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John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D. -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
Her Majesty's Government
• tl HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT MEMBERS OF THE CABINET (FORMED BY RIGHT HON. MARGARET THATCHER, 24:P, SEPTEMBER 1981) E— CRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT—TheRt. HOD. William Whitelaw, CH, MC, Ise .1441u) CHANCELLOR—The Rt. Hon. The Lord Hailsham of Saint Marylebone, CH OCRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND CommoNwEALTH AFFAnts—The Rt. Hon. The Lord Carrington, KCMG, MC OANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER—The Rt. Hon. Sir Geoffrey Howe, QC, MP tiekRETARY OF STATE FOR EDUCATION AND SCIENCE—The Rt. Hon. Sir Keith Joseph, Bt, MP yitORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL AND LEADER OF THE HOUSE OFCommoNs—The Rt. HOD. Francis Pym, MC, MP RETARY OF STATE FOR NORTHERN IRELAND—TheRt. HOD. James PriOr, MP rECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEFENCE—The Rt. HOD. John Nott, MP ',MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES ANDFooD—The Rt. Hon. Peter Walker, MBE, MP SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE ENVIRONMENT—The Rt. Hon. Michael Heseltine, MP SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ScoTLAND—The Rt. Hon. George Younger, T.D. MP PCRETARY OF STATE FOR WALEs—The Rt. Hon. Nicholas Edwards, MP PRIVY SEAL—The Rt. Hon. Humphrey Atkins, MP ,ORDCRETARY OF STATE FOR INDUSTRY—The Rt. Hon. Patrick Jenkin, MP tolIrRETARY OF STATE FOR SOCIAL SERVICES—The Rt. Hon. Norman Fowler, MP oncRETARY OF STATE FOR TRADE—The Rt. Hon. John Biffen, IvfP logkRETARY OF STATE FOR ENERGY—The Rt. HOD. Nigel Lawson, MP pitCRETARY OF STATE FOR TRANSPORT—The Rt. Hon. David Howell, MP "oef-DEF SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY—TheRt. Hon. Leon Brittan, QC, MP priANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER, AND LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF LoRDs—The Rt. -
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications Jessica R. Adolino, Ph. D. Professor of Political Science James Madison University Draft prepared for presentation at the European Studies Association Annual Meeting May 9-12, 2019, Denver, Colorado Please do not cite or distribute without author’s permission. By almost any measure, since the immediate aftermath of the June 16, 2016 Brexit referendum, the British government has been in a state of chaos. The turmoil began with then- Prime Minister David Cameron’s resignation on June 17 and succession by Theresa May within days of the vote. Subsequently, May’s decision to call a snap election in 2017 and the resulting loss of the Conservatives’ parliamentary majority cast doubt on her leadership and further stirred up dissension in her party’s ranks. Perhaps more telling, and the subject of this paper, is the unprecedented number of ministers1—from both senior and junior ranks—that quit the May government over Brexit-related policy disagreements2. Between June 12, 2017 and April 3, 2019, the government witnessed 45 resignations, with high-profile secretaries of state and departmental ministers stepping down to return to the backbenches. Of these, 34 members of her government, including 9 serving in the Cabinet, departed over issues with some aspect of Brexit, ranging from dissatisfaction with the Prime Minister’s Withdrawal Agreement, to disagreements about the proper role of Parliament, to questions about the legitimacy of the entire Brexit process. All told, Theresa May lost more ministers, and at a more rapid pace, than any other prime minister in modern times. -
The Good Friday Agreement – an Overview
The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 2 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 June 2013 3 Published by Democratic Progress Institute 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH United Kingdom www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] +44 (0)203 206 9939 First published, 2013 ISBN: 978-1-905592-ISBN © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute, 2013 DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable.be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable 4 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview Abstract For decades, resolving the Northern Ireland conflict has been of primary concern for the conflicting parties within Northern Ireland, as well as for the British and Irish Governments. Adopted in 1998, the Good Friday Agreement has managed to curb hostilities, though sporadic violence still occurs and antagonism remains pervasive between many Nationalists and Unionists. Strong political bargaining through back-channel negotiations and facilitation from international and third-party interlocutors all contributed to what is today referred to as Northern Ireland’s peace process and the resulting Good Friday Agreement. Although the Northern Ireland peace process and the Good Friday Agreement are often touted as a model of conflict resolution for other intractable conflicts in the world, the implementation of the Agreement has proven to be challenging. -
Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999
TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 TOGHCHÁIN ÁITIÚLA, 1999 LOCAL ELECTIONS, 1999 Volume 1 DUBLIN PUBLISHED BY THE STATIONERY OFFICE To be purchased through any bookseller, or directly from the GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS SALE OFFICE, SUN ALLIANCE HOUSE, MOLESWORTH STREET, DUBLIN 2 £12.00 €15.24 © Copyright Government of Ireland 2000 ISBN 0-7076-6434-9 P. 33331/E Gr. 30-01 7/00 3,000 Brunswick Press Ltd. ii CLÁR CONTENTS Page Foreword........................................................................................................................................................................ v Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................... vii LOCAL AUTHORITIES County Councils Carlow...................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Cavan....................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Clare ........................................................................................................................................................................ 12 Cork (Northern Division) .......................................................................................................................................... 19 Cork (Southern Division)......................................................................................................................................... -
How New Is New Loyalism?
HOW NEW IS NEW LOYALISM? CATHERINE MCGLYNN EUROPEAN STUDIES RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF SALFORD SALFORD, UK Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, February 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Page 1 Chapter One Hypothesis and Methodology Page 6 Chapter Two Literature Review: Unionism, Loyalism, Page 18 New Loyalism Chapter Three A Civic Loyalism? Page 50 Chapter Four The Roots of New Loyalism 1966-1982 Page 110 Chapter Five New Loyalism and the Peace Process Page 168 Chapter Six New Loyalism and the Progressive Page 205 Unionist Party Chapter Seven Conclusion: How New is New Loyalism? Page 279 Bibliography Page 294 ABBREVIATONS CLMC Combined Loyalist Military Command DENI Department of Education for Northern Ireland DUP Democratic Unionist Party IOO Independent Orange Order IRA Irish Republican Army LAW Loyalist Association of Workers LVF Loyalist Volunteer Force NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NIHE Northern Ireland Housing Executive NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party PUP Progressive Unionist Party RHC Red Hand Commandos RHD Red Hand Defenders SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party UDA Ulster Defence Association UDP Ulster Democratic Party UDLP Ulster Democratic and Loyalist Party UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters UUP Ulster Unionist Party UUUC United Ulster Unionist Council UWC Ulster Workers' Council UVF Ulster Volunteer Force VPP Volunteer Political Party ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my PhD supervisor, Jonathan Tonge for all his support during my time at Salford University. I am also grateful to all the staff at the Northern Irish Political collection at the Linen Hall Library in Belfast for their help and advice. -
Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael Mckinley
Conflict Quarterly Of "Alien Influences": Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael McKinley NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS In a world where nation states are unanimous in their disavowal of terrorism — even if they are incapable of unanimously agreeing on a defini tion of what it is they are disavowing — and in a Western Europe which regards separatist and irredentist claims as anathema, mere is a natural ten dency for those who are so excluded to make common cause where they might Disparate as these groups are, they really have only themselves to meet as equals; though they might wish to be nation states or represent nation states in the fullness of time, they exist until then as interlopers in the relations between states: seldom invited and then almost always disappointed by their reception. It is a world with which the Provisional Irish Republican Army and its more political expression, Sinn Fein, are entirely familiar and also one in which, given their history, political complexion, strategy and objectives, it would be extraordinarily strange for them not to have a wide range of inter national contacts. But potent as the reflex of commonality by exclusion is, it does not completely determine these linkages because to argue this is to argue on the basis of default rather than purpose. For the Provisionals there is a utility not only of making such contacts but also in formalizing them where possible within the movements' organizational structure. Thus, in 1976 the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis moved to establish, under the directorship of Risteard Behal, a Foreign Affairs Bureau, with Behal as its first "sort of roving Euro pean ambassador . -
A New Town Centre for Colin
A NEW TOWN CENTRE FOR COLIN PUBLIC CONSULTATION REPORT APRIL 2013 A NEW TOWN CENTRE FOR COLIN COMBINED APPROACH DRAFT MASTERPLAN - A NEW TOWN CENTRE FOR COLIN KEY 1 Colin Town Square 2 Retail/Commercial/Leisure 3 Resource/Day Centre 4 Health Centre (incorporating Children’s Health facility) 5 Multi-purpose Community Building 6 5/7 Aside Football Centre 7 1,000 Pupil Secondary School 8 All Weather Playing Pitch 9 Primary School 10 Gaelic Pitch 11 Soccer/Hockey Pitch 12 Hard Courts 13 Carparks 14 Changing Pavilions 15 Cafe 16 Dairy Farm Complex (outline planning for retail, leisure & business park) Based upon Land & Property Services data with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, © Crown copyright and databse rights NIMA ES&LA200.6. Unauthorised reproduction infringes © copyright and may lead to prosecution or civil proceedings. A NEW TOWN CENTRE FOR COLIN PUBLIC CONSULTATION REPORT | APRIL 2013 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD 5 PREFACE 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 1.0 Introduction to the Colin Area 10 2.0 Background to the Colin Town Centre Project 18 3.0 Public Consultation Methodology 30 4.0 Key Findings and Themes from the Public Consultation 36 5.0 Conclusions, Recommendations and Next Steps 54 APPENDICES Appendix A Colin Area Profi le 66 Appendix B Colin Walkability and Schools’ Engagement Exercise 68 Appendix C Publicity Material for Public Consultation Exercise 74 Appendix D Summary of Questionnaire Responses 78 Appendix E Local Opinion 86 Appendix F Press Coverage 98 Appendix G Bibliography 100 Based on the outcomes of the public consultation a revised Combined Approach Draft Masterplan has been developed for Colin to incorporate Health, Education and Leisure services and facilities. -
Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON REPUBLICANISM AND SOCIALISM IN CORK CITY, 1954–69 By Jim Lane Note: What follows deals almost entirely with internal divisions within Cork republicanism and is not meant as a comprehensive outline of republican and left-wing activities in the city during the period covered. Moreover, these notes were put together following specific queries from historical researchers and, hence, the focus at times is on matters that they raised. 1954 In 1954, at the age of 16 years, I joined the following branches of the Republican Movement: Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Army and the Cork Volunteers’Pipe Band. The most immediate influence on my joining was the discovery that fellow Corkmen were being given the opportunity of engag- ing with British Forces in an effort to drive them out of occupied Ireland. This awareness developed when three Cork IRA volunteers were arrested in the North following a failed raid on a British mil- itary barracks; their arrest and imprisonment for 10 years was not a deterrent in any way. My think- ing on armed struggle at that time was informed by much reading on the events of the Tan and Civil Wars. I had been influenced also, a few years earlier, by the campaigning of the Anti-Partition League. Once in the IRA, our initial training was a three-month republican educational course, which was given by Tomas Óg MacCurtain, son of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomas MacCurtain, who was murdered by British forces at his home in 1920. This course was followed by arms and explosives training. -
The Experiences of Local Peace and Reconciliation Organisations in Post-Agreement Northern Ireland
‘After the dust settles’: The experiences of local peace and reconciliation organisations in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. A case study of the Corrymeela Community Kirsty Campbell This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) at the University of St Andrews March 2020 1 Thesis Title: ‘After the dust settles’: The experiences of local peace and reconciliation organisations in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. A case study of the Corrymeela Community Name of candidate: Kirsty Campbell Student ID: 080006864 Name of degree: PhD International Relations Date of submission: 24/03/2020 2 Contents Ethical Approval Letter .......................................................................................................... 6 Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter One: Introduction ................................................................................................... 11 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 11 The case study of the Corrymeela Community ............................................................................ 15 Research Question .......................................................................................................................... 16 Methodology ................................................................................................................................... -
Travelling with Translink
Belfast Bus Map - Metro Services Showing High Frequency Corridors within the Metro Network Monkstown Main Corridors within Metro Network 1E Roughfort Milewater 1D Mossley Monkstown (Devenish Drive) Road From every From every Drive 5-10 mins 15-30 mins Carnmoney / Fairview Ballyhenry 2C/D/E 2C/D/E/G Jordanstown 1 Antrim Road Ballyearl Road 1A/C Road 2 Shore Road Drive 1B 14/A/B/C 13/A/B/C 3 Holywood Road Travelling with 13C, 14C 1A/C 2G New Manse 2A/B 1A/C Monkstown Forthill 13/A/B Avenue 4 Upper Newtownards Rd Mossley Way Drive 13B Circular Road 5 Castlereagh Road 2C/D/E 14B 1B/C/D/G Manse 2B Carnmoney Ballyduff 6 Cregagh Road Road Road Station Hydepark Doagh Ormeau Road Road Road 7 14/A/B/C 2H 8 Malone Road 13/A/B/C Cloughfern 2A Rathfern 9 Lisburn Road Translink 13C, 14C 1G 14A Ballyhenry 10 Falls Road Road 1B/C/D Derrycoole East 2D/E/H 14/C Antrim 11 Shankill Road 13/A/B/C Northcott Institute Rathmore 12 Oldpark Road Shopping 2B Carnmoney Drive 13/C 13A 14/A/B/C Centre Road A guide to using passenger transport in Northern Ireland 1B/C Doagh Sandyknowes 1A 16 Other Routes 1D Road 2C Antrim Terminus P Park & Ride 13 City Express 1E Road Glengormley 2E/H 1F 1B/C/F/G 13/A/B y Single direction routes indicated by arrows 13C, 14C M2 Motorway 1E/J 2A/B a w Church Braden r Inbound Outbound Circular Route o Road Park t o Mallusk Bellevue 2D M 1J 14/A/B Industrial M2 Estate Royal Abbey- M5 Mo 1F Mail 1E/J torwcentre 64 Belfast Zoo 2A/B 2B 14/A/C Blackrock Hightown a 2B/D Square y 64 Arthur 13C Belfast Castle Road 12C Whitewell 13/A/B 2B/C/D/E/G/H