9 U.S. Foreign Policy in Transition
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Whitlam and China
WHITLAM AND CHINA Prime Ministers Series November 2014 FRONT COVER IMAGE: Gough and Margaret Whitlam visit the Temple of Heaven in Beijing November, 1973. © File photo/NLA/Xinhua CONTENTS Introduction 4 Whitlam and China: 6 Transcript of Panel Discussion, Sydney, November 6 2014 A Note from Graham Freudenberg - Terrill and Taiwan (November 9 2014) 35 Whitlam Timeline 38 Further Reading 40 The Panellists 42 Published by Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) University of Technology, Sydney PO Box 123 Broadway NSW 2007 Australia t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] w: www.acri.uts.edu.au © Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2015 ISBN 978-0-9942825-0-7 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. INTRODUCTION ACRI is proud to have hosted this discussion of Gough Whitlam’s 1971 visit which opened up the contemporary relationship between Australia and China. It is sad that we weren’t able to interview Gough Whitlam about China in the way we intend to interview other Australian Prime Ministers. But we are honoured to add this transcript to the many tributes to Australia’s 21st Prime Minister. In our panel conversation, a long-term Whitlam advisor and friend, 81 year old Graham Freudenberg, recreated the tension around the visit. Mr Whitlam was Opposition Leader; he was taking a political risk in going to ‘Red China’. Mr Freudenberg, a master of story- telling, captured the sense of excitement felt by the Whitlam party encamped at the Peking Hotel. -
The Pennsylvania State University
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Department of Communication Arts and Sciences THE LONG TWILIGHT STRUGGLE: PRESIDENTIAL RHETORIC AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE COLD WAR, 1945-1974 A Dissertation in Communication Arts and Sciences by Sara Ann Mehltretter Drury © 2011 Sara Ann Mehltretter Drury Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2011 The dissertation of Sara Ann Mehltretter Drury was reviewed and approved* by the following: J. Michael Hogan Liberal Arts Research Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Jeremy Engels Assistant Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences J. Philip Jenkins Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Humanities Department of History and Religious Studies Thomas W. Benson Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Rhetoric Head of Department of Communication Arts and Sciences *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This study explores the discourse of U.S. presidents as they defined and redefined the concept of “national security” during the Cold War. As commander-in- chief and the most visible spokesman for the United States in world affairs, the president has enormous power to shape understandings of national security strategy and foreign policy. The project consists of a series of four case studies in presidential speech making on national security: Harry S. Truman’s “Truman Doctrine” speech; Dwight Eisenhower’s “Age of Peril” radio address; John F. Kennedy’s “Inaugural Address”; and the speeches of Richard Nixon during his February 1972 trip to the People’s Republic of China. I argue that each of these episodes marked a significant moment in the rhetoric of national security, as each president promoted a new understanding of the nature of the threats to U.S. -
America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy
Survival Global Politics and Strategy ISSN: 0039-6338 (Print) 1468-2699 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tsur20 America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy Georg Löfflmann To cite this article: Georg Löfflmann (2019) America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy, Survival, 61:6, 115-138, DOI: 10.1080/00396338.2019.1688573 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2019.1688573 Published online: 19 Nov 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 515 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tsur20 America First and the Populist Impact on US Foreign Policy Georg Löfflmann The election of Donald Trump as president of the United States and the success of Brexit in the European Union referendum campaign in the United Kingdom are the most prominent examples of the populist disruption of the status quo in international politics. This has led to heightened interest in the phenomenon of populism, both among global media and in academia.1 In the past, most analysts viewed populism as a domestic phenomenon rel- evant to voter mobilisation, with a particular focus on its impact on liberal democratic systems, comparisons among populist movements and leaders, and its development in Europe and Latin America.2 Populism’s impact on foreign policy and national security has garnered relatively little attention, and there has been little crossover between -
Cold War Guided Viewing Unit.Pdf
©Reading Through History Excerpt from The Cold War by Jake Henderson & Robert Marshall ©2012 To this videos series, click one of the links below!: Reading Through History on YouTube: The Cold War Reading Through History: The Cold War ©Reading Through History Name________________________ Communism: Guided Viewing: Fill in the blanks below to create complete sentences. 1. For many years, communism was the dominant economic system used in many countries across __________________________ and Asia. 2. The modern idea of communism was first proposed by German philosophers __________________________ and Friedrich Engels. 3. Together, they wrote a short book known as The Communist _______________. 4. One of the key principles of communism is the concept of a _____________________ society. 5. More importantly, the salaries of employees, regardless of the job performed, were all _____________________________. 6. The eventual goal of this 'classless society' would be a state in which there was no _____________________ at all. 7. In a true communist nation, there is to be no private ownership of _______________________. 8. This would also mean that the state controlled all means of producing __________________________. 9. Finally, in 1917, a group of Communists in Russia, known as _______________________, started a revolution. 10. At one point during what came to be known as the Cold War era, a full ___________ of the world’s population lived under some type of communist rule. ©Reading Through History Page 1 Name________________________ The Soviet Union: Guided Viewing: Fill in the blanks below to create complete sentences. 1. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union were the world's only two “___________________________”. -
The Case for Fort Trump Couldn't Be Stronger | Salvatore Babones
09/10/2018 The Case For Fort Trump Couldn’t Be Stronger | Salvatore Babones Unknown date Salvatore Babones The Case For Fort Trump Couldn’t Be Stronger Poland’s President Andrzej Duda met with President Donald Trump at the White House Tuesday to talk defense. Poland’s defense. But then, Poland’s defense is Europe’s defense, and European defense has been a core U.S. foreign-policy mission for more than a century. Poland is crucial to European defense because it is the keystone of a NATO arch that runs from Norway in the Arctic to Turkey in the Caucasus. NATO’s northern ank is secure. NATO’s southern ank is in disarray as Turkey’s commitment to NATO comes under doubt. But it is in the center that any future conict will be won or lost. Germany used to be the bulwark of NATO’s central front, but today Germany’s defense spending is among the lowest in Europe and its operational readiness is abysmal. Just as important, the German public does not support NATO’s mission or America’s role in it. By a 42 percent to 37 percent margin, Germans want U.S. troops out of their country. Even more alarming is the fact that only 40 percent of the German public supports the use of German troops to defend another European country from a Russian invasion. The corresponding gure for both the United States and Poland is 62 percent. That’s right: Americans are more willing to send troops to defend a European ally than Germans are. -
Special Raport
SPECIAL REPORT 02/11/2019 U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE Warsaw Institute U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE U.S. Permanent Military Base in Poland: Favorable Solution For the NATO Alliance Publisher: Warsaw Institute Wilcza St. 9 00-538 Warsaw Poland www.warsawinstitute.org [email protected] Authors: Grzegorz Kuczyński - Director of Eurasia Program, Warsaw Institute Krzysztof Kamiński – President, Warsaw Institute Glen E. Howard - President, Jamestown Foundation Laurynas Kasčiūnas - Member of the Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania Iulian Chifu – President, Conflict Prevention and Early Warning Center Editor: Agnieszka Nitek - Warsaw Institute Translations & proofreading: Aleksandra Iskra - Warsaw Institute ISBN 978-83-947602-2-9 © Warsaw Institute 2019 The opinions given and the positions held in this publication solely reflects the views of authors. 2 Special Report www.warsawinstitute.org U.S. PERMANENT MILITARY BASE IN POLAND: FAVORABLE SOLUTION FOR THE NATO ALLIANCE Dear Readers, On September 18th, 2018, during a joint press conference of the President of the United States and President of the Republic of Poland, the proposal to increase the involvement of U.S. Army in Central and Eastern Europe was announced. President Donald J. Trump said the U.S. is considering to deploy more U.S. troops and military equipment to Poland. His Polish counterpart, President Andrzej Duda, suggested building a permanent U.S. base in Poland. Poland has openly proposed a permanent U.S. presence since President George W. Bush was in office. All significant political forces in Poland have been supporting this idea for years. -
Nixon's Communications Strategy After Lam Son
Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons War and Society (MA) Theses Dissertations and Theses Winter 12-9-2019 Stop Talking about Sorrow: Nixon’s Communications Strategy after Lam Son 719 Dominic K. So Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses Part of the Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation So, Dominic K. Stop Talking about Sorrow: Nixon’s Communications Strategy after Lam Son 719. 2019. Chapman University, MA Thesis. Chapman University Digital Commons, https://doi.org/10.36837/ chapman.000102 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in War and Society (MA) Theses by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Stop Talking about Sorrow: Nixon’s Communications Strategy after Lam Son 719 A Thesis by Dominic K. So Chapman University Orange, CA Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in War and Society Studies December 2019 Committee in charge: Gregory Daddis, Ph.D., Chair Lori Cox Han, Ph.D. Robert Slayton, Ph.D. The thesis of Dominic K. So is approved dis, Ph.D., Chair Lori Cox Han, Slayton, Ph.D December 2019 Stop Talking about Sorrow: Nixon’s Communications Strategy after Lam Son 719 Copyright © 2019 by Dominic K. So III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Firstly, thank you to my advisor, Dr. -
1 SYLLABUS the Modern US Presidency
SYLLABUS The Modern U.S. Presidency – Fifty Years of Political Evolution BLHV-461-01 Bachelor of Arts in Liberal Studies Program, Georgetown University, Spring 2014 Day and Time: Mondays – 5:20 p.m. to 7:50 p.m. Location: TBA Instructor: Ambassador Paul A. Russo Adjunct Professor of Liberal Studies Telephone: (202) 256-3467 E-Mail: [email protected] The syllabus is subject to change. Course Summary This course will present an overview of the American political process, with focus on the executive branch of the U.S. Government, comparing and contrasting the role and style of modern presidents and their decision- making process in dealing with crisis situations – from John F. Kennedy to Barack Obama --with emphasis on foreign policy decisions. We will also consider the changing role of the U.S. President at the beginning of the 21st Century, specifically discussing the impact of terrorism, two wars, and the financial crisis, on the governing process. The course offers an insider’s perspective on how major events shape both foreign and domestic White House policy. We will examine America’s new role in a rapidly changing world, with emphasis on how the White House is affected by modern technology, the 24-hour news cycle, and globalization. The course will also scrutinize the functions of key White House staff and their expanding role in the governing process, and consider the mechanics and the politics of staffing over 3,500 senior federal positions, including the U.S. Senate confirmation process. Students are expected to keep abreast of current affairs, and also to read historical materials on modern U.S. -
5 June 2019 Diego García-Sayán, United Nations Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the Independence of Judges A
5 June 2019 Diego García-Sayán, United Nations Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights United Nations Office at Geneva 8-14 Avenue de la Paix 12-11 Geneva 10, Switzerland Via Email: [email protected] RE: Complaint Against the United States of America: Interference with Judicial Proceedings at the International Criminal Court “The United States will use any means necessary to protect our citizens and those of our allies from unjust prosecution by this illegitimate court.” - U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton1 “…subsequent changes within the relevant political landscape both in Afghanistan and in key States (both parties and non-parties to the Statute), coupled with the complexity and volatility of the political climate still surrounding the Afghan scenario, make it extremely difficult to gauge the prospects of securing meaningful cooperation from relevant authorities for the future.” - ICC Pre-Trial Chamber II, 12 April 2019 Decision2 Dear Special Rapporteur García-Sayán, This complaint and request for a comprehensive investigation is prompted by the well- founded belief that there has been, and likely continues to be, interference with the independence of judicial proceedings at the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or “Court”) by senior officials of the United States, up to and including President Donald Trump. Public statements by U.S. officials make clear that the target of this interference extends not only to personnel of the ICC, including members of the judiciary, but also to Member States of the ICC as well as inter-governmental organizations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), and threatens to interfere with the work of lawyers representing victims or otherwise engaging with the ICC. -
European Army Or Fort Trump? the Case of Polish Participation in Headquarters Eurocorps in the Issue of Multinational Military Echelons in the 21St Century
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2019-06 EUROPEAN ARMY OR FORT TRUMP? THE CASE OF POLISH PARTICIPATION IN HEADQUARTERS EUROCORPS IN THE ISSUE OF MULTINATIONAL MILITARY ECHELONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY Bohnsack, Heiko Monterey, CA; Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/62796 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS EUROPEAN ARMY OR FORT TRUMP? THE CASE OF POLISH PARTICIPATION IN HEADQUARTERS EUROCORPS IN THE ISSUE OF MULTINATIONAL MILITARY ECHELONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY by Heiko Bohnsack June 2019 Thesis Advisor: Donald Abenheim Second Reader: Uwe Hartmann Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Form Approved OMB REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) June 2019 Master's thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS EUROPEAN ARMY OR FORT TRUMP? THE CASE OF POLISH PARTICIPATION IN HEADQUARTERS EUROCORPS IN THE ISSUE OF MULTINATIONAL MILITARY ECHELONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY 6. -
Teacher's Guide
1970–1979 Lesson 8 LESSON 8 The Decade of 1970–1979 LESSON ASSIGNMENTS You are encouraged to be very attentive while viewing the video program. Review the video objectives and be prepared to record possible answers, in abbreviated form, as you view the video. The topics and time periods may differ from the chapters of the textbook your school system is using. Each video program chronicles a wide array of events and personalities during a specific decade of the 20th century. Keep in mind that one of the overarching goals of each lesson is to help you understand how past historical events and actions by historical personalities did not occur in a vacuum, and that they are inextricably interwoven in your society today. Video: “The Decade of 1970–1979” from the series, The Remarkable 20th Century. Activities: Your teacher may assign one or more activities for each lesson. OVERVIEW The decade of the 1970s saw the end of the Vietnam War, the death of Elvis Presley and the revelation of Watergate and the birth of the microprocessor, or “the computer on a chip.” Videocassette recorders changed home entertainment forever. The sites of DNA production on genes were discovered, and the fledgling research in genetic engineering was temporarily halted pending further development of safer techniques. Three presidents (Nixon, Ford, and Carter) tried to provide leadership for the nation as it marched towards advances for women, civil rights, the environment, and space exploration. Many of the “radical” ideas of the 1960s reached fruition in the 1970s and were mainstreamed into American life and culture. -
A Comparison of Nixon-China and Trump-Korea Policies* D
2018 ВЕСТНИК САНКТ-ПЕТЕРБУРГСКОГО УНИВЕРСИТЕТА Т. 11. Вып. 4 МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ СРАВНИТЕЛЬНЫЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ UDC 324 Permanent сampaigning as an issue for foreign policy analysis: A comparison of Nixon-China and Trump-Korea policies* D. A. Lanko, I. S. Lantsova St. Petersburg State University, 7–9, Universitetskaya nab., St. Petersburg, 199034, Russian Federation For citation: Lanko D. A., Lantsova I. S. Permanent campaigning as an issue for foreign policy analysis: A comparison of Nixon-China and Trump-Korea policies. Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Inter- national Relations, 2018, vol. 11, issue 4, pp. 404–414. https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2018.406 The article seeks to extend the limits of applicability of permanent campaigning as a concept helpful in understanding politics in the field of foreign policy analysis. It should start with ex- ploring how applicable the saying “it took Nixon to go to China” is not only to foreign policy analysis, but also to the studies of public and even business administration. In early 1970s Nixon’s reputation of a tough anti-Communist helped him win domestic support to his policy towards Communist China. In a similar manner, in 2017 Trump sought a reputation of a fierce critic of North Korea, by means of publicly threatening the latter with ‘fire and fury’, in order to not only convince North Korea’s Kim to make concessions, but also to gain domestic support to possible change in U.S.-North Korean relations. The Trump-Korea situation differed significantly from the Nixon-China situation, which limited Trump’s ability to win domestic support to possible rapprochement with North Korea by means of permanent campaigning.