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Encenações Talássicas E a Imagem De Poder Das Dinastias De Avis E Sabóia Nos Portos De Lisboa E Villefranche-Sur-Mer Por Ocasião Do Casamento Da Infanta D

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Encenações Talássicas E a Imagem De Poder Das Dinastias De Avis E Sabóia Nos Portos De Lisboa E Villefranche-Sur-Mer Por Ocasião Do Casamento Da Infanta D encenaçõestalássicas e a imagem de poder encenaçõesdas dinastias de avistalássicas e sabóia nos portos e ade lisboa imageme villefranche-sur-mer de poder daspor ocasião dinastiasdo casamento de avisda infanta e sabóiad. beatriz (1521) ... 145 carla alferes pinto* Encenações talássicas e a imagem de poder das dinastias de Avis e Sabóia nos portos de Lisboa e Villefranche-sur-Mer por ocasião do casamento da Infanta D. Beatriz (1521)** No dia 5 de Agosto de 1521, a Infanta D. Beatriz (1504-1538) deixava o Paço da Ribeira para embarcar na nau Santa Catarina do Monte Sinai a caminho de Nice e do ducado de Sabóia, depois do casamento por procuração com o Duque Carlos III (1486-1553) reali- zado em Abril. O embarque assinalava o culminar de uma série de cerimónias cortesãs e eventos públicos realizados na cidade de Lisboa que se destinavam a comemorar o aus- picioso evento, que fora negociado e era interpretado de maneiras diversas pelas cortes portuguesa e saboiana. Se para D. Manuel (r. 1495-1521) era sobretudo uma maneira de procurar intervenção e afirmação dinástica na Europa mediterrânica, onde o seu campo de acção era diminuto, para o Duque, era a concretização de uma ousada estratégia polí- tico-financeira, que desviava o ducado dos matrimónios tradicionalmente ligados à Casa Real francesa, aproximando-se ao invés da dinastia imperial, e que recheava os depau- perados cofres saboianos com o rendimento do dote da Infanta, que em dinheiro, jóias, pedras preciosas, prata, tapeçarias e têxteis ascendia aos 150 000 cruzados (Buescu 2012; Merlin 2012; Pinto 2018a; Pinto 2018b). É certo que o Duque tentara negociar 300 000, mas D. Manuel ficara pela metade, comprometendo-se, contudo, a arcar com todas as despesas da comitiva e do transporte * CHAM, FCSH, Universidade NOVA de Lisboa, Portugal. ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9055-9630. E-mail: [email protected]. ** Este trabalho é financiado por fundos nacionais através da FCT – Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P., no âmbito da Norma Transitória – DL 57/2016/CP1453/CT0069. Este texto foi escrito no âmbito dos resultados do projecto CONCHA (H2020-MSCA-RISE-2017 / N.º 777998). culturas e dinâmicas.indd 145 03/02/2020 11:26:17 146 carla alferes pinto que levaria D. Beatriz até ao porto de Villefranche-sur-Mer junto a Nice, vila portuária do ducado cisalpino de Sabóia. O monarca tinha um objectivo político a médio e longo prazo que acabou por não se consumar, uma vez que escassos quatro meses depois, no dia 13 de Dezembro, morre- ria inesperadamente. E apesar de o novo Rei continuar a corresponder-se com a irmã e com ela trocar informações privilegiadas, a mudança de cabeça da Coroa implicava sem- pre uma mudança de política, acentuada nesta situação pela personalidade e diferentes opções estratégicas de D. João III. A imagem de D. Manuel e o casamento da Infanta D. Beatriz Para D. Manuel, as circunstâncias e exigências do contrato de casamento serviam tam- bém para o mais imediato propósito de propaganda da sua cuidadosamente construída imagem que, por associação, se prolongava na capacidade representacional da filha, nas- cida Infanta de Portugal e a caminho de se tornar soberana de um quase desconhecido ducado (Pinto 2018a). Quase desconhecido porque, se é verdade que as relações política e dinástica da família real portuguesa com a casa ducal saboiana não eram de proximi- dade, convém lembrar que a mulher de D. Afonso Henriques, D. Mafalda de Mouriana (1130/3-1558), era saboiana e que esta aproximação à memória da dinastia de Borgonha era entusiasticamente patrocinada pelo Rei (Araújo 2001), levando-o mesmo a requerer ao arcebispo D. Diogo de Sousa que arranjasse maneira de sepultar em jazigo condigno e com epitáfio o Conde D. Henrique, quando em 1509 se realizaram as obras da nova capela-mor da Sé de Braga (Moreira 1991, 430). Também por isso, e pelas dúvidas que a proposta de casamento de Carlos III havia levantado junto de alguns membros da corte quanto às suas “qualidades” – entre os quais se destacava a Rainha D. Maria, mãe da Infanta –, Damião de Góis dedicou o 71.º capítulo da Crónica de D. Manuel a reconstruir a genealogia do Duque, que fazia remontar ao Imperador Oto da Alemanha e, sobretudo, à “ascendência e linhagem da Rainha D. Mafalda, filha do Conde Amadeu de Moriana em Sabóia, mulher que foi do rei D. Afonso Henriques”, continuando depois com um outro capítulo sobre a linhagem e ascendência do conde D. Henrique (Góis 1926, 167-176)1. Para além da rigorosa negociação do contrato de casamento e do dote, D. Manuel fez acompanhar a filha por um imenso e distinto séquito composto por cerca de cento e cinquenta homens e mulheres, dos quais cerca de cinquenta permaneceram com a Infanta na sua nova corte em Sabóia. Estes criados, oficiais e damas iriam fazer parte da “corte paralela” (Merlin 2012, 106) de D. Beatriz, na qual se emulavam aspectos cerimo- niais da corte manuelina (Barbero 2002, 236-256; Barbero e Brero 2008), estendendo assim além-Pirenéus a imagem de poder que o soberano fora montando com argúcia. 1 Grafia e sintaxe actualizadas. culturas e dinâmicas.indd 146 03/02/2020 11:26:17 encenaçõestalássicas e a imagem de poder encenaçõesdas dinastias de avistalássicas e sabóia nos portos e ade lisboa imageme villefranche-sur-mer de poder daspor ocasião dinastiasdo casamento de avisda infanta e sabóiad. beatriz (1521) ... 147 Logo que o contrato fora assinado, D. Manuel tratara de casar a filha com o Duque. Com Carlos III ausente, o matrimónio foi feito por procuração, estando presente o embaixador, Cláudio de Balleyson, barão de Saint-Germain, o membro do conselho ducal e doutor em leis, Godofredo Pasero, e Claude Chatel, secretário do Duque. Como se sabe, Garcia de Resende dedicou um capítulo da Crónica de D. João II a descrever as circunstâncias do pedido e das negociações que levaram ao casamento, bem como os eventos festivos que se seguiram até à partida da Infanta no dia 10 de Agosto de 1521. A narrativa, pese embora algumas imprecisões e omissões explicativas, é muito pormenorizada, particularmente quando descreve as cerimónias e as caracteriza física e materialmente. Percebe-se que D. Manuel não deixou nada ao acaso, que as solenidades celebra- tivas foram pensadas para impressionar os saboianos (Pinto [s.d.a]) e que a cidade foi encenada para funcionar como um dispositivo de expressão do poder régio. D. Manuel patrocinou e usou a arquitectura, efémera ou não, com plena noção do seu impacto per- formativo e representacional. Quando em Abril de 1521 a sala grande do Paço da Ribeira recebeu as cerimónias de casamento da Infanta D. Beatriz (Pinto 2018b), já o programa arquitectónico e urba- nístico do soberano estava em fase de conclusão (Senos 2002). A intervenção manuelina na cidade de Lisboa reconfigurara os espaços e o seu significado de maneira expres- siva, designadamente no que se refere à deslocação do centro de poder real do Paço das Alcáçovas e da colina do Castelo para a zona ribeirinha, estreitando a ligação ao rio e ao mar, porta de entrada de todas as novidades e promessas trazidas pelos navios da Carreira da Índia. Encenações talássicas e arquitectura efémera: o embarque da Infanta de Avis O enorme espaço deixado aberto pela construção, a sul, do Paço da Ribeira, e a norte, dos edifícios da Alfândega e da igreja da Misericórdia, recebeu o nome de Terreiro do Paço, tornando-se “o mais importante espaço de aparato da cidade” (Senos e Alberto 2015, 73). A poente, abria-se o grande espelho de água que servia de lugar de ancoragem dos navios de grande tonelagem, de estrada para as embarcações de comércio, transporte e lazer, e palco feérico para encenações festivas que replicavam no leito azul do rio a magnificência e poderio marítimo do senhor da navegação e comércio de várias partes do mundo. Foi no interior dos edifícios e nas imediações públicas deste quadrilátero irregular, com extensões à colina da Sé (onde estava instalada a embaixada saboiana) e a Xabregas (onde a Infanta foi despedir-se da Rainha-Velha D. Leonor), que tiveram lugar as exi- bições ostentatórias de trajos, jóias, metais preciosos e mesuras, e os acontecimentos narrados por Garcia de Resende. Como já foi notado, D. Manuel reivindicara a liderança no processo que o antecedia de apropriação da costa ribeirinha de Lisboa (Senos 2002, 213), convocando-a, a um culturas e dinâmicas.indd 147 03/02/2020 11:26:17 148 carla alferes pinto tempo, para a cidade como parte da estrutura urbana da mesma e, a outro, promoven- do-a enquanto lugar de afirmação e demonstração da imagem do Rei. Fosse através da presença constante das naus da Carreira da Índia, da construção de uma fortaleza dentro de água, do prolongamento dos edifícios áulicos e religiosos até à beira-mar ou ainda do patrocínio de eventos festivos e espectaculares estruturas efémeras – que beneficiavam das potencialidades cénicas do elemento aquático –, D. Manuel ampliava no mar a corte, a dinastia, a casa que mandara construir em terra. Nos quatro meses que distaram entre o dia do casamento por procuração e a par- tida de D. Beatriz, D. Manuel não se poupou a esforços e despesas. Reuniu uma armada impressionante, composta por naus, galeões, galés, caravelas, fustas e navios de abasteci- mento (ainda que o número se mantenha impreciso, seriam no total cerca de 25 embar- cações), ordenou que a grandiosa e alegórica nau Santa Catarina do Monte Sinai (cons- truída nos estaleiros de Cochim e a serviço da Carreira da Índia entre os anos de 1512 e 1521) fosse aparelhada e sofresse as obras de reconfiguração do espaço necessárias à acomodação da Infanta e da sua comitiva, escolheu os membros do séquito permanente da filha e os seus representantes no cortejo que a iria acompanhar até Nice, e juntou os objectos e as verbas para pagamento do dote.
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