of secular or semi-secular Jewish organizations is one aspect of the phenomenon (Gans 1994; growing. In this article I will try to demonstrate Smith 1995; Horowitz 2001; Calhoun 2004). the specifics of Jewish sacred and profane spaces in The other is the “ethnicity explosion” and modern Russian urban centers. the “religious renaissance” in many parts of the world (Bentley 1987; Banks 1996; Brubaker 2004). In any case, a person

identifies him or herself more and more Jewish identities of the Jewish population with his or her religion or culture, even in Russia today. though some ethnicities and religions Modern Russia is a deeply divided are declining. Paradoxically, we can see society. We can see many splits in the social that personal self-identification, free and cultural spheres of this country so it from many former collective ties, is very is impossible to speak about a common widespread (Cavalcanti and Chalfant sacred myth or a grand narrative in 1994). These tendencies are also typical Russia. Russia’s Jewry, being a part of of Jewish identities in many countries. this “society in transition,” is also a very All these processes, including heterogeneous community (Kochan 1972; ethnicization and de-secularization, have Gitelman 1988). As a result, there is no led to a change—real and perceptive—of common Jewish identity (Nosenko 2004: urban space. The Soviet homogeneity 52-53) and no common sacred spaces for has been substituted by diversification— Jews in Russia today. ethnic and religious elements of the urban landscape are more evident now Sources and Methods in Russian urban centers. “Patterns of In conducting my research I chose to use popular taste [I would also add, patterns qualitative methods, such as oral and life of mass culture, E. N-S] reflect, among history, since they are more useful than other things, attitudes to the city, the quantitative ones in anthropological state, the nation, the family, money, studies. This article is based mainly on foreigners, minorities, the arts and the the results of my field research which I system” (Stites 2000, 2). Temples of carried out from 1999 to 2009 in several various religions (churches, mosques Russian cities and towns (Moscow, St and synagogues), as well as centers for Petersburg, Penza, Krasnodar, Smolensk, ethnic activities (communal and Diaspora Veliky Novgorod, and some other urban centers, all kinds of clubs for studying centers in the European part of Russia). ethnic traditions, music etc.), play a I conducted a total of 250 in-depth more significant role in the lifestyle of interviews. Interviews were informal and modern Russian citizens and in the urban indirect, that is, informal conversations landscape than formerly. These changes, where the interviewer tried to minimize in their turn, result in deformations, her role and give the lead to the narrator. sometimes strange ones, in the identities Yet I had a special interview guide that of ex-Soviet people. included several areas of topics that I This article is dedicated to the choice wanted to cover. Interviews lasted from of sacred and/or profane spaces by thirty minutes to six hours, depending on modern Russian Jews. These spaces the willingness and time of the informant. refer to synagogues, Christian churches, There is no single representative sampling and/or other places, mainly spaces of in qualitative research; I relied on what is leisure activities and centers of economic known as “theoretical saturation”, where support for their members. I will try to the researcher gets enough evidence demonstrate the perception of these for his/her theory and new interviews places in the context of Jewish or non- might add details but do not affect

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the main concepts (see Bertaux 1981; Diversity in Singularity Hummersley 1989). As a result, the main For many centuries to be a Jew meant “to source of this study is texts of interviews perform ceremonial laws of Judaism.” with the attendants of different Jewish A synagogue was a Jewish sacred place organizations, as well as with people of and an opposition to the sacred places of Jewish origin who have never visited Others (churches, monasteries, mosques) them. Among the informants 137 were or Jewish/non-Jewish profane spaces, women; their age ranged from seventeen including public places— markets, to eighty-eight years old. Out of all the various offices, etc. The situation had informants 221 had undergone higher started to change in the 19th and much education or were students in universities more so in the 20th century, when a secular and colleges at the time of the interview. Jewish identity had emerged and spread I found the informants as a consequence out (Klier 1995; Nathans 2002; Zipperstein of my contacts with Jewish organizations 1999; Frankel 1981). In the former USSR and the use of the snowball principle. Jewishness has been almost totally cut off In addition, during my research trip, from Judaism and the Soviet variant of I carried out a survey in order to verify Jewish secular identity was based mainly the results of the qualitative research. on the principle of ethnic origins and state The general sampling included 300 anti-Semitism (Shneer 1994; Shternshis respondents whom I found mainly in the 2006; Nosenko-Stein 2009). In modern Jewish organizations. Most respondents Russia the crisis of Jewish identity has were aged between 16 and 30, or older its unique characteristics. The Jewish than 60. These age cohorts represent the population in Russia is culturally diverse age structure of attendants and members and it is impossible to speak about a single of Jewish organizations. The data of Jewish self-identification. There is a set this survey is, therefore, an additional of cultural self-identifications based on and important source. In some cases I different symbols and values (Nosenko used the data of sociological surveys 2004). Therefore, it is also impossible conducted by other scholars (Gitelman et to speak about a common Jewish sacred al 2000; Chervyakov et al 2003; Ryvkina or profane space because its perception 2005; Shapiro et al 2006; Osovtsov and depends on the self-identification of Yakovenko 2011). many people of Jewish origin. An additional and very important The analysis of texts enables me to source was participant observation. It suggest a classification of cultural self- was especially helpful in the Russian identifications of persons of Jewish periphery because, although my field origin in Russia and their relationship trips were not very long, they were with their religious choice. It is very intense: I stayed in private homes, important to take into account that most spent whole days with my informants, of my informants, like most Russian Jews listened to their stories and gossip, and today, are people of partly Jewish origin learned their routines. All of this added (i.e., they were brought up in mixed considerably to my understanding of families). Jewish life in these towns.

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1. East European Jewish (East in the USA, Western Europe and Israel. Ashkenazi). Self-identification is often These informants, like the previous based on the Yiddish language and group, had had no traditional Jewish traditional Ashkenazi culture. The education either. Nevertheless, they informants were aged 75+. However, knew something about Jewish tradition this self-identification is actually quasi- and values from elder relatives. During traditional, because it is detached from recent years they have often tried to “find Judaism and represents a Soviet variant their Jewish roots” by studying Jewish of Jewish traditional culture. The main culture, history, etc., and by taking part Jewish symbols for these people are events in Jewish life. They try to observe some of World War II and the Holocaust. Jewish ceremonial laws; and sometimes 2. Russian (or non-Jewish) self- convert to Judaism. identification. Informants with this type of self-identification were usually born Their Sacred Space? through intermarriage, and usually I will begin with Judaism and the declare that they are Russians and have synagogue as a Jewish sacred place. never regarded themselves as Jews. According to my survey, 4 to 10 per cent They prefer Russian values and often of Jews (in different age cohorts) in Russia declare that they are Christians (Russian today fulfill Jewish ceremonial laws; a Orthodox). higher percentage (13.7) consider Judaism 3. The negative type. These informants as “the most attractive religion” (Gitelman perceive their Jewishness as part of quite et al 2000, 72). Ryvkina even found that a negative personal experience and have a 35 per cent of the respondents believed negative form of Jewish self-identification so (Ryvkina, 2005, 120). Osovtsov and that very often has been formed through Yakovenko are more realistic—11.7 per anti-Semitism, often par excellence. They cent of their respondents regularly visit declare themselves as non-believers or in a synagogue (Osovtsov and Yakovenko relation to Christianity. 2011, 75). 4. Dual self-identification (a kind of The informants with East Ashkenazi hybrid identity). Persons of this large self-identification do not regularly go to group often say that, in some situations, the synagogue but they occasionally do, they are Russians and, in others, Jews. as part of a traditional way of life, and, They were brought up in a Russian in these cases, they say that they want milieu, but during recent years they have to be with Jews, or commemorate their often become interested in Jewish culture parents: and tradition. Some of them converted to Christianity but at the same time they are Of course I am a non-believer, all interested in Judaism. of us are Soviet Jews, you know. If 5. The “new Jewish” self-identification anybody tells you that he believes in God, don’t believe him. … I was a differs from the traditional Jewish self- communist and I didn’t abandon my identification that existed in Russia until th party. … However, I come here [to the the first two decades of the 20 century, as synagogue]. I do this in memory of well as from the Jewish self-identification my parents, and they were religious.

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I have great regrets that I didn’t ask synagogue, I am afraid to go there. my parents about all these customs, I Besides, I know that women are not am sure they knew all of them (Yakov allowed to go there (Tatyana P., 68, a B., 82, a pensioner, Veliky Novgorod, pensioner, whose mother was Jewish, 2007). St Petersburg, 1999).

In this case the synagogue functions as The informants with the dual self- a lieu de memoire, a place of memory (Nora identification also usually do not 1984) or, more accurately speaking, au lieu visit the synagogue. Their hybrid de memoire, instead of a place of memory, self-identification often develops an because the real memory is often lost. ambivalent perception about synagogues, Some informants also have a free meal i.e., they regard them as a Jewish sacred there, and this is very important for most space but not Their Own. Nevertheless of them, as pensioners, especially in the they often visit the communal centers. Russian periphery, are extremely poor. In “New Jews” visit the synagogue even this case, synagogues once again play the if they only observe a few ceremonial role of a soup kitchen, a role that almost laws of Judaism. They usually do so totally disappeared during the Soviet in their own way, separately from the era. I would say that informants usually elderly people. For example, they begin perceive the synagogue as a Jewish the Sabbath when it is convenient for sacred space, even when they are non- them, after the lectures or working day. believers, and therefore they state that That is, they consider the synagogue as former synagogues should be returned a kind of youth club, a space for leisure to Jewish communities. activities, and therefore as Their Own The informants with the Russian and profane space. negative self-identification usually do At the same time, those who have not visit the synagogue and perceive it as converted to Judaism visit the synagogue a sacred place of Others: very ardently and perceive it as Theirs, as a Jewish sacred space: Now I would like to believe in something. I believe in destiny, in fate. I can’t say I didn’t believe in God. I just But I didn’t believe in all that before. didn’t think about it. I had no need In recent years I wanted to observe for faith. But over the recent years rituals—both Russian Christian I thought about these things a lot. I and Jewish. But I realized that it is went to church, then to the synagogue. impossible to worship two Gods. You I spoke to the rabbi and liked him very just cannot do that. … Sometimes I much. He is very intelligent, he helped go to church. My husband’s relatives me a lot. I began reading the Tanakh, [Russians] are Russian Orthodox, and and then some Midrashim. Now I they are very religious and I have to observe everything. … When I was in fall into line with them. … Sometimes Israel I went to see her [the informant’s I’d like to buy and light candles, order daughter’s] wedding and liked to be a memorial service. Both my daughters in a Jewish Orthodox milieu. I liked are Christian and they baptized their to wear a long skirt and a hat. I think children. (...) I have never visited a if you want to be Jewish, you have to

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perform Jewish ceremonial laws. … whose grandfather was Jewish, There is no synagogue here now, you Moscow 2007). know. But I often come to this room where I can see our rabbi and feel so Many “half Jews,” (i.e., people who have comfortable here. I hope there will be one Jewish parent) were baptized in a real synagogue in Smolensk (Olga F., infancy by their non-Jewish relatives, who 45, a businessperson, whose mother is Jewish, Smolensk, 2007). were often non-believers, but performed this ritual as part of the Russian tradition. The baptism was not the informants’ Isn’t Alien Sacred Space No Longer choice but sometimes determined their Alien? Profane Becoming Sacred preference and affiliation later, because All the same, the results of my research, they were usually raised in a Russian as well as studies conducted by some cultural environment. Even during the other scholars, show that Christianity Soviet era they could observe some is more popular or, at least, more elements of Christian culture—books, attractive for persons of Jewish origin icons, painted eggs and other dishes of in Russia, especially among offspring festive meals, etc., moreover, as I have of intermarriages (Ryvkina 2005, 120; already mentioned, in the late Soviet era Gitelman et al 2000, 72). My survey shows some Jews converted to Christianty (see that 14 per cent of the respondents in a Deutsch Kornblatt 2003; Nosenko-Stein general sampling considered themselves 2010). So, in the 1990s, many of them as Christians (mostly Russian Orthodox). made their implicit Christianity more Young people more often preferred a explicit after perestroika, in the era of the church than a synagogue—25 per cent “Russian Orthodox boom” in Russia. (according to Ryvkina) and 10 per cent Most, however, converted to Christianity (Gitelman et al). in the 1990s, the period of the above- The reasons for their conversion to mentioned religious boom (Nosenko- Christianity were very diverse. Some Stein 2010). intellectuals became Christians in the late The informants with the East Ashkenazi Soviet era because they considered it as a type of self-identification very seldom kind of opposition to the Soviet regime, declared themselves as Christians. But, or tried to fill the spiritual vacuum in the at the same time, some of them went to anti-religious state, but were in a situation church, explaining that the church was of lack of information about Judaism (see, nearer, or that the atmosphere there was e.g., Deutch Kornblatt 2003): friendlier than in the synagogue. Some informants, who live in towns where I converted to Christianity because I needed it, I mean, to have a religious there is no synagogue, consider their experience. But it is just accidental, I visits to the local church as a kind of mean, that I am a Russian Orthodox. substitute for the Jewish sacred place: We did not know anything about other religions then [in the 1970s-1980s]. I There is no synagogue here. There is am not sure, but had I known a good no rabbi here. Rabbis don’t come here. rabbi then, I would have converted to They prefer to earn money in your Judaism (Mikhail D., 58, a psychologist Moscow and don’t want to come here.

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Yom Kippur eve in a private apartment in Gelenjic, 2007

Sometimes I go to a church because it natural sacred space: is possible to pray in any place. But I feel more comfortable here [in a small I am Russian because I am Russian Jewish center located in a private Orthodox. All of us are Russian apartment] because some people like Orthodox, all my family. We observe me come here (Pyotr G., 73, Gelenjic, a only Russian Orthodox holy days, not resort in the South of Russia). Jewish ones. … My father often goes with my mother and me to church However, some researchers show that (Natalia A., 19 years old, a student, most elderly Jews in Russia do not visit whose father is Jewish, Moscow, either a church or a synagogue (Shternshis 2000). 2007, 280-282), although more often, they prefer churches. Therefore, churches The informants with the negative type function not only as a substitution for the of self-identification usually affirm they Jewish Sacred, but rather as a place where are non-believers, but in some cases they a person can find his or her very vague were baptized, mostly at the time of the and uncertain sacred place. religious boom in post-Soviet Russia, and perceive the church as non-Jewish The informants with Russian self- and Their sacred space, sometimes even identification, who declare their affinity as an opposition to the synagogue: to Christianity, perceive a church as Their

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There was a very difficult period time. But I don’t want anybody here in my life, a time of depression. [in the Hillel club] to know about my Sometimes I went to church and felt Russian Orthodox faith (Yelena K., 20, good there. … Once a friend of mine St Petersburg, 1999). told me: you should know where you feel better. Besides, I didn’t feel Jewish The unstable self-identification often [her mother is Jewish, her father was leads to an uncertain perception of what born in a Jewish-Armenian family]. So is Their Own and what is Others’ sacred I got baptized and go to church now. And after that [baptism] all Jews—of and profane space. A synagogue is often course I don’t consider them to be considered as an Alien sacred place, albeit enemies—but I feel more comfortable highly esteemed and sometimes even in a Christian milieu, among Russians, attractive. The emotional distance to the Russian Orthodox (Lina B., 49, a church is shorter, even if the respondents secretary in a small company, Moscow, were non-believers or agnostics and 2000). did not perceive the church as a sacred space. The emotional factor has great importance As to Jewish communal centers, they in such cases—the friendly atmosphere of often substitute for different hobby clubs the church and the beauty of the Russian and free places for leisure activities Orthodox liturgy often attract people— which were widespread and popular in especially women—in difficult periods the Soviet era. These places of cultural of their lives. consumption are not only places for The informants with dual self- leisure “time, money and energy but also identification were sometimes baptized for the super-cultural effects adopted in the late Soviet era but, during the by consumers—the songs they sing last 10 to 15 years, they have become together for certain functions, the clothes interested in Judaism and believe that it they wear, styles of behavior, emulative is impossible to be a Jew and a Christian postures (e.g., movie stars), dances, and at the same time. Sometimes they try to even speech patterns … and narrative keep their Christian faith a secret. styles” (Stites 2000:3). Yelena K., 20, a teacher of music, began For the “new Jews” a synagogue is visiting the local Hillel club, a Jewish the only Jewish sacred place, however, if youth organization, and, as a result, they had already had another religious became deeply interested in her Jewish experience, they do not consider the roots. She tried to explain: synagogue as the only Jewish sacred place. Sometimes they also perceive a I was baptized when I was nine years local Jewish communal center as a Jewish old; I often go to church and pray there Sacred Place. Tatyana P., 34, a teacher and feel at home. I observe Russian of foreign languages, whose mother is Orthodox holy days and fasts. I have friends who are Russian Orthodox. Jewish, was Russian Orthodox, and who Regarding the synagogue, I can’t go now fulfills some Jewish ceremonial laws there. I think it is improper to attend said: a church and a synagogue at the same

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When I was a Christian I never No wonder that in search of a sacred considered Christianity as the only place many people of Jewish origin in true faith. Even now I think there are Russia convert to Christianity and find a different ways and different faiths, sacred space in a church or in the Jewish but they all say the same thing. communal center. But I suppose that if I am Jewish, I shouldn’t hesitate. … I think Judaism At the same time, we can observe a is more rational than Christianity. very slight tendency to return to Judaism. I go to the synagogue but not very This tendency is most prevalent among often. The atmosphere is too formal, “new Jews” —young people involved too cold there. … And at our Jewish in Jewish life. They try to find Their center the Jewish life is very hectic sacred space in the synagogue. A young and so interesting! (Tatyana P. 34, St businessperson, whose parents are Petersburg, 2000). Jewish, visits the synagogue regularly:

One of the specific characteristics of I was brought up as a non-believer, all of the above-mentioned types of but I have always felt there was self-identification is the loss of great something; maybe I knew there was importance, even of most Jewish symbols God. But all my family was atheistic. and values, including Judaism itself. In Nevertheless, several years ago I met this context the Others’ sacred space is a very good rabbi. He explained many not perceived as Alien. Thus, the church things to me. And I understood that a Jew must perform the ceremonial laws can be often considered as Their sacred of Judaism (Denis O., 32, Krasnodar, space, especially by so called “ordinary 2007). Soviet people”, who were raised in the Soviet era and were cut off from In these rare cases (2 to 3 per cent of Judaism, but had some knowledge about the respondents said they belong to Christianity. This perception is especially orthodox Judaism, both Hassidic and popular among non-Halakhic Jews non-Hassidic; less than 1 per cent prefer (i.e., patrilineal Jews), who do not feel the reformist Judaism) they perceive comfortable in an orthodox synagogue. both the synagogue and the Jewish As an example, here is what a student, communal centers as Jewish and Their whose mother is non-Jewish, told me: sacred places. When I came to the synagogue for the In addition, we can see some attempts first time, they paid attention to me to construct a kind of “civil Judaism”, because I was new there. And I was mainly by people with “new Jewish” young—you know that most people self-identification. They try to observe there are very old. … But then they some commandments of Judaism which asked me about my mother. And after they consider as important: hearing my reply they just turned away from me and didn’t notice me My religious principles largely anymore. I was shocked. I will never coincide with Judaism, but I am not an go there anymore! I don’t attend observant Jew, just partly observant. church but, if I wish, I can go there and nobody will ask me about my mother -What do you observe? (Stas K., 21, Penza, 2007).

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Dancing modern Israeli dances in the yard of the Jewish community center in Veliky Novgorod, 2007 This phenomenon—an inversion of the Mostly the Sabbath, sometimes Jewish sacred and profane places—is holidays and kashrut— to a certain rather typical of many informants who extent. I try not to eat pork or mix milk go to Jewish centers. Most of them even and meat. … Sometimes my father prefer the local communal organization and I [his mother is Russian] go to the synagogue (Matvey R., 21, a student of to the synagogues. Thus, the profane sociology, St Petersburg, 1999). space plays the role of the sacred one. Some visit all three institutions, a Hassidic synagogue, a reformist center Moreover, some young respondents and a secular Jewish organization. even perceive the synagogue as a Jewish profane space: A pensioner who came to a Hassidic center and a synagogue and a reformist I come here [to the synagogue] because center for the Jewish holy days said: I like it. It is so interesting: this is a real club. Before that I went to another club, This house [a building of the academy but I like this club better. I have never where the reformist center is located] seen all these Sabbath and festivities, is a real Jewish place. I don’t mean this is so interesting! And people are so anything bad by speaking about friendly (Olesia K., 21, Penza, 2007). our synagogue. It is good and the Jewish holy days are interesting there.

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You were with us at the New Year not just sacred spaces, they are centers ceremony and you saw that a lot of of economic support for poor people people come. But here people can come (free meals, free second-hand clothes, at any time and see each other. There free food etc.) and, sometimes, places are different courses for our young for the commemoration of relatives. people. … It is so good of you to come here. Do you like this Jewish house? Therefore, they are important for elderly people with different types of cultural Yes, I do. self-identification, irrespective of their perception of the place—either as Ours You are really Jewish! (Rimma S., 58, or Theirs. Krasnodar, 2007). Moreover, sometimes Jewish sacred and profane spaces change their function During the Soviet era, “the entertainment or supplement each other. Thus, many possessed certain universal features and Jewish organizations are considered as mechanisms dictated by the desire of all sorts of clubs—World War II veteran, the producers to have their products youth, hobby, and so on. These clubs consumed on some kind of market, are often free or very cheap. In addition, however controlled” (Stites 2000, 4). Jewish organizations offer some free or Nowadays, other “producers” create cheap services, like medical services, new places and opportunities for financial support, education, leisure etc., entertainment, which are sometimes as well as lectures about Jewish tradition, perceived as new sacred places. history and culture, celebrations of Jewish holy days and memorial dates. All these Conclusion events are expected to strengthen Jewish Thus, in many cases, Jewish and non- identity and many people, especially Jewish sacred places substitute for each non-religious or agnostics, sometimes other, and we can see the inversion of perceive Jewish profane places as sacred Ours and Theirs or, more accurately, the ones. Their role is of great significance mixture of Our and the Others’ sacred in constructing a “new Jewish” identity spaces. This interchange is particularly and reinforcing the Jewish component of pronounced in small Russian urban a hybrid identity. centers, where churches can substitute Generally speaking, we can see a for synagogues, and communal centers highly diversified picture in which Jewish substitute for them both. At the same and non-Jewish sacred and profane time, we can also observe such a urban spaces replace each other, coincide, replacement in large cities, where the and lose their original functions. This distance to the nearest synagogue is too phenomenon can be seen in the context far, especially for the elderly. Besides, of so-called implicit religion (Bailey 1983, some people, whose self-identification is 1990). It is defined by scholars as a very cut off from Judaism, perceive a church vague core of beliefs and practices taken as a friendlier place, open to everyone personally from different religious and irrespective of ethnic origin or gender. In secular systems, including the UFO, some cases, churches and synagogues are diets, meditations etc. This is a kind of

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personal religion that is more convenient Biography and Society. The for a person who does not want to Life History Approach in the be restricted by any prescriptions or Social Sciences. Edited by dogmas of a traditional religion (see also Daniel Bertaux. Beverly Hills: Cavalcanti and Chalfant 1994). University of California Press, In spite of so-called the religious 29-45. revival supported by the state, many Brubaker, Rogers. 2004. Ethnicity without people in contemporary Russia continue Groups. Cambridge, Mass.: their search for the sacred in different Harvard University Press. religious and secular systems and places. Calhoun, Craig. 2004. “Belonging” in So, on the one hand, we can see a specific the Cosmopolitan Imaginary. return of some young people to Judaism Ethnicities 3. 40: 531-553. and to the synagogue as a Jewish sacred Cavalcanti, H. and Paul Chalfant. 1994. place but, more often, they turn to a kind Collective Life as the Ground of of civil Judaism, which they construct on Implicit Religion: The Case of their own. On the other hand, some people American Converts to Russian of Jewish origin prefer Christianity and Orthodoxy. Sociology of Religion try to find the sacred space in the church. 55. 4: 441-454. However, most people of Jewish origin in Chervyakov, Valery, Zvi Gitelman and Russia follow an implicit religion with its Vladimir Shapiro. 2003. Thinking inversions or mixtures of all sacred and about Being Jewish in Russia profane places. This quasi-religion and and Ukraine. In Jewish Life after the mixture of sacred and profane spaces, the USSR. Ed. Zvi Gitelman with are typical of the post-modern culture. Musya Glants and Marshall I. Goldman. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 49- 60. Works Cited Davidman, Lynn. 1991. Tradition in Anthias, Floya. 2001. New Hybridities, a Rootless World. Berkeley: Old Concepts: The Limits of University of California Press. “Culture”. Ethnic and Racial Deutsch Kornblatt, Judith. 2003. Studies 24. 4: 619-641. Jewish Converts to Orthodoxy _____. 1990. The “Implicit Religion” in Russia in Recent Decades. Concept as a Tool for Ministry. In Jewish Life after the USSR. Sociological Focus 23: 203-217. Ed. Zvi Gitelman with Musya Banks, Marcus. 1996. Ethnicity: Glants and Marshall I. Goldman. Anthropological Constructions. Bloomington: University of London and New York: Indiana Press, 209-223. Routledge. Eriksen, Thomas H. 1993. Ethnicity and Bentley, G. Carter. 1987. Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Practice. Comparative Studies in Perspective. London: Pluto Press. Society and History 29. 1: 24-55. Frankel, Jonathan, 1981. Prophecy and Bertaux. Daniel, 1981. From the Politics: Socialism, Nationalism Life History Approach to and Russian Jews. 1862-1917. New the Transformation of the York: Cambridge University Sociological Heritage. In Press.

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Gans, Herbert J. 1994. Symbolic Nathans, Benjamin. 2002. Beyond the Ethnicity and Symbolic Pale. The Jewish Encounter and Religiosity. Towards a Late Imperial Russia. Berkeley; Los Comparison of Ethnic and Angeles; London: University of Religious Acculturation. Ethnic California Press. and Racial Studies 17. 4: 577-592. Nosenko, Elena. 2004. “Byt’ ili Giddens, Anthony. 1992. Modernity chuvctvovat’?” Osnovnye aspekty and Self-Identity. Stanford, CA: yevreiskoi samoidentifikatsii u Stanford University Press. potomkov smeshannykh brakov Gitelman, Zvi. 1988. A Century of v sovremennoi Rossii (“To Be or Ambivalence. The Jews of Russia to Feel?” The main aspects of and the Soviet Union. 1881 to the Jewish self-identification among Present. Bloomington: Indiana the offspring of intermarriage University Press. in today’s Russia). Moscow: IV Gitelman, Zvi, Valery Chervyakov RAN—Kraft+ (in Russian). and Vladimir Shapiro. 2000. Nosenko-Stein, Elena. 2009. Natsionalnoe samosoznanie Iudaizm, khristianstvo ili rossiiskikh yevreyev. Resultaty “svetskaya religiya”? Vybor sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniya sovremennykh rossiyskikh 1997-1998. (“The National yevreyev. Judaism, Russian identity of Russian Jews. Results Orthodoxy or Civil Religion? of a sociological poll 1997-1998.”) Choice of Russian Jewry Today. Diaspory/ Diasporas 3: 52-86 (in Diaspory/ Diasporas 2: 6-40 (in Russian). Russian). Horowitz, Donald L. 2001. The Deadly _____. 2010. Aliens in an Alien World: Ethnic Riot. Berkley: University Paradoxes of Jewish Christian of California Press. Identity in Contemporary Hummersley, Martin. 1989. The Dilemma Russia. East European Jewish of Qualitative Method: Herbert Affairs 40. 1 (April): 19-41. Blumer and the Chicago Tradition. Osovtsov, Aleksey, and Igor Yakovenko. London, UK; and New York: 2011. Yevreysky narod v Rossii: kto, Routledge. kak i zachem k nemu prinadlezhit. Klier, John. 1995. Imperial Russia’s (Jewish People in Russia: who Jewish Question. Cambridge: belongs, how and why.) Moscow: Cambridge University Press. Dom evreyskoy knigi (in Kochan, Lionel, Ed. 1972. The Jews in the Russian). Soviet Russia since 1917. London: Ryvkina, Rozalina. 2005. Kak zhivut Oxford University Press. yevrei v Rossii. Sotsiologicheski Nora, Pierre, Ed. 1984. Les lieux de analiz peremen. (Life of Jews in memoir/ Sous la direction de Pierre Russia. Sociological analysis of Nora. Paris: Gallimard. changes.) Moscow: (in Russian).

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Shapiro, Vladimir, Maria Gerasimova, Irina Nizovtseva and Natalia Sianova. 2006. Evrei Sankt- Peterburga: uchastie v obschinnoi zhizni. (Jews of St Petersburg: participating in a communal life.) Diaspory/ Diasporas 3: 95-149. Shneer, David. 1994. Yiddish and the Creation of Soviet Jewish Culture. New York: Cambridge University Press. Shternshis, Anna. 2006. Soviet and Kosher. Jewish Popular Culture in the Soviet Union, 1923- 1939. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. _____. 2007. Kaddish in a Church: Perception of Orthodox Christianity among Moscow Jews in the Early Twenty-First Century. The Russian Review 66 (April): 273-294. Smith, Anthony. 1995. Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era. Cambridge: Polity Press. Stites, Richard. 2000. Russian Popular Culture: Entertainment and Society since 1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vermuelen, Hans, and Cora Govers, Eds. 1994. The Anthropology of Ethnicity. Beyond Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Amsterdam: Hel Spinhuis. Zipperstein, Steve. 1999. Imagining Russian Jewry: Memory, History, Identity. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

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Jewish Culture and its Heritage in Slovakia after 1989: Urban sites of remembrance in Košice and their meanings.

Vanda Vitti University of Munich (LMU),Germany

Abstract This multiple-perspective ethnographic case The building of the Orthodox Synagogue study explores the current meanings of the Jewish on Pushkin street in Košice (photo taken cultural heritage for the Jewish community of in 2010). Košice in Slovakia and its urban environment. Based on interviews with experts, and narrative two cemeteries, and a house of culture interviews, archival research, media monitoring, called ‘Kasino’. The number of buildings, object-analysis, and participant observation, the their size, architecture and distinctive author’s analysis focuses on the city’s synagogues which emerge as narrative spaces triggering décor, suggest that there used to be a discourses of conflict between different interest sizeable, rich and heterogeneous Jewish groups and witnessing social practices that address community in the city. cultures of remembrance. About 12,000 Jews lived in Košice before the Holocaust.3 Today, the city’s “The last regime has destroyed the Jewish community comprises 300 official Orthodox synagogue” members which is nowadays the second largest in Slovakia. Fifteen thousand his is the headline of an article Jews from Košice and surrounding areas (Jesenský 2006)1 published in 2006 2 were deported to Auschwitz, and only by the Slovak daily SME. It was 2,000 of them returned to the city after devotedT to the oldest synagogue in Košice the war. Many Jews emigrated when which was virtually destroyed during the communist regime came to power the Socialist era. Košice is home to nine in 1948, and some others did so after the officially recognized ethnic minorities, 4 collapse of the Prague Spring in 1968. and the ecumenical church district has Only a small group stayed in the city, but ten member groups. The city is generally after the political rupture in 1989 many viewed as the multi-cultural and multi- members of this group moved to Western religious urban center of East Slovakia. countries. Numerous buildings reveal its Jewish heritage: a community center with the Today, it is mostly material relics that oldest Mikveh (Jewish ritual bath) in bear witness to Jewish life in Košice. In the Slovakia, four synagogues, a Yeshiva (an socialist era, the authorities expropriated Orthodox Jewish school for studying the the buildings of the Jewish community Talmud and Torah), two Jewish schools, that remained intact after the Holocaust. Cultural Analysis 10 (2011): 105-115 © 2011 by The University of California. All rights reserved 105 Vanda Vitti Jewish Culture and Its Heritage in Slovakia

Like in many other Slovak cities, these interpretations of places as media buildings were no longer used for their of remembrance or as symbols are, original and intended purpose. The in turn, dependent on the cultural and societal discourses surrounding Orthodox synagogue on Zvonárska Street them; i.e., they rely on the subjective (Slovak for “Bellmakers”), for example, experiences and attitudes of the served as a storage facility for the State groups affected and interested, groups

Library. Jesenský 2006, quotes an art using the site, and groups involved in historian, observing the renovation of the discourses in question (Skriebeleit the synagogue: 2005, 219).

Never in my life have I witnessed What ‘space’ do the Jewish community a greater act of barbarism. They and the Jewish culture occupy in the robbed the furniture, disposed of it city and its memory? How does the in a landfill or completely destroyed synagogue, as a material space, structure it. Today, it is no longer possible to individual activities and social relations restore some parts of the interior to the in the city? What meanings and functions original state. For example, they broke open the holy shrine used for storing do objects and spaces of remembrance the Torah, installed boards in it and acquire when they become linked to put the writings of Lenin inside. For the memories and experiences of the years, rain has been pouring through inhabitants of Košice? the leaking roof, so plaster has come off the wall revealing brickwork, and Narrative Spaces in the City the stucco has fallen off too. There is a reciprocal relation between In 1989 the process of restitution started, space and social life. The urban and the synagogue was returned to environment reflects structures and the Jewish community which is now ideas; at the same time, the materiality responsible for renovating it. Since the of the built space structures social building is dilapidated this is a serious action. Yet the past is not just present challenge. The renovation work was in material relics; in the urban space, scheduled to be completed by 2013 there are conscious and intentional acts of marking past events in order to when a museum of Jewish culture in preserve their presence in the here and East Slovakia will be inaugurated in the now (Binder 2009, 15). building. Košice was designated to be the European Capital of Culture in the same year. Beate Binder portrays urban space as a product of social construction. According According to the cultural studies scholar, to her, social construction in this case Jörg Skriebeleit, places serve: is based on the reciprocal effects that people and buildings have on each other. …as a medium for constructing Different actors decide where in the urban cultural spaces of remembrance that space past events should be remembered, can be associated with a variety of meanings and connotations. These and which objects and spaces should act

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as media of commemoration in order Despite its status as an (inter)national to become part of the cultural memory. heritage site, the oldest existing According to Aleida Assmann, cultural synagogue in Košice5 is one of the many memory evolves from a wealth of “tragic” objects that form part of the knowledge and experience. Divorced Jewish cultural heritage in Slovakia. from their original living bearers, they Nevertheless, there are good prospects have been transferred to material data for it to be saved. If the renovations are media and have become part of social completed by 2013 and the museum of practices (Assmann 2006, 47). Jewish culture does open, this synagogue In this article I am presenting some will be a rare example of a successfully ethnographic observations made during restored site related to Jewish culture. the fieldwork I undertook for my Ph.D. Located in the city center and housing dissertation, which is devoted to the the new museum, the synagogue will fit development of Jewish life and culture in well into the multi-religious and multi- Slovak cities after 1989. I will focus on the cultural image of the city. Moreover, it question of how synagogues, as sites of will be economically beneficial for the remembrance, draw some features of the Jewish community, thanks to admission past into the present and thus function as charges. All in all, the synagogue will “zones of contact between the past and have a multi-faceted symbolic value: it present” (Assmann 2006, 217 ff.). With will serve both as a site of remembrance the help of examples, I will sketch out for the Jewish community and as a the nature of these “contacts” and look at museum disseminating knowledge about breaks with the past. I view synagogues Jewish culture in East Slovakia among and their urban environment not only as members of the general public. Notably, socially constructed, but also as narrative commemoration of the Holocaust will spaces. As Rolf Lindner remarks, “cities be an essential goal of the restored are not empty pages, but narrative spaces synagogue: the names of the murdered in which particular (hi)stories, myths and Jews from Košice will be inscribed on its parables are inscribed” (Lindner 2006, walls. This would be a welcome change 57). from the situation with the Jewish cultural heritage in Slovakia today:

Difficult Struggle for a Future Out of 107 synagogues and prayer halls in Slovakia, only about six are Synagogues confront the policy- used as active Synagogues, about making bodies of the new Eastern fifteen of them serve at least partially Europe with a far more complex as cultural venues. These include problem than do cemeteries: something a broad spectrum of uses: from must be done with the synagogues. … specialized art galleries to cinema “Doing something”, however, halls. The remaining synagogues are creates an even greater dilemma, warehouses, dwellings and shops, and especially in the post-1989 era when the also abandoned sites (Borský 2010, disjuncture wrought by the Holocaust 136). is exposed again and in new ways (Bohlmann 2000, 45).

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Besides two Orthodox, there are two more of the Jewish community or its cultural synagogues in Košice: one is Chassidic, activities. Yet, even if it remains outside converted into a technical laboratory in the orbit of everyday life of the non-Jews the 1950s, the other is Neolog, turned in the city, it can be assumed that they into the “House of Arts” around the possess at least some knowledge about same time (Borský 2007, 123). The Neolog the community thanks to the publications synagogue has been the seat of the in the local media. Philharmonic Orchestra of the State ever My research in the archives of local since and is owned by the City Council. newspapers revealed that they did not Since 1994 the Jewish community has only regularly cover the history of the been fighting in court for the ownership Jewish community, but also informed of this synagogue and of the Yeshiva also readers about the situation with the owned by the city council. synagogues as regards problems with their restitution and renovation. In the Cultural Heritage at the Intersection early 1990s, when the press began to of Social and Cultural Memory: show interest in the Jewish community, Remembrance in the Urban Present the journalists focused on the Jewish Among the residents of Košice there is a holidays and days of commemoration. distinct interest in the history and culture In 1994, for example, there was a report of Judaism in their city. One proof of on objects of commemoration headlined this is the popularity of the guided tour “The history of Judaism in Košice dates th “Jewish Košice” operated since 2005 by back to the 15 century” (Duchon 1994). the Košice City Information Center. These Headlines, such as, “The State returns tours are conducted twice a year and, destroyed property” (Hriadelová 2000), according to a city guide I interviewed, or “The Jewish community goes to court they are more popular than any other over the House of Art” (Hriadelová and tour offered by the Center because they Jurkovičová 2001) testify that, in the give a unique opportunity to see the last few years in particular, the media interior of the buildings belonging to have been reflecting upon the current the Jewish community. Notably, some of conflict of interests over the ownership these buildings were inaccessible to the of buildings with complex history. public in the past. When the tours take I conducted online interviews with place the other Orthodox synagogue on the current mayor, who has been in office Pushkin Street becomes a site where the since late 2010, and with his predecessor. strange encounters the familiar: visitors Both said that the Jewish community and learn about Jewish history and culture its traditions constituted an integral part and approach this authentic place as if it of the city’s culture, and so people highly were some exotic curiosity. value the contribution of the community During my field work, I interviewed to city life. The Club of National Minorities some inhabitants of Košice and found and the Commission of Churches, both that the majority hardly knew anything municipal organizations, represent about the synagogues in the city center. the interests of the Jewish community Neither were my interviewees aware vis-à-vis the city council. Besides, the

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Jewish community is a member of the Jewish cultural heritage is located in Ecumenical Church District which also their “memory-archive”, which is latent closely cooperates with the city council. and constitutes an unconscious, hardly The Jewish community is an active accessible archive of recollections (cf, participant in an important cultural Assmann 2006, 56; and 2010, 37). event—an annual Festival of Sacred Art which brings together people of I am now moving away from the various creeds. Finally, associations run discursive frames of memory and will by members of the Jewish community take a close look at the synagogues and organize various public cultural events, their current role in the life of Košice. My such as concerts, exhibitions and recitals. aim is to allow the spaces of remembrance Big events are always attended by official to “speak”. representatives of the city administration. On closer inspection, I noticed that these events were frequented by the same “Restoring the past by connecting it to group of people. Later, the organizers the present” confirmed my observation. But synagogue restoration in Eastern There is ample evidence that the Europe is not truly about plaster and media and the city are interested in drywall. It is about restoring the past the Jewish cultural heritage. As the by connecting it to the present. Such sociologist Maurice Halbwachs states, continuity, such processes of transition, no memory is possible outside a shared however, cannot be undertaken social framework (Halbwachs 1967, 2). effectively. The historical disjuncture is too great. It is, nonetheless, precisely The social framework embedding the this historical disjuncture that can be past and present of the Jewish community sutured and repaired, if not restored can be traced in Košice. However, it is (Bohlman 2000, 68-69). maintained by a relatively small group of citizens and some sections of the media. In the case of the synagogue on It seems that the Jewish Community fails Pushkin Street, it has proven difficult to to reach the wider public. On the one connect the past to the present and ensure hand, it does not advertise the events that the marks of history remain visible in it organizes frequently enough, and the restored appearance of the building. the scope of publicity remains limited. This synagogue, the newest one in town, On the other hand, not all inhabitants is one of the few buildings that remained of the city are capable of accessing the in the hands of the Jewish community in social and cultural memory of the city. the socialist era. Its members have used In sum, as results of my field work it continuously for religious purposes. demonstrate, the Jewish cultural heritage One of my interviewees, an expert remains in some people’s functional or employed at the Office for the Protection “canon” of memory: the type of memory of Historical Monuments, remarked characterized by its relatedness to, and that everything in this synagogue its presence in everyday life. Yet, for had been “liquidated”, including “the the majority, things are different: the ornate windows and stained glass”. It

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was reopened in September 2009 after a of old buildings is insufficient to finance laborious process of renovation that took all the renovation projects, the Jewish six years. Community failed to get significant Designed for 800 people, the support. Even though the restoration synagogue on Pushkin Street is an processes were partly funded by Košice impressive edifice which stands out City Council and a number of foreign against the adjacent old buildings, most foundations, the Jewish community was of which need restoration. The wall forced to sell the ‘Kasino’ and the Talmud next to the entrance carries a memorial and Torah school in order to rescue both plaque dedicated to the victims of the Orthodox synagogues. The struggle for Holocaust. The interior decoration of the saving the buildings is accompanied building absorbs visitors, whose eyes are by disputes and conflicts of interests immediately captured by a well-chosen between the client and contractors. One combination of wood, metal, textile, and example is emergence of marks on the stone. The clear-cut structure, soft light brickwork which prove that restoration and a balanced color range contribute to work was done inadequately, threatening the atmosphere of opulence. However, a the future of the buildings. closer look reveals that here and there the On the wall with the water stains in newly renovated brickwork is blemished. the synagogue on Pushkin Street, there In the left- and right-hand corners of the are signs of the Holocaust. These are building, next to the Torah shrine, one four messages written in pencil by Jews can easily notice large stains on the light who were held in the synagogue shortly painted wall. The stains look as if they before their deportation in April 1944. could be caused by leaking water and, Two of the messages are identical. They according to the representative of the read: “I am here, I don’t know where Office for the Protection of Historical they will take me. 21.IV.1944. Lily”. One Monuments, drainage pipes behind the of the messages was signed by Lily’s walls should have been inspected and small son. For her elder son, a survivor, replaced but were not, which might these messages are the only visible cause further damage. Both members of memory of his family from the period. the Jewish community and employees of The inscriptions were discovered during the Office for the Protection of Historical the restoration of the building and were Monuments say that they did not always sealed and protected with the help of a find it easy to communicate and cooperate special technique. Hidden behind the with each other. The Jewish community back of long benches placed in front of has to carry out all the renovation and the wall, the inscriptions become visible restoration work needed, and this work only when small doors in the wooden has to conform to the guidelines of the benches are open. Otherwise, the benches Office for the Protection of Historical completely cover up the messages. Monuments. But it is the community According to Aleida Assmann, such that is solely responsible for funding the “traumatic places” are “multi-faceted, project. Since the money allocated by ambiguous, and associated with different the Ministry of Culture for restoration memories and interpretations” (Assmann

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2006, 221). Besides obvious signs of the community but a liminal b o r d e r past, visitors discover many others that space where one crosses into the sacred are mere hints and are hardly visible. spaces of the past. The synagogue is also Whenever the rabbi explains what is a narrative space, where the texts that narrate ritual and ritualize history special about the synagogue on Pushkin concentrate time and the experiences Street to the ever-expanding groups of being Jewish (Bohlman 2000, 46). of people visiting it during the guided tours of “Jewish Košice”, he shows them In the course of my fieldwork I spent the messages on the wall. At this point, some of the Jewish holidays with a Jewish at latest, he will start talking about family, my interviewee Lea and her the synagogue as a witness to crimes mother. During Rosh ha Shana, the Jewish against humanity during the Holocaust. New Year, and Yom Kippur, the Day of According to Wolfgang Benz, there is no Atonement, I observed the ceremonies in place where remembrance crystallizes the synagogue, afterwards recording the “in a more terrifying and imposing way account of events and my impressions in than at the historical site, at the places my ethnographic diary. where things shaping memories and determining commemoration happened” While we are sitting down on the (Benz 2005, 197). benches reserved for women, Lea’s mother takes out her lace shawl and Following Aleida Assmann, the covers her head. This indicates that she synagogue should be seen as a palimpsest is married, and some other women in or as a traumatic place containing the synagogue also wear lace shawls. palimpsests. “Despite the fact that in this Around us, prayers are underway. The place, a certain history has culminated cantor is singing, and the rabbi standing and found its catastrophic conclusion, in the center of the synagogue is calling history is continuing even here and up a number of men, one after another. presents itself in the form of a “stratified’ All of them wear kippot (skull caps), tefilin space” (Assmann 2006, 225).6 In the (phylacteries), and prayer shawls. One by synagogue, history has not stopped: the one they walk up to the shrine, read out signs of history and trauma have been passages from the Torah, touch the dark preserved and are passed on to younger red velvet curtain in front of the shrine generations. Moreover, new signs have and return to their seats. I am captivated been created that threaten to destroy old by the liveliness of the ceremony, the ones, as exemplified by restoration work singing of the young cantor flown in from breaching the guidelines. But how is the Israel for the occasion, and the devout Jewish community using this space? atmosphere around me. Apart from Lea and me, there are only three young Religion and Tradition: The synagogue women present. Only a few of the older as a space for collective and individual women pray in Hebrew. Lea’s mother negotiations over history and identity has brought a prayer book. She tells me that it belonged to her late mother, but The synagogue is an ethnographic she is unable to read it. Her mother died site, not just a place to experience recently, and as they had been very close

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to each other the daughter adopted some due to the ban on religion in the socialist of the Jewish traditions observed in her era, which created a gap of knowledge home: she lights a candle on Shabbat, fasts and a gap between generations. At on Yom Kippur and prepares traditional present, there are no young Jews left dishes for each of the holidays. in Košice Jews to keep up the religious The synagogue evokes memories of traditions. This is both a product of a the past in the people who visit it. This lack of interest and of labor emigration is also evident in a statement by one of to the West after 1989. Hardly any of my my interviewees. During a concert in interviewees, members of the Jewish the synagogue, this man is showing me community, are religious. People are a chair in one of the rows in front of the motivated to observe the tradition and Bimah (a pulpit located in the center of go to the synagogue because they want an (Orthodox) synagogue). This is where to commemorate and pay respect to their his father used to sit. At this point, the Jewish roots and ancestors. One example individual and family memories activated is the decision of Lea’s mother to wear in this space become connected to the a lace scarf in the synagogue and to fast ritual practices of the Jewish community. on Yom Kippur. The rabbi confirmed my In turn, this connection contributes to the observations: “My attempt to guide development of identities of the actors these people to religion is like a single involved (cf, Assmann 2006, 208 ff.). drop in the ocean”. At first sight, it is hardly noticeable that only a few of the people present are able Conflicting palimpsests to join in the prayers. Most others appear to be listening, with the exception of Lea Spaces of remembrance and memory, and her mother who are having a lively relics and marks of the recent and the conversation. I keep on watching the long-gone past are located close to one another in urban space, and they are people around me and notice that many closely interwoven. Cityscapes are like are not praying but talking to each other palimpsests on whose surface signs in whispers. In fact, only a small group overlap, intersect and communicate is actively participating in the service. with one another (Binder 2009, 15). When asked afterwards, many of my interviewees confirmed this observation. Beate Binder suggests that we should They go to the synagogue in order to “read” cities. I have tried to decipher commemorate deceased family members, the content of the narratives connected revive the family tradition or just to meet to some places and spaces of the Jewish their friends and acquaintances. community in Košice, as well as their The synagogues may symbolize partly overlapping, partly conflicting, Jewish religious life to outsiders but, in meanings. My impression is that after the actual fact, very few people observe the repressive regimes of the past, the citizens Jewish religious tradition. Due to the of Košice and the Jewish community are Holocaust, there was a rupture in the only step by step learning how to handle Jewish religious life in Slovakia. So far, it the Jewish cultural heritage of their city. has not been possible to revive it, partly First and foremost, this is reflected in the

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existence of “conflicting palimpsests” A-K. Edicia Judaica Slovaca, 200 and 210. in which different layers of the city’s Bratislava. history interact and interplay. Sometimes 4 The Prague Spring was an attempt by this leads to conflicting interpretations the then leader of Czechoslovakia Alexander as manifested by the “inheritance Dubček to liberalize and democratize the dispute” between the city council and country controlled by the Communist Soviet Union. The reforms were stopped violently the Jewish community, and by talk about after the invasion of the troops of the Warsaw the problems caused by restoration Pact (for further reading see Williams 1997; work at the synagogues. These current Mannová 2000, 274 ff.; Borský 2007, 47). discourses merge with the diverging, 5 Maroš Borský’s project “Slovak Jewish partly traumatic, memories of the actors, Heritage Route” has documented the members of the Jewish community who entire Jewish cultural heritage in Slovakia. are in the process of negotiating their As a result of this work six Jewish sites and strategies of handling tradition and, thus objects of remembrance have become part of both individuals’ and group identity of the European Route of Jewish Heritage, and the Jewish community of Košice. the synagogue on Zvonárska Street is among Wherever past and present meet, them. (cf, http://www.slovak-jewish there emerge almost irreparable ruptures heritage.org/ Accessed 25 November 2011. in the brickwork of memory archives and 6 Translator’s note, in which the italics of (hi)stories inscribed in them: are his: “The original quote: ‘Obwohl eine bestimmte Geschichte hier kulminierte und A place is everything one seeks in zu einem katastrophischen Abschluss kam, it, everything one knows about it, ist auch hier die Geschichte weitergegangen everything one associates with it. As und stellt sich als eine räumlich‚ geschichtete‘ much as it is concrete and physical, it dar’ contains word play that does not translate appears multi-faceted if looked at from into English: Assmann highlights common all the different perspectives (Assmann etymological roots of the German words 2006, 225). Geschichte, (history), Schicht (stratum) and geschichtete (stratified)”.

Translated from the German by Alexander Gallas Works Cited Assmann, Aleida. 2006. Der lange Schatten der Vergangenheit. Notes Erinnerungskultur und 1 All the translations from Slovak are by Geschichtspolitik. München: C. H. the author. Beck. 2 The SME (“We are”) is one of the most- _____. 2010. Re-framing memory. read dailies in Slovakia. Between individual and 3 There are no exact numbers on the collective forms of constructing Jewish population in Slovakia. According to the census in 1938, there were 11,420 the past. In Performing the past. Jews in Košice, 20% of the total population Memory, History, and Identity of the city, cf, Slovenské Národné Múzeum in Modern Europe. Eds. Karin [SNM] Múzeum Židovskej Kultúry. 2010. Tilmanns, Frank van Vree Encyklopedia Židovských Náboženských Obci. and Jay Winter. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 35-50.

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Benz, Wolfgang. 2005. Authentische in a Mediatized World. Vadstena Orte. Überlegungen zur 254343–29. October 2006, 53-58. Erinnerungskultur. In Der http://www.ep.liu.se/ecp/020/005/ Nationalsozialismus im Spiegel ecp072005.pdf Accessed 28 October des öffentlichen Gedächtnisses: 2011. Formen der Aufarbeitung und des Mannová, Helena. 2000. A Concise Gedenkens. Eds. Petra Frank and History of Slovakia. Bratislava: Stefan Hördler. Berlin: Metropol, Panorama. 196-203. Skriebeleit, Jörg. 2005. Orte des Binder, Beate. 2009. Streitfall Stadtmitte: Schreckens. Dimensionen Der Berliner Schlossplatz. Köln: verräumlichter Erinnerung. In Böhlau. Der Nationalsozialismus im Spiegel Bohlman, Philip V. 2000. To Hear des öffentlichen Gedächtnisses. the Voices Still Heard: On Formen der Aufarbeitung und des Synagogue Restoration in Gedenkens. Eds. Petra Frank and Eastern Europe. In Altering Stefan Hördler. Berlin: Metropol, States. Ethnographies of Transition 205-220. in Eastern Europe and the Former Slovenské Národné Múzeum [SNM] Soviet Union. Eds. Daphne Múzeum Židovskej Kultúry. Berdahl, Matti Bunzl and Martha 2010. Encyklopedia Židovských Lampland. Michigan: The Náboženských Obci. A-K. Edicia University of Michigan Press, Judaica Slovaca. Bratislava. 40-69. Williams, Kieran. 1997. The Prague Spring Borský, Maroš. 2007. Synagogue and its aftermath. Czechoslovak Architecture in Slovakia. A politics 1968–1970. Cambridge: Memorial Landscape of a Lost Cambridge University Press. Community. Bratislava: Menorah. Borský, Maroš. 2010. Synagogue Architecture and Jewish Heritage in Slovakia. In Newspapers and Online Sources Jewish Archtitecture in Europe. Publications of bet Tfila Research Duchoň, Jozef. 1994. “História Unit for Jewish Architecture in Židovstva v Košiciach siaha do Europe. 6. Eds. by Aliza Cohen- 15.” Storočia. In Košický Večer. 5 Mushlin and Harmen H. Thies. July, 8-9. Petersberg: Imhof, 135-146. Hriadelová, Miloslava. 2000. “Štát vracia Halbwachs, Maurice. 1967. Das kollektive zdevastovaný majetok.” In Gedächtnis. Stuttgart: Enke. Košický Korzár. 5 February. http:// Lindner, Rolf. 2006. The Cultural Texture korzar.sme.sk/c/4726751/stat-vracia- of the City. Paper presented zdevastovany-majetok.html Accessed: at the ESF-LiU Conference 1 December 2011. Cities and Media: Cultural Hriadelová, Slávka, and Klaudia Perspectives on Urban Identities Jurkovičová. 2001. “Židovská

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obec sa súdi o Dom umenia.” In SME, 9 April. http://www.sme. sk/c/32604/zidovska-obec-sa-sudi- o-dom-umenia.html Accessed 1 December 2011. Jesenský, Mikuláš. 2006. “Ortodoxnú synagógu zničil bývalý režim.” In SME, 20 December. http://www. sme.sk/c/3060598/ortodoxnu-synagogu- znicil-byvaly-rezim.html Accessed 25 November 2011. http://www.slovak-jewish-heritage.org/ Accessed 25 November 2011.

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‘There Are No Jews Here’

There Are No Jews Here: From Introduction a Multiethnic to a Monoethnic ierre Nora coined a term “lieux de mémoire”, places of memory. Town of Burshtyn He spoke about French places of memoryP which incarnate the national Svetlana Amosova memory of the French people. In my State Republican Center of Russian Folklore article I would like to present a much more complicated interaction of place and Russia memories. This case study discusses the functioning of objects produced by one ethno-religious group and serving as the Abstract places of memory of another completely This paper is devoted to the preservation and different ethno-religious group. In transformation of historical memory about the other words, I would like to analyze Jewish population of Galicia among Ukrainians metamorphoses undergone by memories and explores how memory about Jews functions in about Jews in the places where they have the town of Burshtyn, although Jews have not lived not lived for more than seventy years. The there for over seventy years. The study is based on 20 in-depth interviews that were conducted study is based on the fieldwork conducted in 2009-2010. The subjects, ethnic Ukrainians in the historical region of Galicia, where born before World War II, were eyewitnesses of Jewish population perished seventy years the Jewish life that once flourished in the town. ago, during the Holocaust. The fieldwork, The interviews targeted three major themes: (1) which my colleagues and me conducted in life stories of Jewish families, (2) religious life, (3) 2009 – 2010 years, was part of the project Jewish calendar rites and rites of passage. “Jewish History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Today, Burshtyn is one of two towns in Galicia, Before World War II, Galicia was a where memories about the Jewish population are multiethnic region of the Polish Republic, still preserved albeit in a fragmented form. Pierre but in 1939 it was annexed by the Soviet Nora coined the term «un lieu de mémoire», a place Union. After World War II Galicia turned of memory. The “Jewish local text” in Burshtyn is a case in point. The source of memories is symbolic into a monoethnic Ukrainian province: spaces in the townscape – the cemetery and the the Jews had been exterminated by synagogues. The “text about Jews” has survived the Nazis and Poles expelled by the only among those people, who lived in the town Soviets. During fieldwork members of before the war and among their descendents and, the expedition conducted interviews in a what is particularly significant, only in the old dozen of former shtetls – Yiddish for “small part of the town, where Jews had lived. The case of towns” (e.g., Bohorodczany, Nadworna, Burshtyn enables us to observe a transformation Rozhniatov, Chernelytsia, Dolina, Kalush, of a polyethnic town into a monoethnic one at the Maniava, Otyniia and others) which once level of “local memory.” Notably, the transmission had predominantly Jewish population. “vehicle” of information about Jewish life is town toponymics: the informants describe some places The town of Burshtyn was one of the as “Jewish”. two former shtetls in Galicia, where there was no problem to find Ukrainian interviewees able to speak about local

Jews (The second one is Solotvin). (All Urban Topography materials documenting this expedition Using the town of Burshtyn as an are posted on the website: http://www. example, I would like to show how the jewishgalicia.net/). In Burshtin my colleagues memory about Jews is preserved and and me worked in August 2010. We collected constructed anew, and how it is connected data through in-depth interviews. Seventeen with Jewish objects of Burshtyn’s urban interviews with local inhabitants (date of topography. birth between 1920 and 1930) have been The majority of our elderly interviewees recorded. said that Burshtyn had significantly In my opinion, this unusual situation changed after World War II. The Jewish is caused by the preservation and and Polish population disappeared, “structure” of Jewish objects in this town. and the structure of the town altered. These objects play the role of “places of Burshtyn grew considerably after a heat- memory”. and-power plant was built there in the 1950s. What used to be a downtown “Places of memory” in Burshtyn became a suburb. Some of the prewar Two kinds of physical remnants play the buildings burned down during the war role of “places of memory” about Jews and others were demolished in the post- in present day Galicia: Jewish cemeteries war years. Now the town consists of and former synagogues. In Galicia, two parts: the new one with apartment like everywhere in Eastern Europe, buildings that rose near the heat-and- the situation with Jewish cemeteries power plant, and the old one with small varies from complete destruction and private houses. It is not surprising that the disappearance to a relatively high degree majority of those who work at the power of preservation. For example, only plant are newcomers from neighboring one quarter of the Jewish cemetery in villages and other parts of the Ukraine. Burshtyn is still preserved, and according They inhabited the new apartment to the local inhabitants, the rest had been houses, while the original, “indigenous” destroyed by the Nazis who used the population remained in the old part of tombstones to pave a road. Buildings Burshtyn. Therefore it is quite logical of former synagogues serve as a second that only families living in the old town place of memory about Jews. By contrast preserve some memory about Jews who with cemeteries, these buildings were also lived in the old town. Ukrainians mostly destroyed. The few that survived living in the new center are unaware that were reconstructed. They seldom bear Burstyn was multiethnic before World Jewish symbols. The buildings of former War II. synagogues are now used as shops, sport Our elderly interviewees in the old halls, or storehouses (Cf. Vitti 2011, 108). town mention that Jews constituted However, in the memory of our elderly the majority of prewar population in interviewees these buildings used to be Burshtyn. They owned shops and were “Jewish churches.” engaged in crafts. One woman recalled a proverb that circulated before the war: “The streets are Polish and the houses are

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The building of the second synagogue in Burshtyn was constructed (or restored) in 1931 Jewish” (SII, 1920). However, today only -- З кладбищі того, то Герцена вулиця. one street is perceived as a Jewish one. Не знаю, чому назвали вулиця Герцена, по-моєму то був письменник який чи It starts from two former synagogue що, по-моєму. buildings and continues to the Jewish -- А як вона ранніша називалася? cemetery. In the interwar period this -- Так і назвалася ще за Польщі, весь street was named after Theodor Herzl – час вон Герцена називався ще за the founder of political Zionism and the Польщі World Zionist Organization. In the Soviet -- there is Herzen Street near the period it was renamed after Alexander cemetery. I do not know, why it was Herzen, a Russian author and thinker, named Herzen Street, I think he was a without any Jewish roots. His writings writer or something. introduced socialist ideas to the Russian -- And what was it called earlier? reader. In the Soviet period they were -- This is what it was called in Poland. part of the school curriculum, so his It was always called Herzen Street in name was widely known. The majority Poland” (NFS, 1929) of our Ukrainian interviewees live in this -- Вона називається Герцена, а до street. They did not pay special attention війни називалася Xерцля. to the name change and seem to believe -- Ну, то по-польськи that renaming was due to the change -- Герцля по-польськи. А по-русски of the official language from Polish to Герцена Russian after the war. Moreover, they are - It is called Herzen Street, and before convinced that Herzl and Herzen are two the war it used to be called Herzl. versions of the same name:

119 Svetlana Amosova ‘There Are No Jews Here’

-- It is a Polish name. the interviewee meant господарство] -- Herzl is a Polish name. And in Russian не було треба, а шо ми колись казали it is Herzen (SGM, 1932) “ледом”, ми за тім морозиво бігали. Ми бігали, мама давала чи молока, чи сиру, а вони нам давали морозиво. One interviewee even thought that Herzen -А от як їх звали тих, у кого морозиво? was a Jewish figure: -Я не помятаю, як писав, то була хата -- Герцена. – називали Бранци, а друга – Ханци, а -- А кто єто? той молочарня називали його Гедалья. -- Я не знаю точно, хто він був. Але А як пісав не знаю. Було прізвище, а я знаю, що він був якійсь старий... я не знаю.[…] У них був гробарь, там старший рабін. А хто він ще то я не була хата, вин там жив, мал кози, і там можу вам сказати, то я не знаю. Но жив. Він ходив за тім цвинтером. Але так уважали все, що раз він Герцена, хата була тут на переді, бо я помятаю раз вулицю назвали Герцена, значить, добре... та людина щось заслуговує і що вона якась відома людям і так назвали Here behind our kitchen was one house, вулиця Герцена і вона і до сьогодні and another house, the third house. In that вулиця Герцена house, in the third one there was a dairy. -- It is Herzen [Street] They made ice cream, milk and sour cream. -- Who was he ? They made everything. But we didn’t need -- I don’t know precisely who he was. it. My mother had a farm, but we used to But I know that he was an old… chief say to her that we were buying the “ice”, rabbi. I don’t know who he was. But he for ice-cream. We used to go there. Mother was respected by everyone, so the street gave us milk or cheese for them. They gave was named Herzen. It means that he was us ice-cream. known to people. And it is Herzen Street -And what was the name of these people now (SII, 1920). with ice-cream? All our interviewees were children before -I don’t know how they spelled it. the war; therefore their reminiscences That house was called Brantsi, and the about neighbors are connected to those second house was Hantsi’s, and the dairy individuals who maintained contacts was Gedal’ja’s.. I don’t know how they with their parents. For the most part spelled it. He had a family name, but I these were business contacts, so the know […] They had a coffin-maker. There was a house there. He lived there, he had interviewees remember the names of goats and he lived there. He took care of the shop owners or their parents’ employers. cemetery. But the house was here, in front, Some Jewish people were very important I remember this well… (SGM, 1932). for children, for example, Gedalya, who produced dairy products, including ice- cream: Hasidic court От за нашим огородом була одна хата, What makes Burshtyn markedly друга хата, третя хата, в тій хаті, третьої different from other Galician settlements хаті, там було молочарні, робілі морозиво, is reminiscences about the Hasidic court робілі молоко, сметану - все там робілі, of Rabbi Moshe Branwine (1890-1943) все. Не було. Але нам не було треба, which functioned in the shtetl in the мама малі свою господарку [apparently late 1930s (Alfasi 1995, 350). In other

120 ‘There Are No Jews Here’

The Jewish cemetery in Burshtyn

Galician towns, where Hasidic Rebbes Jews asked Rebbes and graves for help in (Hasidic leaders) lived, the memory important matters: about them has already disappeared. Я была мала, у меня очи не видели, Elderly Ukrainians in Burshtyn describe очи, а соседка еврейка каже: “Иди how they peeped into the windows of до рабина, доню”. Мама меня повела the Rebbe’s court in order to see him. малу, детиной, я не знала, не знала. У мэнэ так було. Дюже не видела! А In addition, they remember the еврейка та сказала: “Сонечко, иди до hollowed grave of the previous Hasidic рабина”. Мешкай там недалеко от нас. Rebbe, Rabbi Nahum Branwine (1847- Я зазрела! Сами, сами. Еврейка. Рабин 1915) in the local cemetery and say that the такой, зробил так, что я зазрела Jewish funeral processions would stop at this grave and only after paying respects I was a child, my eyes did not see, my to the Rebbe’s grave would continue on eyes, and a Jewish neighbor said, “ Go to their way to the place prepared to bury the Rabbi, darling.” Mum took me, I was the deceased. Importantly, Hasidic a little child then and I didn’t know, I Rebbes and Jewish “miracle-working” didn’t know. I didn’t see anything. . And tombs were significant not only for Jews. that Jewish woman said, “Sonechko, go We managed to record narratives about to the rabbi.” The rabbi lived not far from us. And I began to see! My eyes began to the once widespread practice, when non-

121 Svetlana Amosova ‘There Are No Jews Here’

see clearly! The Rabbi did something so воны шлюб берут на мусорной куче. that I could see. (PYI, 1923). А свадьбу они добре, они разные блюда. Я не знаю. Я не знаю, я не ходила. Спивают, спивают, так дюже Another old woman told us that she had гарно: вай-вай-вай. Это я запамятала. asked the holy grave make her healthy: Они так поют” А то на середине [кладбища] зара був Their weddings take place on piles of рабин, я все шла и говорила: “Рабин, garbage. But the wedding was good. рабин, дай мне здоровья!” Рабин, They made various dishes. I do not рабин, дай мне здоровья. А рабины know. I do not know, I did not go. They такие поважные были, как ксендзы, sang so well: wai-wai-wai. I remember их уважали люди, великий, великий this. They used to sing (MP, 1929). був рабин. А даже когда парканы не було, то я шла в том конце, я все равно: “Рабин, рабин, дай мени здоровья Ховали по-моєму сидя і до сонця (на восток), у цю сторону клали у білому чи то халат був, чи покривало. In the middle of the cemetery there I think they were buried facing the sun was a rabbi’s grave. Each time I (on the east) and in this way they were passed by, I would say “Rabbi, placed in a white robe or blanket (NFS, rabbi, give me health, rabbi, rabbi, 1929). give me health.” The rabbis were so important, like Catholic priests, people respected them. This was It is interesting that among different a great rabbi, a great, a great rabbi. fragmented memories the best preserved Even after the fence around the is the memory about funeral rites. The cemetery had disappeared, I kept reason may be that funeral is the most saying, rabbi, rabbi, give me health noticeable rite for non-Jewish neighbors, (GMT, 1922). and there are many more stereotypes about the funeral than about other life The practice of visiting synagogues and events. Secondly, the reminiscences about rabbis still lingers on among Ukrainians Jews are often connected to an existing in the neighboring regions (Amosova, cemetery and therefore begin with the Kaspina 2009, 1–24), but in Galicia it has funeral. disappeared completely, and only some reminiscences are still preserved. Conclusions In addition to the stories mentioned above we collected many descriptions of We have seen that the whole “Jewish local Jewish religious life, calendar rites and text” in Burshtyn is based on the objects rites of passage. These descriptions often in the townscape – the cemetery and the have folkloric nature and rely strongly on synagogues. The “text about Jews” exists stereotypes (Cała 1995; Belova 2005). For only among those people, who lived in example, Jews are believed to be buried the town before World War II and their in sitting position, and Jewish weddings children. What is particularly significant to be organized on a pile of garbage: is that it exists only in the old part of the town where Jews used to live. This “text” is mostly widespread among the people

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living in Herzl – Herzen Street. Thus, at the level of “local memory.” For the we may say that the existence of Jewish majority of present-day inhabitants objects in the townscape constructs of Burshtyn the memory about its and preserves historical memory. This multiethnicity, about its “others,” and illustrates the thesis of Pierre Nora: “The non-Ukrainian history is meaningless. less memory is experienced internally, This memory has no symbolical value. the more memory needs external support and points of support. The memory exists Note due to the points of support.” (Nora 1999, I am grateful to Dr. Vladimir Levin and Inna 17 – 18). Grigoryan for their constructive comments on The local memory about an extinct the draft of this article. group exists very often only around extant Jewish objects in the townscape Archive Material and only thanks to their existence. SII, 1920 – Archive of the project “Jewish The Jewish cemetery which nobody History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from visits, two former synagogues and the Ivanna Shanc, 1920 year of birth. “Jewish” name of a street in Burshtyn NFS, 1929 – Archive of the project “Jewish play a significant symbolic role in the History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from town’s narrative. The less the degree of Fedor Narytnik, 1929 year of birth. preservation of these places of memory, SGM, 1932 – Archive of the project “Jewish the less the preservation of the local History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from historical memory about the Jewish life. Ganna Stec, 1932 year of birth. In this context it is important to mention GMT, 1922 – Archive of the project “Jewish that stereotypes are usually preserved History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from better than real facts about the Jewish Mihailo Stec, 1922 year of birth. way of life and tradition, about Jewish PYI, 1923 – Archive of the project “Jewish neighbors and their names. But in today’s History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from Galicia we see not only the disappearance Julia Petriv, 1923 year of birth. of real reminiscences, but also the MP, 1929 – Archive of the project “Jewish disappearance of ethnic stereotypes. History in Galicia and Bukovina”. Recorded from Young people have no memory about Maria, 1929 year of birth Jews who lived in the town before the war. Usually they only remember that Works Cited there used to be Polish population in Alfasi, Itzhak. 1995. Ha-hasidut mi-dor the area in the prewar period since the le-dor (Hasidism from generation to border with today’s Poland is situated generation). Jerusalem: Makhon nearby. Quite often they consider all Daat Yosef. “strange,” non-Ukrainian objects in their Amosova, Kaspina – Амосова, town to be Polish heritage, excluding Светлана, Каспина, Мария. completely any remembrance of the past 2009. “Парадокс межэтнических Jewish presence. контактов: Практика обращения The example of Burshtyn shows how неевреев в синагогу (по a multiethnic town becomes monoethnic полевым материалам)”. Антропологический форум Online no 11: 1-24.

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Belova – Белова, Ольга.2005. Этнокультурные стереотипы м славянской народной традиции. Москва: Индрик. Cała, Alina 1995. The Image of the Jew in Polish Folk Culture. Jerusalem: Magnes Press. Nora, Pierre – Нора, Пьер. 1999. Проблематика мест памяти. В Франция – память. Санкт- Петербург: Издательство Санкт- Петербургского университета.50, 17-50. Vitti, Vanda. 2011. “Jewish Culture and Its Heritage in Slovakia after 1989: Urban Sites of Remembrance in Košice and their meanings”. Cultural Analysis 10, 105-116.

124 The Case of the Island of Kos

Globalization in the life of globalization as “the diminution of state- small island towns: Changes enforced restrictions on exchanges across borders and the increasingly integrated for better or worse? and complex global system of production The case of the island of Kos and exchange that has emerged as a 1 (Greece) result”. Thomas L. Friedman argues that globalized trade, outsourcing, supply- chaining, and political forces have Kira Kaurinkoski changed the world permanently, for both The French School of Athens, better and worse. He also argues that the France pace of globalization is quickening and will continue to have a growing impact on business organization and practice (2008, 49). Introduction Globalization and international tourism lobalization describes the process are interconnected processes. Tourism in by which regional economies, the small island context involves people societies and cultures have become who come from other countries to enjoy integratedG through communication, the special atmosphere of living on an transportation and trade. The term is island. Usually, the tourists who come most closely associated with economic to the islands have been attracted by the globalization: the integration of national image of the island environment: the sun economies into the international and the sea, white sandy beaches and economy through trade, foreign direct waving palm trees, lush vegetation and investment, capital flows, migration, friendly natives. Tourism thus depends for the spread of technology and military its success on the quality of environment, presence (Bhagwati, 2004). According to and good tourist development requires the Oxford English Dictionary, the word protection and even improvement of the “globalization” was first employed in a environment. publication entitled Towards New Education Economically, tourism can create in 1930, to denote a holistic view of human jobs for local people and bring money. experience in education. However, it was However, many tourists like the comfort only in the 1960s that the term began to they are used to at home, and increasingly, be widely used by economists and other import a large part of their requirements, social scientists. Since its inception the so that much of the money may leave the term has inspired numerous competing country again to pay for these imports. definitions and interpretations. Most of Moreover, if the hotels have been financed them acknowledge the greater movement by foreign investors, they want to export of people, goods, capital and ideas due their profits. The social impacts may also to increased economic integration which be important. Tourists often come from in turn is propelled by increased trade other societies with different values and and investment. Tom G. Palmer defines lifestyles, and because they come seeking

pleasure, they may spend large amounts The case of the island of Kos of money and behave in ways that they Kos is one of the main islands of the themselves would not accept at home. Dodecanese and one of the most Out of ignorance or carelessness, they important islands from an administrative, may fail to respect local customs and demographic and economic point of moral values. Overall, tourism tends to view. Because of its geopolitical location, be a mixed blessing in its benefits and its history and the diversity of cultural impacts on the island environment. If and religious influences across time, this it is allowed to grow unplanned, it can island group is a particularly interesting have serious social and environmental place for fieldwork. In the Middle Ages, repercussions while providing little real the Dodecanese belonged to the Knights economic benefit. If developed with care, of Saint John (1309-1522) and from 1522 it can bring advantages to small island to the Ottoman Empire. In 1912, after a communities with few other resources war between the Ottoman Empire and (Dahl, 1982). Italy, the Dodecanese were subjected For Western and Northern Europeans to Italian administration (1912-1943). the Mediterranean region has for a long During World War II, it was occupied by time had a special aura of relaxed and Germany and then placed under British restful atmosphere. In this case, it is control. It is the last region incorporated similar to the Soviet Union, where the into the Greek State in 1947. idea of rest and vacation was closely There are substantial differences in the linked with the Black Sea. The local manner these islands have developed populations of both the Mediterranean in the course of the twentieth century. and the Crimean and Caucasian coasts The Italians undertook important to a large extent live off tourism, yet infrastructure work on the main islands, they tend to dislike and despise holiday- Rhodes and Kos. They created a naval 2 makers. base and settled 14 000 colonists in Leros. Likewise, the opening of borders Yet, they did little to retain the inhabitants following the political changes in Europe of Kalymnos, Symi and Kastellorizo since 1990 has been often accompanied after phohibiting sponge fishing on the by opposing processes of closure at the Libyan coast and when cultivation of level of the local society. Border regions land in Asia Minor, where “many had are particularly interesting places for the their fields” was no longer possible. As observation of such phenomena as has a consequence, many inhabitants, in been demonstrated by recent research particular from these islands, emigrated (Green, 2005; Sutton, 1998). The aim of overseas. Others, coming from smaller this essay is to reflect on the effects of islands, find seasonal work in Kos and globalization, international tourism and Rhodes (Kolodny, 2004). migration on the island of Kos. Particular Since the 1970s Rhodes and Kos have attention will be paid to the integration mainly followed a development pattern of “foreigners” and to the coexistence of meeting the demands of the tourism different ethnic groups in the context of sector. Each island has an international an island community in contemporary airport and both were among the first Greece.3

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The temple of Asklipeio on the island of Kos international charter flight destinations in Rich and culturally diverse history of Greece. The other islands have followed Kos is reflected not only in its monuments a different development pattern in the but also in its population. Today, the field of tourism. Patmos is mainly known great majority are Greek Orthodox but as a place for pilgrimage for Greek there is also a Muslim population of Orthodox and Roman Catholics, whereas ethnic Turks, as well as a small number Kalymnos, the only island where sponge of Roman Catholics and Lutherans. Since fishing is still practiced, has gained the 1980s Kos has been a home for large international fame as a favorite meeting numbers of foreign residents, as well as place for rock climbers. economic migrants and refugees. The Kos is also known as the spiritual home former are mainly Western and Northern of Hippocrates (460-370 B.C.), considered Europeans, whereas the latter mainly to be the greatest physician of antiquity. come from the Balkans, Eastern Europe, The ancient sanctuary of Asklipeion and a South-East Asia and the Middle East. plane tree are consecrated to his memory. Moreover, Kos is an island that has There are Roman and Greek ruins, as water, an important resource lacking on well as Latin, Byzantine and Ottoman many Greek islands. All in all, the island monuments there. The remains of an covers an area of 295 square kilometers old synagogue and the Jewish cemetery and has a population of approximately remind us of the local Jewish community 30,000 inhabitants. The principal socio- of the past.

127 Kira Kaurinkoski The Case of the Island of Kos

professional activities of the population In the early 1990s, Kos became an are tourism and agriculture; a smaller important venue for Scandinavian and number of residents are employed in the British youth and gained fame as a party public sector. island. The first large hotels with more

The central square in the town of Kos

A brief overview of than 200 rooms were constructed in the tourism development in Kos 1990s. These were “all inclusive” resort hotels, which meant that a minimum three The first tourist groups arrived in Kos meals a day, soft drinks, most alcoholic in the 1970s. The 1980s saw the opening drinks and possibly other services are of the first larger hotels. In the 1980s, included in the price. Many also offer the socialist government of Andreas sports and other activities. Thus a new Papandreou granted long-term loans concept of tourism was born.4 to returning ethnic Greeks who wanted to construct hotels or start their own Some of the owners of the all-inclusive businesses. A small number of Greeks hotels in Kos are native Greeks, however, from Kos who had migrated to Australia the large chains are usually foreign in the 1960s repatriated to Greece taking owned. This means that the money does advantage of this opportunity.

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not stay on the island. According to the of the holidaymakers are concerned. As representatives of the tourism sector, mentioned earlier, the all-inclusive hotels the majority of clients who stay in these are gaining predominance. Moreover, hotels come from Germany, Austria and there has been a decrease in the number Switzerland. Many spend their holidays of Nordic tourists. On the other hand, in the hotel compound – these are usually new groups have found their way to located on the seashore at some distance the island, mainly from Croatia, the from the town of Kos – and do not even Czech Republic, Russia, Italy, France and visit the island. Some others take pleasure Turkey. From the local perspective, the in spending time in a tavern. Russians and the Turks are particularly welcome tourists. They come, sit down and order a tzadziki or a choriatiki (Greek salad), for When they travel they live well, they two. And that is all. For dinner they eat and drink well, and they buy return to the hotel where everything presents for the entire family. They are is included in the price. For the local very good clients: they leave money tavern owners, the situation is tragic. on the island. (Representative of a tourism agency) The duration of the season has also Tourists’ geographic choices follow a changed. In the past, it started in April distinct pattern according to nationality. and lasted until the end of October. Today, Kardemena, Kefalos and Kamari on it starts in May and ends in September. the southern and eastern coasts are the There have also been other changes, favorite tourist villages of the British. for example in the practice of holiday There are numerous British pubs and romance. In the past, young girls, most food places with a “British” menu. On of whom were Western and Northern the western coast, Tigaki, Marmari and Europeans, were often accompanied by Mastichari are the villages of choice local men. The latter saw the girls off among the Germans and the Austrians. to the airport (usually on a motorbike) Tourists from the Nordic countries and waited for their return to the island. usually spend their holidays in the town Today, this is no longer the case. People of Kos. are well traveled and even villagers have In the spring and fall, most tourists seen the world, so they are less attracted are older people and families. July is the by newcomers than in the past. A recent preferred holiday month of young people documentary, The colossi of love by Maria aged 20-30 and August of the Greeks. Koufopoulou depicts the practice of Traditionally tourists in Kos come from kamaki5 in Rhodes during the golden Germany, Britain, Holland and the Nordic years of mass tourism. countries. The aficionadoscome back every One of my interlocutors, a historian year, even twice a year. There are tourists who works in the local archives of a who have visited Kos regularly for more neighboring island, recalls this period than 20 years. Over the years, there have with nostalgia. In the 1980s, Greek society been changes, especially as far as the and the island society in particular were countries of origin and the type of stay still rather conservative. The arrival of

129 Kira Kaurinkoski The Case of the Island of Kos

Nordic girls in Kos and Rhodes in the The first mixed marriages between foreign 1980s was a “social phenomenon”. women and Greek men in Kos were concluded in the 1980s. In most cases, All of a sudden, we saw large numbers these were between Greek Orthodox men of Nordic women arrive on the island, and foreign Catholic or Lutheran women. alone without men. They were tall, Mixed marriages between Greek Muslim blond, and wore shorts or bikini. We men and foreign women were relatively had never seen anything like this before. It was spectacular. We watched few. Many couples would share houses them eyes wide open. In the evening with the husband’s parents for years when one went to the disco, there before getting married. It was not easy were couples everywhere. Everyday to get accepted because many Greek was alike: the sun, the sea, alcohol families were “afraid” of foreign brides. and sex. Some women returned to the In particular, they feared they would island two or three times, and some take the children and leave. Such cases couples got married. However, most have been observed in mixed marriages relations did not last. … Later things between Greek men and Swedish changed. Greek society became more women. Some foreign women converted liberal, Greek women started dressing up and putting on make-up. to Greek Orthodoxy. Others concluded a civil marriage or were wedded in the bride’s country of origin. Social phenomena, according to John Markey, are considered as including all Children of mixed marriages between behavior which influences or is influenced foreign women and Greek Orthodox by organisms sufficiently alive to respond men are usually baptized as Orthodox. to one another (Markey, 1925-1926, 733). This is easily explained by the hegemonic Agneta, a Swedish woman who lives position of the Orthodox Church in Greek in Kos with her husband and children society. Likewise, as a rule, male children since the early 1980s told me about her of Muslim fathers are circumcised. In the experience. She first came to Kos in 1979 choice of the name, the prevailing Greek as a tourist. According to her, at that time tradition is usually followed. one did not see Greek women. In the 1990s, with the increasing number of children born out of mixed In the street, in the discos, there were marriages, the transmission of the mother Greek men and foreign women. There tongue to children became an issue. was a mutual curiosity; the foreigners Today, the Finns, the Scandinavians, wanted to get to know the Greeks the Germans, the British and the Dutch and the Greeks wanted to meet the have their own associations and Sunday foreigners. Today, the tourists spend their time with their co-nationals; schools where language education for they are not interested in Greeks. On school children is provided in the mother the other hand, today Greek women tongue. The Municipality of the town of also go out, so the Greeks do not need Kos has provided the associations with a foreign women anymore. building, free of charge. After completing the compulsory school education, children tend to continue their studies

130 The Case of the Island of Kos

in Greece or in the mother’s country of Iranians, Somali and Pakistani. Both origin. genders are represented; there are also families and newborn babies. As a rule, Political changes in Europe since 1990 the Iraqis and the Afghans stay on the and the effects of globalization island only as long as it takes to obtain a medical certificate and a certificate that Political changes that occurred in Europe grants them the status of asylum seekers. in the 1990s led to the arrival of large Then they continue their journey to numbers of migrants from the Balkans, Athens, Patras and other destinations in South-East Asia and the Middle East, Europe. causing further changes in the everyday life in Kos and the neighbouring islands. On the whole, the arrival of migrants The estimated number of foreign migrants and new groups is not a new phenomenon th in Kos is 3,000, which makes 10% of the in Kos. In the late 19 century, Kos received total population of the island and is a number of Greek-speaking Muslims th consistent with the situation nationwide. from Crete. In the early 20 century, it saw Over the last decades, Greece formerly the arrival of Greeks from Asia Minor. better known as a country exporting Residents of other islands also moved migrants and refugees turned into an to Kos attracted by the employment immigrant receiving country. Today, it has possibilities offered by the Italians. one of the highest number of immigrants More recently, during the expansion of per inhabitant in Europe. This means the tourism sector, a significant number that Greece has been confronted with of Greeks from neighboring islands, political, economic and social challenges Kalymnos, Pserimos, as well as from but also with cultural otherness: old central and northern Greece, came to forms have been politicized and new work on the island. forms have taken shape in Greek space Ironically, the arrival of large numbers (Papataxiarchis, 2005). of migrants from the Balkans, Asia and The situation of foreign migrants the Middle East – who do the “worst” jobs varies from one case to another; as a rule, – has altered the old hierarchy of social the majority of migrants from Eastern and ethnic groups present on the island. Europe are females while males prevail “With the arrival of the East-Europeans, our among migrants from South-East Asia. social status has degraded as well,” says Albanians and Bulgarians often bring one of my Finnish interlocutors who has families along. In addition to “regular” lived in Kos since 1981. migrants, there are migrants whose legal All of a sudden, we have all become situation in the country is “irregular”; foreigners, xenoi (in Greek). When we among the latter some are refugees came, we came from a better, more or asylum seekers. The geographical advanced society. We knew English. position of Kos and the other Aegean Among the locals, few knew English islands, – Rhodes, Leros, Patmos, Lesbos in those days, mainly those who and Samos – make them a passageway for had lived in Australia. We found clandestine migration from the Turkish work immediately. Here, everything shores. The majority are Iraqis, Afghans, was expanding. There was work for

131 Kira Kaurinkoski The Case of the Island of Kos

The Ibrahim Defterdar mosque in the central sqaure in the town of Kos

everybody. The point of departure for Ethnic Turks in Kos: from Ottoman East-Europeans is different. There are subjects to Greek citizens many East-Europeans who work here, Ethnic Turks or the “Muslims”, according […], many work in night clubs. to the official Greek terminology, are part of a historic minority present in The change in social hierarchies is Rhodes and Kos since 1522, as subjects particularly interesting as far as the 7 th of the Ottoman Empire. In the late 19 perception of the old Muslim community century, significant numbers of Muslim is concerned. Until recently, the latter Turks from Crete settled on these islands were largely considered to be people (Savorianakis, 2000, 88). During the of a “lower God”. According to my Italian administration, the Muslims foreign-born interlocutors, “Everybody were recognized as one of the three had his rifle ready and was ready to shoot”, existing religious communities with the in particular, after the events of Imia right to elect their own Councils. After (Kardak in Turkish) in 1996. Since 1999 the incorporation of the Dodecanese the situation has been changing. This into the Greek State, the great majority should be seen as a consequence of the automatically became Greek citizens. political changes in Europe, pressure Although the Dodecanese Muslims were from European institutions6 and the not recognized as a minority, because they recent rapprochement between Greece were not deemed as a category falling and Turkey and more generally between under the protection of the Lausanne EU and Turkey. 8 Treaty, special status was acknowledged for the waqfs9 and Turkish schools (Kurban, Tsitselikis, 2010, 7; Georgalidou, 2004).

132 The Case of the Island of Kos

The incorporation of the Dodecanese used for purposes of oral communication into the Greek State and the Cyprus within the communities. conflict which took the form of a military Generally speaking, today the confrontation in 1974 forced large numbers Muslims in Kos and Rhodes wear the of Muslims to leave their native islands same clothes,10 do the same jobs and and migrate to Turkey. In many cases bring their children to the same schools migration was motivated by economic as their Greek Orthodox brethren. All considerations. In connection with the in all, the Muslims constitute a young Cyprus conflict, it was mainly a reaction population. Young men are subject to to the discrimination that Muslims faced compulsory military service in Greece. in Greece. Field research suggests that However, it seems they are not recruited the 1960s and the 1970s were particularly to the Military Academy.11 difficult years for the Muslims, marked Locally, the Muslims have a reputation by sabotage of shops, fields and cattle. of hard workers. Traditionally, many Discrimination in the fields of education used to work in agriculture and cattle and health service continued even later. breeding. Today, the great majority are Usually, those who left were deprived of self-employed and work in agriculture their Greek citizenship and also of their and tourism. Other frequent occupations property (Kaurinkoski, 2012). are mechanics, technicians, shop and Today, the estimated Muslim restaurant keepers or specialists in the population in the Dodecanese is 5,000, construction field. Some are employed with 3,000 to 3, 500 living in Rhodes, and in the public sector but hold low

1,500 to 2,000 in Kos.In Kos, the Muslims prestige positions. Among university mainly live in the town of Kos and in the graduates a few are employed in village of Platani (or Gkerme-Kermentes). public administration or in education. The latter is situated a few kilometers Some others have opened their own outside the town of Kos and is the last businesses. Over the years, important village on the way to the Archeological changes have taken place in Greek monument of Asklipeio, which is one of society and polity, and entrance to Greek the most important tourist attractions Universities has been facilitated by laws on the island. The Turkish name of and quotas of positive discrimination. the village, Gkerme-Kermentes, most As a consequence, an increasing number probably derives from the homonymic of Muslims pursue their education in place of origin of its inhabitants whose secondary schools in Greece and later in ancestors settled there in the sixteenth Greek Universities. In parallel, studying century having migrated from the other in Turkey is not incompatible with side of the Aegean (Savorianakis, 2000, further career opportunities and a good 58). Today, half of the population of quality of life in Greece. Religion remains Platani are Greek Orthodox and schools a separating factor, and mixed marriages are mixed, although all the teachers are between Greek Muslims and Christians, Greek Orthodox. Since the 1970s all pupils Greek Orthodox in particular, remain have attended Greek public schools, rare. In the case of Muslim women, they while the Turkish language is mainly are socially unacceptable. In 2000, a local Muslim association

133 Kira Kaurinkoski The Case of the Island of Kos

was founded in Kos, called the Muslim savoir-vivre where everybody knows his/ Brotherhood of Kos. It is a cultural and her place (Kaurinkoski, 2012). educational association of ethnic Turks. The main issues on the agenda Globalization: changes for better or of the association are promotion of worse? the institutionalization of the Turkish Globalization has brought inter alia language and Islamic education in the tourism, migration and wealth to context of the Greek public schools in Kos. It has also brought technology, Kos with a large number of Muslim infrastructure and physical changes. pupils, as well as issues related to the As late as in the 1980s, during summer management of the waqf foundation.12 months telephone lines would collapse Recent migrants from the Balkans, frequently due to overloading. With Middle East and South-East Asia do not the advent of mobile phones and the have their own associations. internet, the communications problem As far as the rather successful has been resolved. At the same time, integration of the Muslims in Kos into technology and globalization have the wider Greek society and economy is brought uniformity. concerned, this can be partially explained by the economic development of the region Earlier, each bistro and tavern had its and the effects of globalization which have own personalized character. Today, the benefited the entire population of these same white parasols are everywhere. islands. However, what seems equally, In the past, Greek music was played in if not more important is the fact that the the taverns and the night clubs; today, Muslims in Kos pursue their education it is the same Anglo-Saxon tunes that are heard all over. in Greek public schools together with the majority population. The public school is perceived here as an institution providing Moreover, some feel that globalization students with essential language skills in has brought about “laziness”. Indeed, Greek and developing Greek national there has been a shift in the labor market. consciousness. In the past, there were a number of small factories in Kos, and many people As regards neighborly relations, many were employed in agriculture and Muslims in Kos emphasize that today fishing. Today, most of the factories have they live like brothers with their Greek closed down, and few people work in Orthodox co-islanders. Some others claim agriculture and fishing perceived as hard that “their best friends are Christians”. Their work. “It is easier to open a supermarket or a children go to school together, they invite mini-market.” Tourism has brought “easy each other to weddings and holiday money” to the island. celebrations. Official relations between the confessional groups are mutually Moreover, globalization has intensified evaluated as very good. In the end, it social stratification among the island seems that relations between members people. The cost of living has risen, in of different confessional groups, people particular after the introduction of the and individuals are characterized by a euro in 2001. ”In the past people would work five months and relax the rest of the year;

134 The Case of the Island of Kos

today, this is no longer possible.” One of my often explained by the presence of large interlocutors who arrived in Kos in 1982, numbers of foreign migrants on the island, recalls her first years on the island: in particular of Albanians. Partially, this should be seen as a reflection of the In those days, there was work for image portrayed by the national Greek everybody. Everybody had money. mass media throughout the 1990s and People were more sincere and happier. the following decade. It is also explained Today, everybody is stressed. Life has by numbers; 60% of migrants in Greece become very difficult. are Albanians (Baldwin-Edwards, 2004). However, there are also positive

The central square in the village of Platani

developments and signs of integration. The change in the rhythm of life is also School achievements of second- reflected on the associational level. In generation immigrants are often very the past, the associations of foreigners good. Moreover, some migrants have organized lotteries, carnivals, bazaars, bought plots of land and apartments on as well as celebration of Christmas and the island. In parallel, Albanians and other holidays every year. Today, only Bulgarians also invest in their countries the bazaar is left, its main aim being of origin. There are signs that Albanians money raising for the children’s language are gradually becoming accepted by the education. host society; it is Muslim immigrants While reflecting on various from the Middle East and South-East consequences of globalization, people Asia that have become the “disturbing often mention growing crime rate, other” and “a cultural threat” to Greece insecurity and fear. Locally, these are (Tsitselikis, 2010, 243).

135 Kira Kaurinkoski The Case of the Island of Kos

Since traditional tourism is on decline, The deepening of the crisis that began local authorities in cooperation with in 2010 has triggered further changes representatives of the tourism industry in everyday life in Kos. What survival began rebranding Kos in order to attract strategies are adopted to cope with new groups of tourists to the island. As the crisis? Among the local residents, part of this process, bicycle roads have many are property owners with fields been constructed in the town of Kos and and shops that they rent. An increasing along the coast. In the summer months, number of plot owners have started various cultural events are organized cultivating land and growing their own to celebrate the history and the local vegetables for personal needs and for sale. cultures of the island. There are daily In parallel, new agricultural techniques excursions to the neighboring islands and biological processing methods are and several ferry connections to Turkey. becoming popular. For example, there Today, despite the economic crisis that are people who are cultivating snails has been raging in Greece since 2008, the for export. In winter months many number of tourists in Kos is considered internal migrants and foreign nationals to be satisfactory. The trouble is they are return to their home places or look for reluctant to spend money. employment opportunities elsewhere. In this context, the recent decision of Return migration is becoming a common many EU countries, including Greece,13 practice among Albanians employed in to allow Turkish citizens with Green construction and among mixed couples passports (Yeşil Pasaport)14 to travel to EU with two homelands. countries without a visa is a positive step Globalization is widely known to that facilitates border crossing between widen the gap between the “rich” and the two countries. In the summer time, the “poor” (countries). In the case of Greek and Turkish excursion boats Kos we can also speak of the widening and private yachts are frequently seen gap between the local and foreign in local harbors on both sides of the populations. Notably, the situation is Aegean. There are some signs of new strikingly similar to that of Ancient dynamics in border-crossing that are Greece. In Ancient Athens, there was economically beneficial for both sides. a clear distinction between the Greeks As these examples show, globalization and the barbarians on the one hand, and has also had an effect on people’s minds between various groups of barbarians on contributing to openness towards the other. otherness. Coexistence of different ethnic groups, in particular of the ‘Greeks’ and “A free man was only he who lived the ‘Turks’, is much more harmonious in the city, possessed and cultivated than in the past.15 In this context, the his land or had it cultivated by his slaves; in other words, a master of current crisis, which is not exclusively soil and a master of slaves, a citizen economic as it also puts values to test, who ‘represented’ the society, making affects everybody and may contribute to human order complete” (Godelier, greater social cohesion, at least on a local 2010, 279-280). and regional level.

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Notes 1704, 2010, paragraphs 5 and 8, quoted in 1 Tom G. Palmer. Globalization is Great! The Kurban, Tsitselikis 2010, 8. Cato Institute, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ 7 According to the Ottoman population Globalization, accessed November 24, 2011. census of 1884-1886, Kos had a population of 2 I wish to thank Dr. Larisa Fialkova and Dr. 12,965, out of whom 10,449 were Christians, Maria Yelenevskaya for drawing my attention 2,439 Muslims and 67 Jews (Savorianakis to this issue, in particular to the parallel 2000, 74). between the images of the Mediterranean 8 The Lausanne Treaty sets the legal and the Black Sea resorts among the locals framework for minority protection in both and holiday-makers. states regarding “non-Muslims” in Turkey 3 My initial field research in Kos (October and Muslims in Greece. The Treaty does not 2008) was enabled by a grant from the enumerate the “non-Muslim” minorities French School of Athens. Subsequent field in Turkey and the “Muslim” minorities in research (September 2010, May 2011) was Greece. It grants legal protection to all non- done in the framework of the BALKABAS Muslim communities in Turkey and all project supported by the “Young Scholars” Muslim communities in Greece. In practice, programme of the French National Research Turkey has limited the protection of the Agency since January 2009 (ANR-08- treaty to Greek Orthodox, Armenian and JCJC-0091-01). Any names of informants/ Jewish communities. In Greece, likewise, interlocutors quoted in the text are fictitious. Muslims of the Dodecanese islands have not 4 The all-inclusive model originated in the been deemed as falling under the Lausanne Club Med resorts which were founded by the protection system (Kurban, Tsitselikis 2010, Belgian Gerard Blitz. 7). 5 The term kamaki literally means “harpoon” 9 The waqf is an organization in charge of or “fish-spear”, but is colloquially used for the management and restoration of Muslim “gigolo”. On kamaki in the Greek context community property. The waqfs in Greece (in see e.g., S. Zinovieff. Έλληνες άντρες και ξένες Thrace and in the Dodecanese) are regulated γυναίκες: το «καμάκι» σε μια επαρχιακαή πόλη». by special laws that are part of the broader In E. Papataxiarchis, Th. Paradellis (eds.), minority protection measures designed for Ταυτότητες και φύλο στη σύγχρονη Ελλάδα, Thrace. In practice, the established laws have Athens: Alexandreia, 1998, 3rd edition., 251- not always been implemented and the waqfs 276. have often been mismanaged (Kaurinkoski 2012). 6 In 2009 a motion for a resolution on “the situation of the Turkish minority in Kos and 10 Atatürk’s reforms, in particular with regard Rhodes” was presented by Mr. Andreas Gross to clothing ad secularism were implemented to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council in Kos and Rhodes in the 1920s. This was of Europe (PACE) (Doc.11904, 6 May 2009). not the case in Western Thrace, where head In 2010, the PACE criticized “the recurrent scarves are widely worn by women. invoking” of the “principle of reciprocity” by 11 Until the late 1990s, the Muslims were not both Greece and Turkey and reminded that exempt from military service; however, they “first and foremost the countries in which were discriminated against in other manner. the minorities live are responsible for their For example, they had to serve unarmed and own citizens, including the members of the were mainly asked to carry out auxiliary respective religious minorities”. Freedom tasks. of Religion and Other Human Rights for non- 12 Currently, the President and all Council Muslim minorities in Turkey and for the Muslim members of the waqf foundations in the Minority in Thrace (Eastern Greece), Resolution Dodecanese are appointed by the Greek authorities.

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13 In the case of Greece, this decision came Georgalidou, Marianthi. 2004. Η into force on July 28, 2010. Αφήγηση: Η συνομιλιακή 14 The Green passport allows its bearer διαπραγμάτευση ζητημάτων to travel visa-free to some countries. It is ταυτότητας στο πλαίσιο της issued to 1) former members of the National δίγλωσσης γλωσσικής κοινότητας Assembly; 2) first, second or third grade public των μουσουλμάνων της Ρόδου. servants; 3) pensioners formerly employed as In Proceedings. 6th International first, second or third grade public servants; 4) mayors; 5) spouses of special passport Conference on Greek Linguistics. holders; and 6) unwed children of special Godelier, Maurice. 2010. L’idéel et le passport holders who live with their parents matériel. Pensée, économies, until they turn 25. sociétés. Paris: Flammarion. 15 On the perception of Turks in Greek society Green, Sarah. 2005. Notes from the see, e.g., Theodossopoulos 2007, and on the Balkans. Locating Marginality and situation of ethnic Turks in Kos and Rhodes, Ambiguity on the Greek-Albanian see, e.g., Kaurinkoski 2012. border. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kaurinkoski, Kira. 2012 (in press). “The Muslim communities in Kos and Rhodes: reflections on social Works Cited organisation, migration and Baldwin-Edwards, Martin. 2004. identities”. In Balkan Encounters. Statistical Data on Immigrants Slavica Helsingiensia. Eds. J. in Greece: An Analytic Lindstedt & M. Wahlström. Study of Available Data and Kolodny, Emile. 2004. Îles et populations Recommendations for Conformity en Méditerranée orientale. Istanbul: with European Union Standards. Les éditions ISIS. A Study Conducted for IMEPO, Kurban, Dilek, Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. Greece: MMO, Panteion 2010. A tale of reciprocity. Minority University. Foundations in Greece and Turkey. Bhagwati, Jagdish. 2004. In Defense of TESEV/KEMO. Globalization. Oxford: Oxford Markey, John Fordyce. 1925-1926. University Press. “A Redefinition of Social Dahl, Arthur Lyon. 1982. Conservation Phenomena: Giving a Basis planning and environmental for Comparative Sociology”. monitoring for tourism American Journal of Sociology 31: development. S. Pacific 733-743. Commission Env. Newsletter 4: Papataxiarchis, E., Cuisenier Jean. 2005. 22-26. http://islands.unep.ch/ Ethnologie française, Numéro siemi7.htm, accessed November spécial : Grèce, figures de l’altérité, 8, 2011. XXXV, 2. Friedman, Thomas L. 2008. The Dell Savorianakis, P. 2000. Νησιωτικές Theory of Conflict Prevention. κοινωνίες στο Αιγαίο. Η περίπτωση In Emergin: A Reader. Ed. Barclay των Ελλήνων της Ρόδου και της Barrios. Boston: St Martins.

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Κω (18ος-19ος αιώνας). Rhodes: Municipality of Rhodes, Trochalia. Sutton, David. 1998. Memories cast in the Stone. The relevance of the Past in Everyday life [Kalymnos]. Oxford: Berg. Theodossopoulos, D. (ed.) 2007. When Greeks think about Turks. The view from Anthropology. London & New York: Routledge. Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. 2010. Greece. In Yearbook of Muslims in Europe, vol II. Eds. J. S. Nielsen, S. Akgönül, A. Alibašić, Br. Maréchal & Ch. Mo.

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Festival in Haifa

“Holiday of Holidays” third largest city of Israel, has gained the Festival in Haifa: between reputation of a model of tolerance among mixed localities. This might be partially Hope and Reality explained by the history of Haifa, where Jews and Arabs lived under the same Yelenevskaya, Maria municipality prior to the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 (Yacobi 2009, 1). Technion-Israel Institute of Technology, In the empirical study conducted by Falah Israel et al., the ranking for positive perceptions Fialkova, Larisa 1 of coexistence is highest in Haifa for The University of Haifa, Israel Arab respondents and second highest for Jewish respondents (2000, 787). At the Introduction: Haifa as a Mixed City same time, the international conference ll localities in Israel are divided From Mixed to Shared: The Haifa Alternative into three groups according to organized by the NGO New Israel Fund their ethnic composition: Jewish, reported results of a study based on the AArab and mixed. According to the Israel discussions with 165 residents in 22 focus Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), eight groups which indicated that “the majority urban localities are defined as mixed. of the town’s residents live in a sort of These towns “with a large majority of cultural indifference devoid of neither Jews, but with a considerable minority desire to interact with members of other of Arabs” are: Jerusalem, Tel Aviv-Yafo, populations nor outright hostility” (New Haifa, Akko, Ramla, Lod, Ma’alot- Israel Fund 2010). In addition, like in other Torshiha and Nazerat Illit (CBS, Statistical Israeli towns, the interethnic relations in Abstract of Israel 2010, 2011, 29). Life in Haifa visibly deteriorated in the period nd these cities is a subject of heated academic of the 2 Intifada also known as Intifada and public discussions. Academics Al Aqsa (2000-2005), when there were who study planning and development several terrorist attacks in Haifa buses strategies, distribution of housing, public and restaurants and clashes between space and resources believe that on the Arab demonstrators and policemen. one hand, Arab neighborhoods are treated Animosities that soared in that period as ‘internal frontiers’ into which Jewish were hardly alleviated by the fact that presence keeps expanding thus turning among the victims of the terrorists were mixed cities into urban ethnocracies, not only Jewish but also Arab and Druze where citizenship is unequal, and residents of Haifa. resources and services are allocated on The total population of the Haifa the basis of ethnicity rather than residency district which includes the city’s suburbs (Yiftachel, and Yacobi 2003, 680, 690). On is 880,000. The Arab sector makes 213,600, the other hand, the mixed city context may the rest being “Jews and others” (CBS, be favorable for forming perceptions of Statistical Abstract of Israel 2009, 2010, 2 coexistence (Falah et al. 2000, 792). Among 106). Like other mixed cities, Haifa is the mixed urban localities, Haifa, the still ethnically divided into the so called

“Arab” and “Jewish” neighborhoods. the Rubin Conservatory located in one The former are located in the low- of the Arab neighborhoods of the city. prestige areas of the city. In fact, Jews Despite a long history of living under also live there, although not by choice the same jurisdiction and abundance but due to financial constraints. Rich of contact zones, Jews and Arabs in neighborhoods are primarily occupied Haifa continue being apart maintaining by Jews, although socially upward social networks and engaging in leisure mobile Arab families have corners in activities primarily within their own them as well. One Arab neighborhood in ethno-cultural groups. the old part of the city stayed empty for Attempts to bring Haifa communities 50 years after the War of Independence closer to each other are made by Beit which took place in 1948 after the State of Hagefen—the Arab-Jewish Center Israel had been proclaimed. According to founded in 1963 (information about Beit Israeli law, abandoned houses cannot be Hagefen’s activities can be found on its transferred to other owners for a period website (http://www.beit-hagefen.com/En_ of 50 years. Since Palestinian refugees Web/En_%20Home_Index.htm, accessed are not allowed to return to Israel, the 9/01/2012). Its current head, Asaf Ronen, real estate was appropriated by the city says that from 2003 to 2010 the center and today this district is in the process was in crisis and only now is trying to of renovation. Most of the restored reinvigorate residents’ interest in its buildings house offices and shops. initiatives (Korin 2012). One of the most On a daily basis interaction between successful among them is the December Jews and Arabs occurs in the work place, festival known as Holiday of Holidays. It for example in hospitals where both Jews was launched in 1993 as a joint venture and Arabs can be found among the staff of the Municipality of Haifa and Beit and patients, in shopping centers and Hagefen. The name and the time of the malls, in pharmacies and post-offices, festival was chosen because the holidays and at the universities and colleges (see of the three main religions represented Blumen & Tzafrir 2011). One can add that in Haifa - Christmas, Hanukkah and at the universities, there are many more Ramadan happened to be almost at the Arabs among the students than among same time in that year. Moslems use the the professors, engineers, librarians, and lunar calendar, and since then neither secretaries. Notably, although there are Ramadan nor any other Moslem holiday four mixed bilingual schools in Israel3 has fallen on December, yet in the none of them is in Haifa (Mor-Sommerfeld consciousness of the residents the festival et al. 2007, 11). Yet some Arab and Druze is still associated with the three religions, parents send their children who intend to although the events of the festival are go to the university to Jewish high schools secular. The first experience of holding in order to facilitate their further studies, an intercultural festival was successful because instruction at Israeli universities and from year to year it is getting more is in Hebrew. In addition, both Arab popular attracting Israelis from all over and Jewish children, including Russian- the country as well as foreign tourists. speaking immigrants, study together at Today it is generously covered in the

142 Festival in Haifa

media, including electronic sources. The of Beit Hagefen, Asaf Ronen. We read festival has its own web page which posts and analyzed internet materials devoted the schedule of events, announcements to the festival on institutional and non- and photographs (http://www.haifahag. institutional sites, such as discussion co.il/, accessed 10/12/2011). It is covered forums and blogs in English, Hebrew on the site of the Haifa Municipality and Russian. Unfortunately, we were (http://www.haifa.muni.il/Haifa/Pages/ unable to cover sites in Arabic, although NewsItem.aspx?One1Id=306, last accessed we spoke about the festival with our 20/01/2012) and on the homepage Arabic-speaking colleagues and students. of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs Moreover, we conducted a short online (http://www.altawasul.com/MFAAR/ interview with Roseland Daeem, a Ph.D. israel+beyond+politics/society+co- student in the Department of Hebrew and existence+and+peace/Holiday-of-Holidays- Comparative Literature of the University Festival-celebrated-in-Haifa-13122011.htm, of Haifa, specializing in folklore, and a last accessed on 20/01/2012). Note that lecturer at the Academic Arab College of on the municipal site the page is given Education. in Hebrew, Arabic and English, and The Holiday of Holidays in Haifa is the Ministry adds the Russian page. In an attempt to promote Haifa’s image of 2011 we also found that the festival was a tolerant multicultural city by creating advertised on the web pages of travel a unifying festival. At the same time, agencies in Russia and Ukraine (see e.g., for years Haifa has struggled to shed its http://tours-service.ru/news/9161 and http:// image of a provincial city, which has little www.rv.org.ua/blog/prazdnik-prazdnikov- to offer to young and ambitious people.5 4 v-haife/ , last accessed 20/01/2012). A widely used method of revitalization The articles on the official Israeli sites of a city’s image, developing its economy underscore the inter-confessional and place identity, and capitalizing on nature of the holiday, contributing to cultural resources is conducting festivals peaceful coexistence of ethno-religious (Cheng-Yi and Woan-Chiau 2009, 1317- groups. Sites for tourists, on the other 1322). This trend is a distinctive feature hand, emphasize a playful and happy of post-industrial societies, where atmosphere and the entertaining nature urban landscapes “become less tied to of the events. production and more concerned with This essay is based on participant organization of consumption” (Zukin observation and monitoring of websites. 1991, 57). We have attended events of Holiday of Holidays since the year it was launched, The Festival and Its Chronotope first coming as curious members of the The term “Chronotope” (literally “time- audience, and in the last two years talking space) was introduced into literary to participants, watching behavior studies by Mikhail Bakhtin for the and reactions of children and adults, analysis of novels. He defined it as collecting advertising leaflets, making “intrinsic connectedness of temporal and notes in our ethnographic diaries. In spatial relationships that are artistically January 2012 we interviewed the head expressed in literature” (Bakhtin 1981,

143 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

84). Although initially understood as Most shows, concerts and happenings of a formally constitutive category of the festival take place in the two adjacent literature, this concept was later extended neighborhoods: Wadi Nisnas7 and the to the study of culture and folklore. German Colony which are populated Specifically, Bakhtin discussed at length primarily by Christian and Muslim the Chronotope of the carnival in the Arabs. The district known as the German feudal society, and some of his insights Colony had been established in 1868 by seem to be relevant to the festivities of our German Templers, whose descendents age. According to Bakhtin, as opposed to were expelled at the beginning of the official feast, carnival in Middle Ages, World War II by the British for pro-Nazi “celebrated temporary liberation from the sympathies. In post-war years the area prevailing truth and from the established gradually deteriorated, but in the 1990s order; it marked the suspension of all its main street, Ben-Gurion Avenue, hierarchical rank, privileges, norms located at the bottom of the Bahai and prohibitions” (Bakhtin 1984, 10). gardens that stretch from the top to the Although there is a marked difference bottom of Mount Carmel was renovated. between feudal and post-industrial Numerous restaurants opened there and societies, hierarchies, norms and turned it into one of the favorite locations prohibitions have not disappeared from of nightlife entertainment. The European- the way our contemporaries celebrate style architecture of the Templers and holidays. We still witness ethnic and the Bahai shrine visible from any point religious divisions: festivals of one group of the street make the street attractive leave members of other groups indifferent and exotic by its “otherness”. This area at best, but sometimes trigger alienation is easy to reach for those who come from and hostility.6 The rejection of national other towns because it is situated close to holidays by Arab citizens of Israel seems a train station and the port. to be strongest on the Independence The second main location of the Day (cf. almost identical conflict in the festival, Wadi Nisnas, is visually separated perception of the Victory day among from the adjacent streets and has just a Estonian and Russian denizens of Kohtla- few narrow entries. The impression of Järve in Jago 2011, 27). separateness and autonomy is reinforced The spatio-temporal framework of the by the absence of public transport and Holiday of Holidays festival has clear-cut scarcity of cars there. With its narrow borders. The official opening takes place streets Wadi Nisnas seems to be an on the afternoon of the first Saturday in inappropriate location for mass festive December, which already demonstrates happenings; on the other hand, the the secular nature of the festival, because combination of shabbiness, disorderliness due to the conventions of Judaism, public and often naïve but moving decorations events in Israel are limited from Friday makes it picturesque. Many houses look evening to the Saturday evening, the dilapidated needing repairs badly, but time of Sabbath. The rest of the program this seems to be beyond the means of low- encompasses Thursday nights, Fridays income owners (cf. with the situation of and Saturdays until the 31st of December. the Moorish historical district of Albaicin

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in Granada discussed in Shaw et al. 2004, through security control, and their bags 1986). Despite its pitiful state, Wadi Nisnas are checked. It is also humiliating for was chosen by Arab and Jewish artists for youngsters to be checked by security at displaying their works. The streets and the entrance to their own house (from an interview with Roseland Daeem). houses of the district are decorated with numerous sculptures, frescos, ceramic bass reliefs, and metal installations which The interconnection of risk and trust is turned it into an open-air museum. On particularly meaningful for Israeli society the pavement of the streets one can see for years tormented by military conflicts painted foot prints indicating the route and terrorist attacks. According to the of “Coexistence Walks” – guided tours study conducted by Jabareen, the area of organized by Beit Hagefen. Besides its the German Colony is perceived by both art, Wadi Nisnas attracts secular Jews Arab and Jewish Israelis as a safer place who like to visit it on Friday afternoon than other parts of Haifa. This is explained and Saturday, when shops in the Jewish by lively economic and social activities quarters are closed. attracting members of both sectors, and by the belief (unfortunately, mistaken) During festival events these two that Arab quarters and Arab-owned neighborhoods become exclusively businesses are unlikely to be targeted pedestrian and are separated from the by suicide bombers (Jabareen 2009, 97- rest of the city by railings with guarded 98). Our own participant observation entrances. Used to check-ups at the of both the German Colony and Wadi entrance to any public building, members Nissnas based on multiple visits to these of the audience patiently queue at the neighborhoods on week days, weekends gates, opening their bags for inspection and during holidays is ambivalent. which should boost the perception of Although we share with Jabareen’s personal safety (cf. with the importance subjects the feeling of trust and safety, of ‘gateways’ in Shaw et al. 2004, 1991). we know that many Jewish residents Festive atmosphere presupposes the of Haifa avoid Arab neighborhoods. feeling of trust. As Giddens indicates, Moreover, on the occasions we guided “Risk and trust intertwine, trust normally guests from other Israeli towns and serving to reduce or minimize the dangers from abroad through the area, we were to which particular types of activity are often confronted with their fear and subject” (Giddens 1990, 35). At the same suspicion. Sometimes it requires quite time, the clearly marked border between a bit of an effort to convince visitors alleged risk and safety may be viewed to “set foot on the Arab territory” (cf. from a different angle: reluctance of international tourists to visit Although security is vitally important predominantly Moslem neighborhoods during mass public events, a whole in London after 09.11.2001 in Shaw et al. neighborhood is blocked. If residents 2004, 1992). In the last years when the leave it in order to do their shopping events of the festival have become more in a nearby store or have to do some diverse, the Holiday of Holidays has not chores outside their district, when they been confined to the two neighborhoods come back home, they have to pass described here. In December admission fee

145 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

The German Colony is decorated for the festival. The lamp posts fly the flags of Israel and Haifa, and plastic Christmas trees are covered with garlands. (Photo courtesy of Hadas Itzcovich)

to Haifa museums is reduced from 30 to 5 The two main locations of the festival shekels, and in the Jewish neighborhood are decorated with garlands lit in the of Bat-Galim artists open doors of their evenings, posters in four languages private apartments and studios for free (Arabic, English, Hebrew and Russian), visits. Thus, the Holiday of Holidays multicolored balloons, Hanukkah festival offers both “high” and popular candlesticks and imitative Christmas culture. In the literature about festivals, trees. The latter deserve a special researchers observe that the audiences description. Some are young cypress that choose high culture events tend to trees, others are plastic. In the last two ignore popular culture and vice versa. years a 10-meter plastic tree assembled Specifically, high culture events with low of 5,000 mineral water bottles is mounted ethnic minority participation are more on one of the roundabouts of the German attractive to older audiences (Richards, Colony. Designed by Hadas Itzcovich, and Wilson 2004, 1932, 1940, 1942). We who specializes in ecologically-friendly also observe that during the Holiday of installations, this semi-transparent blue Holidays ethnic groups mix primarily in structure looks slightly weird in the restaurants and open-air happenings. daytime, but closely resembles a fir tree at

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night when it is decorated with blinking the same: celebration of coexistence lights. When it was first installed in in Haifa. The Holiday of Holidays is December 2010, it immediately became the trademark of coexistence in Haifa a curiosity and attracted numerous (from an interview with Asaf Ronen). residents to gaze at it and photograph it. In 2011 one of the Christmas trees in The main events are the opening of the the German Holiday had to be removed festival taking place in Wadi Nissnas, because it had been placed in front of a a happening in the German Colony at synagogue, which was perceived as an the end of December and a Hanukkah offensive gesture by the religious Jews. procession in the old city center, Hadar. All While walking through the area during the three are advertised as “happenings December festivities we looked for for the whole family”. Indeed, the variety decorations associated with Islam, but of entertainment can satisfy people of the only one we found was a crescent different ages, tastes and financial means. crowning one part of the metal installation The Hanukkah procession is organized permanently attached to the building of by the municipality, a Hadar community center and the Chabad-Lubavitch Center Beit Hagefen. It presents stylized Christian, 8 Jewish and Moslem temples, each with of the Russian-speaking Jews of Haifa a respective symbol, and embodies the and suburbs. The procession is headed unity of the three groups of the Haifa by a large truck brightly lit with torches residents. When we asked Asaf Ronen and dubbed in the press the “Habbad about the lack of Moslem symbols in the tank” (Igoshina 2011). Participants of the festival decorations, he explained that procession also carry torches. Although they would be out of place in the absence a fire brigade and an ambulance of a Moslem holiday at the time, so on accompanied the procession, some of his initiative, in 2011 posters advertising the Internet users commenting festivities the festival did not mention the names in 2011 expressed anxiety about the 9 http://haifa.israelinfo.ru/ of the three holidays. He added that danger of fire ( comments/?id=7825#rules although there were no complaints about , last accessed it on the part of the Moslem community, on 02/02/2012). At the same time all it was worth considering how to present admitted that the atmosphere was Moslem symbols during future festivals. festive thanks to the abundance of light, Importantly, 5 % of the festival’s budget Hanukkah songs, fireworks and torch had been spent for Ramadan festivities juggling. Notably in 2011, the two big that took place in August 2012. happenings in Hadar and in the German Colony were held on the same day. So Objectively speaking, we have it was possible for the festival goers to to admit that these are not three attend both, and in their reports about holidays. Decorations reflected the festival some bloggers mentioned December holidays: Hanukkah and attending both events. Christmas. Holiday of Holidays is a During the festival events the streets trademark that emerged under specific circumstances but they have changed. of Wadi Nissnas are overcrowded. They The dynamics of the festival remain are lined with stalls where crafts, toys, Christmas decorations and religious

147 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

The roof of a two-storey house in Wadi Nisnas is used as a stage for music bands and street theater groups. books in different languages as well Children are drawn to body-art stalls and as various foods are offered to the to young people on stilts dressed as angels, customers. Importantly, shop owners of fairy-queens and various characters of Wadi Nissnas do not necessarily profit Christmas tales. Street theater groups, from the festival: some of them with Jewish-Arabic casts, perform one after another using the roof Festival goers coming to the Wadi of a low building on a small square as a mostly buy food or toys for children. stage. On the balcony across, young men On the other hand, stores selling disguised as females dance provocatively clothes, shoes, building materials, and exchanging jokes with the audience so on do not attract visitors; just the opposite, the entrances to their stores filling the square. Notably, guards can are blocked by the stalls, and so traders be seen on other balconies making sure from all over the country, not the local that no provocation would disturb the people try to make a buck. The local festivities. jeweler simply closes his shop for One of the main events of the big this period (from an interview with happening in the German Colony is Roseland Daeem). a parade of Santa Clauses. This made

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Santa-style red caps with blinking light popular. Made in China, they can be found in numerous shops selling Christmas-tree decorations and paraphernalia in Wadi Nisnas, and many children and young people both Christian and Jewish wear them during festival events. Notably, some caps have one of the following inscriptions in Russian: Люблю Снегурочку, Ищу Снегурочку, Хочу Снегурочку (I love Snow Maiden, I am looking for Snow Maiden, I want Snow Maiden). Snegurochka, Snow Maiden, is the granddaughter of Ded Moroz, Grandfather Frost - the Russian counterpart of Santa Claus. Unlike Santa, Ded Moroz and Snegurochka have a folk rather than a religious background. They are inseparable from childhood memories of those who grew up in the former Soviet Union and who make a large part of the Russian-speaking community in Israel (Fialkova and Yelenevskaya 2007, 275- 280). Noteworthy, when we interviewed The best known Santa-Claus of Haifa is Asaf Ronen, he asked what was missing always in demand: children want to be for us in the festival. Without a minute photographed with him, and journalists of hesitations we both mentioned come to interview him. (Photo courtesy of Snegurochka and were promised to see Avner Korin) her at the next year festivities. It is worth day of the big happening. One can hear mentioning that Snegurochka dolls have classic music performed by chamber been on sale in Russian and Arab-owned ensembles, Latin-American dance music shops for years. This year we also saw the played by guitarists, marches by the typical blue-white-and silver Snegurochka local scout brass band, Arabic music dress in one of the Arab-owned shop. performed on darbuka (goblet drum, Music is an important component an Arabic percussion instrument.) and of the festival. First to be mentioned is Israeli pop. Sometimes these various liturgics concerts in churches which are tunes overlap, but the cacophony does also situated in the area of festivities not disturb listeners wandering from and nearby. The rest of the music stage to stage. Noteworthy, the person program of the festival consists of open- responsible for the music is Professor air performances by professional and Amos Lanir, a retired chemist of one amateur musicians. Several stages are of the Haifa hospitals involved in the installed in the German Colony on the festival organization along with other

149 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

volunteers. During the festival one of the buildings of Beit Hagefen accommodates a fair of antiquities. As usual for such places, most people come to have a look at curious and exotic things without intentions of buying, but those who wish can acquire objects ranging from cheap trinkets to expensive collectors’ items. Like everything else during the festival, the fair is multicultural displaying Passover dishes and crosses, Stars of David and rosaries, antique European dolls and carved oriental boxes and pieces of furniture. In 2011 we visited the fair several times and did not hear Arabic spoken nor did we see visitors wearing traditional Druze and Moslem attire. This made a contrast with open-air events where Moslems and the Druze were both acoustically and visually represented. As mentioned earlier, the Holiday of Holidays attracts craftsmen and caterers offering products for people with different Druze pitas baked on a street of Wadi Nisnas means. Hand-made chocolate, colored are tasty to eat and fun to watch. glassware and candlesticks, ethnic Participation and Self-Exclusion dresses, jewelry and various other goods According to various scholarly are examined, touched, tasted or tried publications, one of the most important on. One can eat in gourmet restaurants criteria of festivals’ success is growing located in the German colony, but most participation of local residents and relish Hanukkah sufganiot (doughnuts), outsiders, although all admit that hard Druze pita, Middle-Eastern falafel with data on the numbers is difficult to obtain humus and tehina, or Chinese ravioli (see e.g., Quinn 2005, 932; Lin, and Hsing sold on the streets and served on plastic 2009, 1321). The article devoted to Holiday plates. Advertisers also take advantage of of Holidays which is posted on the site the amicable atmosphere of the festival, of Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs cites and young girls wearing stylized Santa the following numbers: approximately dresses and Santa-caps distribute fliers 200,000 visitors across Israel and abroad, of cell phone companies, galleries and with over 40% of festival goers being restaurants. Although we did not find out-of-towners (http://www.altawasul.com/ any reports about the economic impact of MFAAR/israel+beyond+politics/society+co- Holiday of Holidays, the festivalization existence+and+peace/Holiday-of-Holidays- of consumption seems to be an additional Festival-celebrated-in-Haifa-13122011. factor attracting audiences.

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htm, last accessed on 20/01/2012). As with Hanukkah but also with New mentioned earlier, festivals attract Year celebrations, much loved in their diverse audiences and some groups country of origin. While on the whole are more noticeable than others. Like the attitude to New Year celebrations in other societies, in Israel members of by Jews is negative in Israeli society different groups are identified by the and is often critically discussed in the elements of clothes such as skull caps, media, the attachment to it by Russian wigs and head dresses of religious Jews, Jews is gradually making government black dresses and white scarves of Druze institutions and individuals more tolerant women, sherwal and tarboush of Druze of it: men, and Hijabs of Moslem women. In addition, members of different groups В этом году в фестивале принимает may be recognized by symbols worn on активное участие Управление абсорбции города Хайфа. Ханука - это the neck, such as the cross and the star- близкий нам по духу праздник: мы с of-David pendants. In a divided society детства праздновали Новый Год. И этот like Israel, people are used to taking фестиваль предоставит возможность notice of such distinguishing artifacts нашим соотечественникам устроить in order to identify members of one’s праздник для всей семьи - пообщаться own group and “others”. At the same с клоунами, известными “русскими” time, there are secular individuals in all артистами, великолепным ансамблем ethnic groups who do not wear any of клейзмеров “Калинка” (Заместитель these identification signs. Then it is the мэра Хайфы Юлия Штрайм). language they speak or their accent in Hebrew that serves as an identifier (Cf., This year the Haifa Division of the description of the language as the marker Ministry of Absorption will take an of group belonging in Janev 2011, 15). active part in the festival. We closely Against this background we could see identify with the holiday of Hanukkah very few religious Jews at the popular because we have been celebrating the culture events in Arab quarters. The New Year since childhood. And this prevailing languages spoken by festival festival will enable our compatriots to goers were Arabic, Hebrew and Russian. make a holiday for the entire family: One could also see and hear multilingual to meet clowns, famous “Russian” Asian tourists and guest workers. Judging artists, and the Klezmer ensemble from the abundance of Russian speakers “Kalinka”, (Yulia Shtraim, Deputy Mayor of Haifa�, http://ru.local.co.il/ and the detailed coverage of the festival EventPage.asp?nav=4,50,7,6,28678, last events on Israeli Russian-language web accessed 31/01/2012) sites, it attracts members of this group, which is numerically almost as large as This statement is interesting in the way the group of Arab citizens of Israel, and a government official is mixing up two makes up approximately one sixth of traditions. While it is ideologically the total population. For secular Russian “correct” to celebrate the Jewish speakers, whether they are Jews or non- Hanukkah, Shtraim inadvertently Jews, this festival is associated not only admits that it is the New Year that the

151 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

“Russians” are attached to. Another the crazy guys, to tempt those who have amusing detail pointing to the hybridity never tried it before. As far as I know, the of Russian-speaking Israelis is the name price is 39 shekels. It was cool (Sharon, of the ensemble mentioned by Shtraim. 20/12/2011). Founded by immigrants in the early יאוולה לכו הנשה היה גח לכל (:תותדה יאוולה 1990s, it is a frequent participant in דמלנו תויחל דחי זא) עיגי ,חישמ (Haifa public events. Although today 21.12.11

the musicians position themselves as I wish there were holidays of all the performers of traditional Klezmer music religions all year round. I wish we of the shtetl, they have preserved the could learn to live together. (And then name “Kalinka” – the title of a famous the Messiah will come, 21/12/2011) Russian folk song. אל .ןיינעמ אל םוקמה אלו .םיעוריאה זובזב יפסכ Clearly, members of the public show הנונרא הדוהי) ,ילארשי (their attitude to the festival by either 01.12.11 attending its events or avoiding them. In addition, popular attitudes to it can It’s of no interest. Neither the place be traced in web talk-backs. Holiday of nor the event. It’s a waste of land-tax the Holidays festival triggers narratives money. (Yehuda Israeli, 01/12/2011) evaluating inter-ethnic relations as part of the urban culture. According to our observations, the discussion about the festival was livelier in Russian than in Hebrew. The attitudes of the Where is the synagogue? Where is commentators range from extremely Hanukkah? Why don’t we celebrate positive to negative and angry, and it is Hanukkah in Haifa? (Erosion of national identity, 01/12/1/2011) the latter that prevail on the Hebrew sites יברע הפיח םיניגפמש דגנ הנידמה הנידמה דגנ םיניגפמש הפיח יברע דעבו ?וניבייוא ,תשלוג) (we found. The contrast in the assessment 02.12.11 of the festival can be summarized as dichotomies of “our own” vs. “their” Haifa Arabs who demonstrate holiday, interesting vs. a waste of time against the state and support our and public money. The nicknames of enemies? (Browser, 02/12/2011) the commentators are sometimes first (http://www.ynet.co.il/Ext/App/TalkBack/ names, but others are ethnonyms or CdaViewOpenTalkBack/0,11382,L-41556 phrases expressing political statements.10 36,00.html last accessed 30/01/2012)

Hebrew comments: Russian comments:

не понимаю-какое отношение имеет сильвестр к евреям- русским-русским евреям- арабам.и с какой стати весь израиль его празднует. чей это праздник и что он означает. если его празднует Among other wonderful things, they католическая европа- какое отношение built a skating rink in the Azrieli mall, for это имеет к израилю. или арабы-католики.

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так значит это арабский праздник. а The organizers of the Holiday of что он означает (еврей, 21/12/2011). Holidays festival make their best to make I cannot understand what Sylvester the festival all inclusive. The reaction of has to do with Jews-Russians-Russian the residents differs: some embrace the Jews-Arabs. Why on earth would the whole of Israel celebrate it? Whose possibility to have fun, whatever motives holiday is it and what does it mean are behind it; others militantly reject if it is celebrated by Catholic Europe? the very idea of combining holidays of What does it have to do with Israel? Or the three religions, still others remain if Christian Arabs celebrate it, then it is completely indifferent and are not even an Arab holiday. This is what it means aware of the festivities.11 (Jew, 21/12/2011). Conclusions Чем спорить давайте будем праздновать In Israeli context, the Holiday of Holidays все праздники еврейские, христианские, is a unique attempt to bring Arabs and мусульманские, буддийские. Это Jews together in terms of the scope of лучше чем букой смотреть друг the events and the involvement of both на друга. Всех с праздником. governmental institutions and NGOs. It УРАААААА (влади, 19/12/2011) is not accidental that the festival emerged Instead of arguing, let’s celebrate in Haifa boasting peaceful coexistence of all the holidays, Jewish, Christian, Moslem, Buddhist. It’s better than ethnic groups. The celebration of “unity to look surly at each other. Happy in diversity”—the catch phrase used in Holiday to all. HURRAYYYYYY (vladi, scholarly discussions of multicultural 21/12/2011), (http://haifa.israelinfo. urban festivals and in the official ru/comments/?id=7799, last accessed discourse of festival organizers serves 02/02/2012). to boost the political image of Israel as a whole, and Haifa in particular. The festival also contributes to the upgrading Было очень красиво, все улицы of the city image. During the Holiday of украшены елками, сантами и всякими праздничными Holidays it is no longer perceived as a украшениями. Первый раз за 12 лет “sleepy” provincial city that is only good в стране, мне передалась атмосфера for work, but turns into a boisterous 12 праздника:))))) (Алена, 24/12/2011) and vivacious center of recreation. It was very beautiful, all the streets Notably, one of the singers addressed were adorned with fir-trees, Santas his audience in the German colony in and various festive decorations. For exhilaration: “Look around! This is no the first time in the 12 years I’ve lived longer Haifa, it’s Champs-Élisées”. Even in this country I was overwhelmed though the comparison of the German  with festive atmosphere )))), Colony with the celebrated Parisian (Aliona, 24/ 12/2011, http:// www.babyblog.ru/community/post/ avenue is preposterous, it reflected the izrael/1691521#comments, last accessed pride of some residents in their city. Yet 02/02/2011). for those who prefer the city space to be predominantly Jewish this was hardly a compliment.

153 Maria Yelenevskaya and Larisa Fialkova Festival in Haifa

According to our observations and but also the Druze. We can also infer that informal discussions with residents “Jews and others” primarily refers to non- of Haifa belonging to different ethnic Jewish members of mixed families perceived groups, political agenda of the festival as members of the Jewish sector. does not really concern those who attend 3 In 2005 the Jewish-Arab Center at the its events. People come to enjoy the festive University of Haifa began implementing the program “Into the Future - Towards Bilingual atmosphere of the carnival. Among Education in Israel” sponsored by the ZEIT those who avoid the festival, however, foundation (Mor-Sommerfeld et al. 2007, 16). the rejection or skepticism towards the 4 One of the reasons why Holiday of Holidays political agenda of the festival is more has been advertised on the sites of Russian pronounced. and Ukrainian travel agencies is that Israel In the last two years the scope of the is one of the few countries which citizens of festival and its popularity among Israelis Russia and Ukraine can visit without a visa. and international tourists has clearly Moreover, many of potential tourists have increased, which makes the organizers friends and family among Russian-speaking think of how to expand its territory to the Israelis, which makes visits easier and more attractive. rest of the city. Indeed, the events of high culture take place in a variety of districts 5 Paradoxically, the image of the city has improved thanks to the 2nd Lebanon where concert halls and museums are war, when the city suffered from heavy located. But is it possible today to place shelling. The government allocated money Hanukkah candlesticks side by side with to renovate the city’s infrastructure and Christmas trees not only on the streets build roads. Among the projects aimed at of mixed districts, but also in the Jewish attracting the young was construction of a ones? new campus in the area adjacent to the port. According to Bakhtin, the carnival Buildings that stayed empty for years were and similar marketplace festivals are renovated and the new ones constructed. The “Port Campus”, as the project was dubbed, “the second life of the people, who provided universities and colleges with new for a time entered the utopian realm buildings where teaching is conducted, and of community, freedom, equality and opened the doors of new dorms to out-of- abundance” (Bakhtin 1984, 9). Although town students. Moreover, it breathed new the long-term benefits of the festival in life into a previously rundown area. In the terms of politics and economy remain last several years the municipality has also unresearched, the presence of numerous undertaken various projects to develop children exhilarated by the cultural mix tourism in the city which did not use its gives hope. potential of a coastal town with sandy beaches and picturesque terrace streets on

the green slopes of Mount Carmel. Notes 6 A good example of hierarchical and sectoral 1 The research reported here is a joint project. approach to festivals of different ethnic and The authors alternate priority of authorship religious groups in Israel is the university in their publications. system. There are no classes during Jewish holidays, while on the days of Christian, 2 Although not specified by the authors of this Moslem and Druze festivals classes are document, the Arab population, apparently, not cancelled. However, professors do not includes not only Christians and Muslims

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penalize students for absences and avoid _____. 1984. Rabelais and His World, holding exams and tests on these days. translated by Jacques LeClercq. 7 Wadi is Arabic for a dried-up river bed. Bloomington: Indiana University 8 Chabad-Lubavitch is a branch of Hasidic Press. Judaism. Blumen, Orna, and Tzafrir, Shay. 9 Fear of fire may have been exacerbated by 2011. Sentenced to Commute: the fresh memories of a devastating forest fire Indigenous Young Women at a in the suburbs of Haifa in December 2010. City University. Cultural Analysis 10 Like her predecessor, Yulia Shtraim is an 10. 67-89. immigrant from the former Soviet Union and Falah, Ghazi, Noy, Michael, and Sarker, settled in Israel in the 1990s. Rakhal. 2000. “Coexistence in 11 The style and spelling of the comments Selected Mixed Arab-Jewish has not been edited. Cities in Israel: By Choice or by 12 From time to time the local media reports Default?” Urban Studies no. 37(4): incidents of interethnic clashes and damage 775-796. to property in mixed districts. Most of them are classified as petty crime, but on December Fialkova, Larisa, and Yelenevskaya, 24, 2011, there was one that had clear political Maria. 2007. Ex-Soviets in Israel: background. All four tires were punctured From Personal Narratives to a in a car parked in the German Colony Group Portrait. Detroit: Wayne because the owner put a scarf colored as a State University Press. Palestinian flag and having the inscription Giddens, Anthony. 1990. The in English “Palestine” on the windshield Consequences of Modernity. (Cf. Janev 2011, 9-10 about the incident with Stanford: Stanford University the Albanian flag). Note that this happened Press. during Holiday of Holidays. The article Igoshina, 2011. Игошина, Татьяна. 2011. reporting the incident on the portal Israel.info «Факельное шествие осветило was headlined “Who punctured the tires of город светом Хануки.» Новости the car with Palestinian accessories?” (http:// haifa.israelinfo.ru/news/7818, last accessed Хайфы, 27 декабря, http://haifa. 03/02/2012). israelinfo.ru/news/7825, last 13 In common parlance, each of the three accessed on 02/02/2012. biggest cities of Israel is assigned its own Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 2009. role: Jerusalem prays, Tel Aviv entertains Statistical Abstract of Israel 2009. itself and Haifa works. Localities and population. http:// www.cbs.gov.il/shnaton60/ Works cited st02_08.pdf , 23/12/2012. Bakhtin, M. M. 1981. Forms of Time _____, 2011. Statistical Abstract of Israel and of the Chronotope in the 2010. Population. http://www.cbs. Novel: Notes toward a Historical gov.il/www/shnaton61/st_eng02.pdf Poetics. In The Dialogic , accessed 05/01/2011. Imagination: Four Essays by M. Jabareen, Yosef. 2009. “Ethnic Groups M. Bakhtin, edited by Michael and the Meaning of Urban Holquist, translated by Caryl Place: The German Colony and Emerson and Michael Holquist, Palestinians and Jews in Haifa.” 84-258. Austin and London: Cities no. 26: 93-102. University of Texas Press.

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Jaago, Tiiu. 2011. One Area, Several Shaw, Stephen, Bagwell, Susan, and Cultural Spaces: Comparative Karmowska, Joanna. 2004. Analysis of Stories As the “Ethnoscapes As Spectacle: Bases of Local Identity. Cultural Reimaging Multicultural Analysis 10, 23-43. Districts As New Destinations Janev, Goran. 2011. Narrating the for Leisure and Tourism Nation, Narrating the City. Consumption.” Urban Studies Cultural Analysis 10, 3-21. vol. 41(10): 1983-2000. Korin – Корин, Авнер. 2012. «Центр Tzfadia, Erez and Yacobi, Haim. 2011. арабо-еврейской дружбы Rethinking Israeli Space: Periphery «Бейт ха-Гефен» (The Center and Identity. London and New for Arab-Jewish Friendship, York: Routledge. in Russian). Вестник «Бейт Yiftachel, Oren, and Yacobi, Haim. Оле»: Периодическое издание 2003. “Urban Ethnocracy: Хайфского Управления Ethnicization and the Production Абсорбции. No. 13: 2. of Space in an Israeli ‘mixed Lin, Cheng-Yi, and Hsing, Woan-Chiau. city’.” Environment and Planning 2009. “Culture-Led Urban D: Society and Space no. 21(6): Regeneration and Community 673-693. Mobilization: The Case of the Yacobi, Haim. 2009. The Jewish-Arab Taipei Bao-an Temple Area, City: Spatio-Politics in a Mixed Taiwan.” Urban Studies vol 46(7): Community. London and New 1317-1342. York: Routledge. Mor-Sommerfel, Aura, Azaiza, Faisal, Zukin, Sharon. 1991. Landscapes of and Hertz-Lazarowitz, Rachel. Power: From Detroit to Disney 2007. “Into the Future: Towards World. Berkley and Los Angeles: Bilingual Education in Israel”. California University Press. Education, Citizenship and Social Justice no. 2(1): 5-22. New Israel Fund. 2010. “From Mixed to Shared: The Haifa Alternative”, http://www.nif.org/component/ content/article/13-stories/490-from- mixed-to-shared-haifa-as-a-shared- city-international-conference , accessed 09/01/2012. Quinn, Bernadette. 2005. “Arts Festivals and the City.” Urban Studies vol. 42)5/6: 927-943. Richards, Greg, and Wilson, Julie. 2004. “The Impact of Cultural Events on City Image: Rotterdam, Cultural Capital of Europe 2001.” Urban Studies vol. 41(10): 1931-1951.

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Branding Cities: Cosmopolitanism, for Global Advantage” (Part I), “Idea Parochialism, and Social Change. Edited by of the City: Cinematic Futures and the Stephanie Hemelryk Donald, Eleonore Grounds of the Present” (Part II), and Kofman, and Catherine Kevin. London/ “‘Family Histories: The Remembered New York: Routledge, 2009. xiii+232 pp, City” (Part. III ), and a philosophical Coda filmography, bibliography, index. ISBN (Part IV ). 10:0-415-96526-8 (hbk) ISBN 10: 0-203- In the introduction, the editors explore 88429-9 (ebk). “Processes of Cosmopolitanism and Parochialism” in an attempt to lay out et it be said at the outset: this a framework for the remaining chapters. collection of thirteen articles on The central issue articulated by the editors how cities are branded was a kind is whether branding cities advances ofL ‘fun’ read once I got past my initial cosmopolitanism or parochialism. They, astonishment and accepted the editors’ along with all the contributors, assume claim that “the most prominent ‘brand that branding cities is both necessary guru’ on the circuit,” Simon Anholt, may and beneficial. In descriptions that vary have gotten on to a useful bandwagon from quasi-ethnography to historical (7). As the founder of Anholt-GfK Roper narratives, most of the writers do refer Nation Brands, Anholt holds that a “brand to cosmopolitanism and parochialism image” of a country or a city is important and show that they are far from being to “its national reputation” to “future opposites. While most places work on prosperity and progress” (see Anholt, 21 how to define their ‘brand’ with an eye to September, 2011. Current Affairs Podcast, the cosmopolitan (in the sense of round- the Business Radio Station, retrieved, 13 the-world) acceptance and appreciation, February, 2012). Also serving as policy they do this by highlighting parochial adviser to governments, Anholt has attractions and values. Consequently, institutionalized the branding of places branding may often lead to conflicts of as a necessary strategy for boosting their interest. economic, political, and cultural charm The three chapters on branding London to appeal to tourists, migrants, and neatly illustrate alternative possibilities international corporations. From this and potential conflicts. Two were written point of view, the humanitarian concern by social policy experts whose research with the pain caused to cattle by branding, focuses on issues of migration. In the in addition to the critique of branding as one, included for an unclear reason in the a device for exploitation publicized by cluster of the three introductory chapters, Naomi Klein in No Logo: Taking Aim Hatziprokopiou (14-27) focuses on new at the Brand Bullies (New York, 2000), migrants and the diverse ways in which appears to be outmoded. they remain strangers while attempting The thirteen chapters of this book are to learn to belong. ”London’s Chinatown” divided into five parts: An Introductory by Sales, d’Angelo, Liang, and Montagna section with three chapters is followed by (Part I, 45-58) describe how Chinatown “Branding the City: Selling Contradiction confronts a three-pronged dilemma. Cultural Analysis 10 (2011): R1-R8 © 2011 by The University of California. All rights reserved R1 Reviews Reviews

First, it is in London but shares only today is described as the outcome of a partially in what can be called an English rather complex historical narrative by lifestyle. Second, it is a kind of showcase Jakubowicz (‘Cosmopolitanism with that serves as an attraction to visiting Roots: The Jewish Presence in Shanghai tourists. Yet at the same time, the Chinese before the Communist Revolution and as immigrants who live in Chinatown Brand in the New Metropolis’, 156-171). by choice are attempting to carry on Dealing more generally with branding their lives in a congenial community. In in China, Yi Zheng (‘A la Mode: the contrast to these chapters, Christopher Cosmopolitan and the Provincial’, 172- Lindner’s “London Undead” analyzes 186) shows that cosmopolitanism and uncanny overviews of the city in poetry parochialism meet in the contradictory (Wordsworth from Westminster Bridge), approach to fashion that prevails. Fashion in the 2002 film, 28 Days Later, and in is a field with a strong tradition, but there the tourist attraction, The London Eye. is also a curiosity and even a longing As a professor of English literature, for acquiring everything contemporary. Lindner shows that “the voyeuristic Looking at textiles, Donald writes fantasy of the empty [of people] city about stripes and their significance in exerts a powerful hold over the cultural remembering her elitist textile-producing imagination …. a fascination derived family in a cosmopolitan Liverpool and not only from the oddly compelling defining the low status of ‘convicts’ in experience of estrangement, but also Australia. from the perception of beauty involved The remaining chapters in Part II in that aesthetic encounter … a strange discuss post-World War II films and yet beautiful vision of the everyday the branding of Rome (Shiel, ‘Branding metropolis caught between the living the Modernist Metropolis’, 105-122) and the dead” (103-4). and Nantes’ struggle with its search for Most of the chapters describe the effective branding (Marshall, ‘Nantes’s diverse elements that influence the Atlantic Problem’, 123-136). branding of a city. Kosick’s study on Berlin All told, the book is well written and, stresses the opportunities for mobility as I note above, entertaining. However, that are available to tourists and migrants even when I reread the introduction and alike because it is such a culturally diverse the ‘Coda’ by the philosopher Jeff Malpas, city. As Roodhouse (‘Understanding I must admit that I was still puzzled Cultural Quarters in Branded Cities’, 75- as to the theoretical basis for putting 88), explains, however, branding often these chapters together in this way and involves the actual creation de nihilo what the term “branding” adds to the of cultural quarters that emphasize mixture. Although the book is listed as the openness of given locations to the second volume in Routledge’s series strangers of all kinds and thus supply entitled “Advances in Geography,” none opportunities for clashes. The revival of of the chapters deal seriously with any a cultural quarter that recalls the past of geographical issues. And there is good Jewish communities and their revival that reason. Among the contributors, there emphasizes cosmopolitanism in Shanghai are students of the media, sociologists,

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social policy experts, an English literary Cultural Diversity in Russian Cities. The scholar, and a cultural anthropologist; Urban Landscape in the Post-Soviet Era. not one is identified with geography as Edited by Cordula Gdaniec. Space a discipline. Perhaps it is all to the good and Place Series, vol. 2. New York and that from this book one cannot conclude Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2010. Pp. x+185. that marketing cities is anything more Illustrations, references and index. ISBN than trying to make money on tourism. 978-1-84545-665-8. Since there is no convincing theorizing of ‘branding’ offered, it is possible to his edited volume explores the read the book as advice for urban policy- themes of multiculturalism and makers (like a how-to manual), and competing claims to urban spaces the rest of us can enjoy the read, while inT Russian cities. Published as part learning implicitly about the potential of Berghahn Books’ Anthropology of negativity of neo-liberal trends in local Space and Place series, the collection is policies. a welcome addition to existing literature on post-Soviet Russian cities, which Devorah Kalekin-Fishman has tended to focus on macro-level University of Haifa, Israel issues of regional development and capital accumulation, rather than on social divisions, spatial segregation and individual negotiations of city space (see for example the collection edited by Axenov, Brade and Bondarchuk, The Transformation of Urban Space in Post- Soviet Russia, London 2006). The volume includes contributions from researchers from different disciplinary backgrounds, including human geography, sociology and anthropology; each of the nine case studies featured is based on empirical qualitative research and focuses on “a group, a phenomenon or a space that is a constituent part of cultural diversity” in Russian cities (13). The aim of the book, as stated in the introductory chapter, is to explore two dimensions: first, how city authorities manage cultural diversity, and how this diversity is reflected (or not) in the image of the city they promote; second, how different cultures are inscribed in urban space, and what strategies are used to navigate, inhabit

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and claim urban space by different such as Žižek’s famous reading of marginalized or subaltern groups, multiculturalism as ‘the cultural logic including migrants from China, Africa of multinational capitalism’ that co- and the former Soviet Union, lesbian opts and commmodifies difference women, youth subcultures and street without fundamentally challenging beggars (3). In fact, most of the case social exclusion (see New Left Review no studies privilege the second dimension, I/225, Sept/Oct 1997); a more critical focusing on the ‘everyday’ social and discussion of multiculturalism, however, cultural practices used collectively and would have been useful here to fracture individually to navigate and appropriate rigid juxtaposition between Russia and urban space. ‘the West’. The preface and introduction chart the The book makes for an enjoyable read, evolution of the book, which originated and the case studies offer unique insights as one offspring of a broader research into how cultural difference is negotiated project on urban cultures in Berlin and in the cities of Moscow, Saint Petersburg, Moscow at Humboldt University, Berlin. Novosibirsk, and Sochi. The case studies A workshop organized in Moscow in illustrate the construction of urban space 2005 at the Russian State Institution as racialised, gendered and sexualised, for the Humanities brought together competing claims over urban space, researchers from Russia, Germany and different entitlements to public visibility, nations further afield, and one of the and the strategies used to navigate the collection’s undoubted contribution is city landscape, or collectively carve out that it makes available to an English- subcultural spaces. speaking global audience valuable Interesting themes cut across new research on urban Russia. The different contributions: for example, introduction effectively introduces the Dixon’s chapter on Chinese space aims and scope of the book; however, in Saint Petersburg highlights how I would have liked to have seen more Chinese restaurants reproduce the in-depth discussion of current debates commodification of the ethnic ‘Other’ on global cities, multiculturalism, and in the gentrified city centre, while also cosmopolitanism. While Gdaniec argues embodying the threat of new immigration that multiculturalism is ultimately for many Russians (28-45); similarly, a Western concept, and therefore Kosygina points out that migrants from not a useful paradigm to explore the former Soviet Union are racialised cultural diversity in Russian cities, she as ‘non-Russian’ and ‘Oriental,’ but that nevertheless emphasises the difference racialisation may result in both exclusion, between ‘Western’ cities, where cultural through discriminatory practices by law diversity is valued and marketed as enforcement agencies and inclusion, cultural capital, and Russian cities, through racial stereotyping that facilitate which fail to implement multicultural migrant employment in ‘Oriental’ policies and merely tolerate diversity. restaurants (54-60). Brednikova and Gdaniec does not acknowledge well- Tkatch’s chapter explores concept of rehearsed critiques of multiculturalism, ‘home’ for migrants from the former

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Soviet Union, highlighting how limited new perspectives on urban life in post- economic resources, overcrowding, and Soviet Russian cities, addressing the long working hours mean that home is themes of multiculturalism, socio-spatial understood not as a private and safe space divisions and competing claims to urban that is worth investing and spending time space. It will be of interest to Russian in, but rather as a shelter chosen on the studies scholars, as well as to urban basis of functionality and convenience studies researchers within the disciplines (70-93). Sarajeva’s contribution addresses of anthropology, sociology and human the themes of private and public, and geography. safety and comfort through lesbian appropriations of Moscow’s urban Francesca Stella spaces. She points out that lesbian space London South Bank University, UK remains largely invisible in the city landscape, but that it is precisely this ambiguous in/visibility which allows lesbians to socialise in and appropriate very public spaces; conversely, overt and politicised claims to urban space exemplified by the Moscow Pride are met with violence from law enforcement agencies and hostile right-wing groups, but also with resistance from within the gay and lesbian community, as increased visibility results in risks of unwanted exposure and homophobic violence (138-163). Like Sarajeva, Kosterina and Andreeva also consider competing claims to public space in their investigation of the Fun Box, a meeting place for an informal youth group (tusovka) in central Sochi. The chapter discusses, among other things, the construction of symbolic boundaries between the tusovka’s ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ along ethnic, class, and gender divisions: indeed, members of the tusovka identify as ethnic Russian, whereas Armenians, Georgians, and Abkhazians are portrayed as aggressive working- class thugs who might be physically or verbally violent towards members of the ‘progressive’ Fun Box tusovka (124-133). The volume is a well-integrated collection of chapters, which explore

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Штетл ХХ1 век. Полевые исследования. ethnologist S. An-Sky, who, between (Сост. В.А. Дымшиц, А.Л. Львов, 1911 and the beginning of the First World А.В. Соколова. Спб.: Издательство War, made ethnographic expeditions Европейского университета в Санкт- in Podolya and Volhynia. At the same Петербурге. Studia Ethnologica, 5). Санкт- time, for the assimilating German and Петербург, 2008, 292 стр. Аннотация на French Jews, the shtetl on the boundaries английском языке. Введение, сноски, of Ukraine symbolized the refusal of the библиография, списки цитируемых ephemeral and the active preservation интервью, информантов и упомянутых of Judaism and Jewish values. After the населенных пунктов, иллюстрации. Shoah, the shtetl was apparently nothing more than a still place, a dead place which Shtetl. XXI Сent. Fields studies, Collection only remained in Chagall’s paintings or of Articles, in Russian). ED. by V.A. in musicals like “Fiddler on the Roof.” Dymshits, A.L.L'vov, A.V.Sokolova, St- The rehabilitation of shtetls as Petersburg, Evropeiskij Universitet v authentic places to live began in the Moskve, 2008, 292 p., introduction, notes, 1970s with the publication of Shmuel bibliography, lists of quoted interviews, Gordon’s writings, generally considered interviewees and of locations mentioned, as the pioneer of neo-shtetl literature. illustrations. ISBN 978-5-94380-076-4. The stories and essays about Jewish families who returned to their shtetls s pointed out by Alla Sokolova in in the Podolian part of Ukraine and her article” Evrejskie mestechki continued to preserve the pre-Holocaust pamjati: lokalizacija shtetla” way of life have widely contributed to A(Jewish lieux de mémoire: localization of the rediscovery of the traditional Jewish Shtetl, 29-64), for the children, the grand- world. However, the main books about children, and now the great- grand- the way of life and the dwellings of the children of those who left the traditional Jews in the small villages of Podolya and Jewish world of villages from “Russia” Volhynia were published in the 1990s and emigrated to the United States, France and at the beginning of the twenty- or Israel, the shtetl is a mythical place first century with, for example, L.V. on an imaginary map. To a large extent, Sholokhova’s books (Phonoarchive of Jewish the idealized representation of shtetl Musical Heritage, Kiev, National Library life on a wide territory corresponding of Ukraine, 2001), about the Jewish tunes to the former Pale of Settlement at the and songs collected by the musicologist end of the 19th and the beginning of the Julii Engel during the expeditions 20th century was encouraged by Jewish organized by An-Sky. Research has populists driven by Rousseauist and continued with the publication of two Tolstoian conceptions of “the good wild important studies: Arkadii Zel’cer’s man” and the necessity of going back to Evrei sovetskoi provincii: Vitebsk i mestechki, nature to find the mysterious energy of the 1917-1941 (Jews in the Soviet countryside, Jewish people, its culture and its folklore. Vitebsk and Shtetls, Moscow, ROSSPEN: The most famous representative of this 2006], and A. Shternshis’ book, Soviet movement was the writer, journalist and and Kosher: Jewish Popular Culture in the

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Soviet Union (Bloomington-Indianopolis, the small Jewish craftsmen who, during Indiana University Press: 2006 ). the Soviet period were considered as Compared to these recent books, Shtetl asocial elements, became its emblematic XXI cent has a much more optimistic representatives by an irony of history, approach, which is illustrated by the despite the prestige of knowledge and surprising, oxymoronic association of education in Jewish culture. the two words “shtetl” and “XXI.” For The other articles deal with other everybody, including the scholars who engaging topics, like V. Fedchenko and participated in the writing, the shtetl A. L’vov’s chapter on Jewish birth rites, did not belong to the present time any origin and nobility (ikhes), or the socio- longer, and even less to the future. It economic importance of wedding was a dead place, a place of memory. But and engagement rites in (226-261). during expeditions made between 2004 Others focus more on the folklore, be it and 2007 in the areas of Balta, Tulchin, traditional, like the legends about the bad and Mogilev-Podolski, the contributing eye and the curses (M.Kaspina, 219-226), historians and ethnographers to Shtetl. the songs in Yiddish (D. Gidon and V. XXI century witnessed the vitality of a Fedchenko, 261-279), or an unstudied field Jewish life that had been miraculously like urban folklore “Slovar’ lokal’nogo preserved. If the quality of a book is to teksta (Dictionary of a particular text, be judged by its ability to surprise and 186-219). This article is related to A. fascinate the reader, then Shtetl. XXI Sokolova’s essay, which presents very century is indeed an excellent book. The clearly the lexical, geographical and title and the content of the articles succeed historical differences between the words in deconstructing preconceived, and shtetl, village (selo), town (gorod) and often inaccurate, ideas. This revisionism mestechko (the Russian “equivalent” of is particularly true with A. L’vov’s article shtetl). on “Mezhetnicheskie otnoshenija…” However, in spite of the quality (Interethnic relationships), which of each article, the book as a whole convincingly resituates rumors on the is disappointing on account of the Jewish use of Christian blood for the discrepancy between the title and the preparation of matsa (azym bread) content of the articles. The reader expects for Pessah within a wider context of a description of a Jewish Atlantis, a relationships between Jewish and non- territory where the Jewish population Jewish neighbors. Likewise, two articles would have kept its culture despite the give a new light on some familiar sovietization and passing of time. But topics: V. Dymshits explains why Jewish the book concerns at most fifty or one graveyards usually look derelict in hundred families, many of them elderly “Evrejskoe kladbishche, mesto, kuda women and men, who recollect the ne khodjat” (Jewish Cemeteries, Places maranisation of Spanish and Portuguese Not to Be Visited) (135-159) and M. Jews and their subsequent loss of all Khakkarajnen’s essay “Mestechko links with Judaism. Of particular note vspominaet o proshlom” (Shtetel are inhabitants’ references to literary Remembers the Past, 159-177) shows how works rather than to a reality of daily life

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in the shetl. Some of the scholars who have collaborated in this book quote Jewish writers, particularly Sholem Aleychem and Isaac Babel, qualified as a “mystificator” by V. Dymshits a few years ago ( Narod knigi v mire knig, Peterburg, 2002, p. 1-6). If literature is a kind of mystification--and what else can we expect from literature?--then I do not understand the necessity to confront reality and literary creation, which is what is done in some articles. Despite my remarks and criticisms, I enjoyed reading the anthology. I have been surprised, puzzled, seduced as well by the photographs and the maps enabling time travel. Maybe the trip is not to a twenty-first century shtetl, but to one of the nineteenth or twentieth century; still, it is a beautiful trip.

Boris Czerny University of Caen-Basse Normandie/ Laboratoire ERLIS France