Les Carnets de l’ACoSt Association for Coroplastic Studies

13 | 2015 Varia

Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/acost/566 DOI: 10.4000/acost.566 ISSN: 2431-8574

Publisher ACoSt

Printed version Date of publication: 5 August 2015

Electronic reference Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 13 | 2015 [Online], Online since 17 August 2015, connection on 23 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/566 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/acost.566

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Editorial Oliver Pilz

Coroplastic Studies and the History of Religion: Figurines in Yehud and the Interdisciplinary Nature of the Study of Terracottas Izaak J. de Hulster

Ein Affe spielt Tragödie. Zum Problem der Tiermaske bei vermeintlichen und tatsächlichen Schauspielerstatuetten Simone Voegtle

Bust Thymiateria from Olbia Pontike Tetiana M. Shevchenko

Les terres cuites figurées du sanctuaire de Kirrha (Delphes) : Bilan des premières recherches Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi

Chroniques

Entre la Mésopotamie et l’Indus. Réflexions sur les figurines de terre cuite d’Asie Centrale aux 4e et 3e millénaires Annie Caubet

Painted Gallo-Roman Figurines in Vendeuil-Caply Adrien Bossard

Travaux en cours

A Catalogue of the Greek and Roman Terracottas in the Aydın Archaeological Museum Murat Çekіlmez

A Survey of Terracotta Figurines from Domestic Contexts in South Italy in the 6th and 5th Centuries B.C.E. Aura Piccioni

Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, II. The Work of the Academic Year 2014-2015 Arthur Muller and Jaimee Uhlenbrock

Dans les musées

Gallo-Roman Terracottas at the Musée archéologique de l’Oise Adrien Bossard

Life in Miniature Exhibition at the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology: Intertwining Theoretical and Traditional Approaches in the Exhibition of Terracotta Figurines and Other Miniature Objects Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper

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Les terres cuites à la une

Au musée de l'archéologie, on peut adopter des figurines ! Le Parisien (17 Janv. 2015, Vendeuil-Caply) Patrick Caffin

A Unique Shrine From the Late Iron Age in Jordan As reported in Nieuws-Suriname, December 2014 Jaimee Uhlenbrock

Reported in Japan Realtime, Aug 22, 2014: Arts and Culture Jomon Terracotta Figurine Designated a National Treasure Jaimee Uhlenbrock

Récentes conférences

March 7, 2015, Institute of Fine Arts, New York UniversityOrganized by Angela Bellia and Clemente Marconi Representations of Musicians in the Coroplastic Art of the Ancient World: Iconography, Ritual Contexts, and Functions

University of Haifa, Israel, March 23–25, 2015Organized by Adi Erlich Terracottas in the Mediterranean through Time

Compte-rendu du colloque international25-26 juin 2015, Université de Strasbourg Figurines féminines nues. Proche-Orient, Égypte, Nubie, Méditerranée, Asie centrale (Néolithique - IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.) Sylvie Donnat

Other Recent Conference Presentations and Public Lectures on Coroplastic Topics Jaimee Uhlenbrock

Annonces

A Terracotta Treasure at Assos Tuna Şare Ağtürk and Nurettin Arslan

Bibliographie

Recent Bibliography on Coroplastic Topics

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Editorial

Oliver Pilz

1 Dear Colleagues and Friends,

2 Recent times have brought considerable change for the Association for Coroplastic Studies. An important part of this change is the launch of Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, the new online journal of the Association, whose first issue I am pleased to introduce in my capacity as Editor-in-Chief chosen by the ACoSt Governance. The new periodical is meant both to replace and continue the Newsletter. As its predecessor, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt will be published on a biannual basis with a summer and winter issue. Les Carnets still invite short contributions on ongoing research, new books, recent conferences, etc., but also encourage the submission of longer scholarly articles dealing with all aspects of coroplastic production and iconography (for details, see Call for Submission). To ensure a high scientific quality, the latter submissions will be subject to a thorough peer-review process. Predictably, most of the submissions will be concerned with coroplastic products from the Mediterranean area, Egypt and the Ancient Near East, but I would like to emphasize that articles and communications dealing with material from beyond this geographical realm are also very welcome. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt will be permanently hosted by the French open access portal http://acost.revues.org. This not only allows for a wider outreach, but also enables a more reliable citation of the journal’s contents. My hope is that Les Carnet, as the first periodical entirely dedicated to coroplastic research, will stimulate the scientific debate in this fascinating field of study.

3 With best wishes.

4 Oliver Pilz

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INDEX

Keywords: journal, coroplastic, production, iconography

AUTHOR

OLIVER PILZ Johannes Gutenbert-Universität Mainz, Insitut für Klassische Archäologie [email protected]

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Coroplastic Studies and the History of Religion: Figurines in Yehud and the Interdisciplinary Nature of the Study of Terracottas

Izaak J. de Hulster

1 Readers of this new journal are familiar with coroplastic studies and most of them will have a sense of religious studies, as — in the core areas and periods covered by this journal — figurines are usually assumed to have a religious meaning. The presence of figurines in the archaeological record leads to various kinds of research in coroplastic studies and cognate fields of study (focused on a variety of, e.g., technical and social aspects). The project that I am introducing with this carnet note is based on the questioned presence of figurines in the Achaemenid province of Yehud, known as ‘Judah’ in reference to earlier periods, the area around Jerusalem. The figurine report of Shiloh’s excavations in Jerusalem’s ‘City of David’1 attributed all the figurine finds, except for a few earlier ones,2 independent of their stratigraphic contexts, to Iron Age II. This practice concurs with the tendency to abnegate figurines in Achaemenid Jerusalem and its surroundings.3 As such, I have introduced a rather archaeological debate but not one that is lacking historical, and in particular religious historical, consequences; various areas of interest within the interdisciplinary field of coroplastic studies shed light on these issues. Therefore, with this contribution to Les Carnets de l’ACoSt I also hope to stimulate thoughts about the interdisciplinary nature of coroplastic studies.

2 The Achaemenid period is usually regarded as the turning point (period) towards a religiously-fueled, programmatic aniconism in Yehud. Although Yehud may not provide an avalanche of pictorial sources, there were indeed images in Yehud. Centered on the iconography of Yehud, one part of my present project addresses, contrary to the present scholarly consensus, the presence of figurines similar to those figurines in Figure 1 in Jerusalem and its surroundings. Given the religious interpretation of figurines, the issue of either presence or absence is one of historical religious

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importance, and through the reception of the Hebrew Bible, not only for this period, but also for the history of Judaism and Christianity.

Fig. 1. Figurine compilation : bird pillar figurine ; lamp, Judean Pillar Figurine, bed model ; horse- and-rider. Source : combination of three figures from Keel and Uehlinger 2012 : respectively figures 320, 329, and 333b.

3 I have argued the case that despite the common assumption of an absence of figurines in the province Yehud, archaeological evidence supports the probability of the use of terracotta figurines even in Achaemenid period Jerusalem, the center of Yehud.4 Usually, it is assumed that such figurines were only used in Judah under the Assyrian hegemony. Since most scholars associate figurines with religious functions, they conclude that an absence of figurines in Yehud indicates the establishment of monotheism. My results thus far, however, have demonstrated that such a theory is, in fact, a ‘myth of the reborn nation.’5 This research, therefore, warns against viewing an ancient society as monolithic and shows the need to distinguish groups within a society and thus focuses on groups of actors, including possible minorities. Nevertheless, more detailed analysis is needed. In particular, besides specific contextual elements (whether demographical, technical, cultural, etc.), it would be important to know more about the “rise and decline” of certain figurine types and figurines in general.

4 Interestingly, even one of the most outspoken advocates of the absence of figurines in Yehud, Ephraim Stern, has excavated two figurines in the Achaemenid stratum at En Gedi (part of Yehud).6 Stern interprets these figurines as objects of transcultural exchange, commenting: “These two figurines presumably belonged to a non-Jew since pagan figurines were not ordinarily found at Persian period sites in the territories of Judah and Samaria”.7 Such a case needs to be scrutinized within a broader context of transcultural exchange of objects, groups of objects, and their material characteristics, typologies, iconographies, etc. and investigated for the change it might indicate, especially if Stern’s ‘migrant actor’ is to be dismissed as an explanation—which would be possible with a less arbitrary reconstruction. The evidence from other excavations in Yehud might cast doubt on Stern’s thesis, or at least require a more structural interpretation of the coroplastic evidence.

5 Like other pictorial material, figurines form an important topic from the perspective of exchange. Not only do general questions of comparison and influence still require academic answers, but figurines in Judah/Yehud are in urgent need of further analysis. First of all, figurines show similarities with amulets; in the Israel Museum they are even grouped together,8 functionally. But whereas amulets are commonly studied within a paradigm of exchange stemming from Egypt,9 research has primarily studied Judean figurines in relation to Assyria.10

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6 Moreover, seeing Judah/Yehud as part of the southern Levantine ‘Sacred Bridge,’ exchange with a number of regions as occasion for change needs to be scrutinized. As Rainey and Notley11 describes the Levant as “the land bridge between Asia and Africa, between Greco-Roman culture and the coasts of Arabia” and gave their study the title The Sacred Bridge, this project with its case studies follows in their tradition, with its emphasis on iconography and comparative study, as ‘Images of the Sacred Bridge.’

7 The importance of the presence or absence of figurines shows the significance of figurines. Questions about the nature of figurines cannot be left unaddressed here. Therefore, I also discuss the definition of figurines (rather to the more restrictive end), 12 their materiality, and their possible meanings (incl. multi-functionality and multiple contexts of use), representations, interpretations, and functions. I also deal with these fundamental issues in a volume about Iron Age terracotta figurines in the Levant (edited together with Erin Darby),13 a volume that also engages in the comparative analysis as mentioned above.

8 Given the fundamental archaeological issue of my research on figurines, one important approach is through the materiality of figurines, as this brings in aspects of the tangibility of the object, technology, decoration,14 miniaturization, human agency, etc. Through human agency aspects of meaning also lead to discussions within the history of religion. Also related to the materiality is the shape of the figurine ; usually discussed separately as iconography, one of the emphases of my research is to avoid the ‘gynemorphic fallacy’ (an over-emphasis on figurines shaped as a woman) by the inclusion of other anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figurines. Moreover, study of figurines in Israel-Palestine also includes furniture models.15 This ‘broader’ view leads to a reconsideration of aspects of meaning.

9 Speaking about coroplastic studies and its cognate fields of study, the interdisciplinary nature of coroplastic studies sometimes makes it hard to maintain distinctions. Which fields belong to what extent within coroplastic studies? The history of religion might be one example here, not in the least place, when the figurines studied are not unequivocally retrieved from a religious context and the religious nature of the finds is not obvious. For the project that I have introduced here, there is the more specific question of the relation between figurines and early Jewish monotheism(s).

10 In other words, putting the above in a more general theoretical framework: what do we see as the core of coroplastic studies? The most obvious discipline to be mentioned might be archaeology. The focus, however, is (terracotta) figurines—or more in general, based on the name : coroplastic productions.16 The various approaches, methods, methodologies, and further science-theoretical underpinnings of coroplastic studies as a cross-disciplinary-boundary field of study already provide a large number of ‘intra- disciplinary’ tools to address terracottas.17 Among its cognate fields are archaeology and anthropology ; the former might include technical aspects (studies with help of natural sciences), the latter philosophical ones. A more classical take on coroplastics is through art history (including iconography). For this reason I have referred to coroplastic studies as an ‘interdisciplinary field’ in my first paragraph. As such coroplastic studies could be compared with ‘comparative literature’ or theology, fields combining a number of methods initially developed in other disciplines. An awareness of the various academic influences may provide a more transparent practice in coroplastic studies. First, depending on the definition of figurine the core of coroplastic studies could be defined. To its proper could also belong the relations to figurines made

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from other materials than terracotta, as well as relations between terracotta figurines and other terracotta items. Second, the research question can point to the most important methods (respectively disciplines) in the research (intra-disciplinarily) and lead to the disciplines that need to be taken into account as well (multi-disciplinarily or pluri-disciplinarily).18 I hope that coroplastic studies will contribute to the cross- fertilization of cross-disciplinary work in adjacent and further off academic fields, and likewise broaden the perspectives of disciplines related to non-metaphorically geographical entities, such as classics or Levantine archaeology. This would grant the possibility for larger scale comparisons19—for instance in regard to the meaning of figurines, an attempt of which might be exemplified by Lesure’s study on gynemorphic figurines especially from Meso-America and the Near East—and if not a ‘phenomenological uprooting of our thinking patterns’20 at least a much better calibration of our hypotheses.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ALBERTZ, R. and R. SCHMITT. 2012. Family and Household Religion in Ancient Israel and the Levant. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

BARSTAD, H.M. 1996. The Myth of the Empty Land: A Study in the History and Archaeology of Judah During the ‘Exilic’ Period. Symbolae Osloenses : Fasciculi suppletorii 28. Oslo: Scandinavian UP.

BECKING, B. 2006. “We All Returned As One ! : Critical Notes on the Myth of the Mass Return.” In Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period, edited by O. Lipschits and M. Oeming, 3–18. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

DARBY, E.D. 2014: Interpreting Judean Pillar Figurines. Gender and Empire in Judean Apotropaic Ritual, Forschungen zum Alten Testament 2, Reihe 69. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.

DAYAGI-MENDELS, M. and E. ARIE. 2013. “Israel and the Bible | 1200–332 BCE,” in Chronicles of the Land: Archaeology in The Israel Museum Jerusalem, edited by M. Dayagi-Mendels and S. Rozenberg, 62–93. Jerusalem: The Israel Museum.

GILBERT-PERETZ, D. (with appendices by others). 1996. “Ceramic Figurines.” In Excavations at the City of David 1978–1985 Directed by Yigal Shiloh. vol. IV, Various Reports, edited by D.T. Ariel and A. de Groot, 29–134. Qedem 35. Jerusalem : Israel Exploration Society.

HULSTER, I.J. de. 2012. “Figurines from Persian Period Jerusalem?,” Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 124/1, 73–88.

HULSTER, I.J. de. 2013. “Colour Remains on Figurines from Jerusalem.” In Exploring the Narrative : Jerusalem and Jordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages, edited by N. Mulder, J. Boertien, E. van der Steen, 297-325. Library of Hebrew Bible / Old Testament Studies. London: Continuum.

HULSTER, I.J. de. 2014. “Ethnicity and ‘the Myth of the Reborn Nation:” Investigations in Collective Identity, Monotheism and the Use of Figurines in Yehud During the Achaemenid Period,” Approaching Religion 4/2:16–24. http://ojs.abo.fi/index.php/ar/article/view/823/1213.

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HULSTER, I.J. de. forthcoming a. “The myth of the reborn nation.” In Open-Mindedness in the Bible and Beyond: A Volume of Studies in Honour of Bob Becking, edited by M.C.A. Korpel and L.L. Grabbe. Library of Hebrew Bible / Old Testament Studies. London: Bloomsbury.

HULSTER, I.J. de. forthcoming b. “Iron Age Terracotta Figurines from the Levant: A Comparative and Iconographic Perspective.” in Figurines in the Levant, Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, edited by E.D. Darby and I J. de Hulster. Leiden: Brill.

ICKERODT, U.F. 2010. Einführung in das Grundproblem der archäologisch-kulturhistorischen Vergleichens und Deutens: Analogie-Bildung in der archäologischen Forschung. Frankfurt: Lang.

KEEL, O. and C. UEHLINGER. 2012. Göttinnen, Götter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener ikonographischer Quellen. Fribourg: Bibel+Orient Museum.

KNOX, D-K. 2012. “A Comprehensive Analysis of Cypriot Ceramic Figurative Material from EC I–LC IIIA (c.2300BC–c.1100BC).” PhD diss., University of Manchester.

LESURE, RICHARD D. 2011. Interpreting Ancient Figurines: Context, Comparison, and Prehistoric Art. Cambridge: Cambridge UP.

LIPSCHITS, O. 2005. The Fall and Rise of Jerusalem : Judah under Babylonian Rule. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

MOORE, A.L. 2013. “Interdisciplinary Studies and Comparative Literature in China and the West.” CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 15.6: http://dx.doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.2359.

PRESS, M.D. 2012. Ashkelon 4: The Iron Age Figurines of Ashkelon and Philistia. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

RAINEY, A.F. and R.S. NOTLEY. 2006. The Sacred Bridge: Carta’s Atlas of the Biblical World. Jerusalem: Carta.

SCHROER, S. 1987. In Israel gab es Bilder: Nachrichten von darstellender Kunst im Alten Testament. Orbis Biblicus Orientalis 74. Fribourg: Universitätsverlag.

STAUBLI, T. and C. HERRMANN. 2010. 1001 Amulett: Altägyptischer Zauber, monotheisierte Talismane, säkulare Magie. Fribourg: Bibel+Orient Museum.

STERN, E. 2007, En-Gedi Excavations I: Final Report (1961–1965). Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

THOMPSON Klein, J. 1990. lnterdisciplinarity: History. Theory, and Practice. Detroit: Wayne State UP.

TÖTÖSY DE ZEPETNEK, S. 1998. Comparative Literature: Theory, Method, Application. Studies in Comparative Literature 18. Amsterdam: Rodopi.

WILSON, I.D. 2012. “Judean Pillar Figurines and Ethnic Identity in the Shadow of Assyria,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 36/3, 259–278.

NOTES

1. GILBERT-PERETZ 1996. 2. Most of these figurines are described as ‘forerunners’; GILBERT-PERETZ 1996, 39.

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3. Elaboration of this simple but important thesis in light of other iconographic material from Yehud would fill a void left even by seminal works such as KEEL and UEHLINGER 2012 and SCHROER 1987 mainly focusing on the archaeological record of Iron Age I and II under the title: In Israel gab es Bilder. 4. See: DE HULSTER 2012. 5. Cf. DE HULSTER 2014. In line with the theses of ‘the myth of the empty land’ and ‘the myth of the mass return;’ two claims putting into perspective common — presumably historical- archaeological — assumptions (especially in theological discourse), the former pointing out that Judah was not uninhabited after the mass deportations in the first quarter of the sixth century B.C.E. (BARSTAD 1996), the latter denying a mass repopulation of Judah/Yehud by former deportees (as coined by my PhD supervisor, BECKING 2006); cf. DE HULSTER forthcoming a. 6. Even according to the minimal borders in LIPSCHITS 2005, 183. 7. STERN 2007, 262. 8. DAYAGI-MENDELS and ARIE 32013, 77. 9. STAUBLI & HERRMANN 2010, 168. 10. Recently, e.g., WILSON 2012 and DARBY 2014, 61–97, 367–382. 11. RAINEY and NOTLEY 2006, backcover. 12. Cf. PRESS 2012: 5 in comparison with, e.g., KNOX 2012, 62–65. 13. See: DE HULSTER forthcoming b. 14. Cf. DE HULSTER 2013. 15. Cf., e.g., ALBERTZ and SCHMITT 2012, 57–72. 16. Cf. footnote 12 above in relation to restrictiveness or fluidity in defining ‘figurine’. 17. My perception of the terms ‘intra-disciplinary’ and ‘inter-disciplinary’ draws on TÖTÖSY DE ZEPETNEK 1998, 17–18, 80–81 (adapting THOMPSON KLEIN 1990). He speaks about ‘intra-disciplinarity’ as working within one discipline, such as comparative literature which can borrow from other related disciplines and is therefore inter-disciplinary. He also distinguishes as ‘inter-disciplinary’ both ‘multi-disciplinarity’ (one scholar engaging in more distant disciplines to resolve a problem) and ‘pluri-disciplinarity’ (team-work across disciplines). 18. Cf. the preceding footnote. Building on Tötösy de Zepetnek’s work, MOORE 2013, 4, attempts to demonstrate the general relation of other disciplines to literature with a graph with literature (in tandem with history) at the center and other disciplines in concentric circles around it. For coroplastic studies this implies that the core or center discipline is not fixed and that other disciplines are arranged around it depending on the kind of research at stake. 19. Cf., e.g., ICKERODT 2010. 20. See §6 of de Hulster forthcoming b.

INDEX

Keywords: history, religion, figurine, terracotta

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AUTHOR

IZAAK J. DE HULSTER University of Helsinki [email protected]

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Ein Affe spielt Tragödie. Zum Problem der Tiermaske bei vermeintlichen und tatsächlichen Schauspielerstatuetten

Simone Voegtle

1 Menschliche Figuren mit Tierköpfen gehören in Griechenland und Rom, anders als in Ägypten oder im vorderasiatischen Kulturraum, nicht zum üblichen ikonographischen Repertoire. Wenn sie auftreten, sind besondere Erklärungen gefragt ; eine Zuordnung zur göttlichen Sphäre macht in den meisten Fällen, anders als in den erwähnten benachbarten Kulturen, keinen Sinn. Eine erste hermeneutische Massnahme besteht deshalb in der Regel darin, den Tierkopf als Maske zu erkennen, was mir aber nicht immer gerechtfertigt erscheint.1

2 Ich möchte im Folgenden versuchen, anhand ausgesuchter Beispiele aus der griechischen und römischen Kleinkunst die verschiedenen Deutungsmöglichkeiten menschlicher Figuren mit Tierköpfen zu differenzieren. Am wenigsten Probleme bereitet dabei die als erstes behandelte Gruppe der kultischen Darstellungen, für welche Terrakotten aus Zypern und Lykosura herangezogen werden. Danach wird anhand von verschiedenen Bronze- und Terrakottastatuetten die in diesem Zusammenhang häufig zitierte Gruppe der Schauspieler näher untersucht. Hier ergeben sich bei genauerem Hinsehen fast immer Übereinstimmungen mit karikaturhaften Figuren, welche die Definition als Schauspieler in den Hintergrund treten lassen.

Kultische Figuren mit Tierköpfen

3 Dass Tiere auch im griechischen Kulturraum von kultischer Bedeutung waren, ist unbestritten. Vor allem im Umfeld von Vegetationsgottheiten wie Demeter, Artemis und Dionysos spielten sie eine grosse Rolle. Es erscheint deshalb durchaus plausibel,

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dass man durch Tiermasken versuchte, sich dem Göttlichen anzunähern und dass bestimmte Beispiele von menschlichen Figuren mit Tierköpfen daher in diesem Sinne zu deuten sind.2

4 Eindeutig um einen solchen Fall handelt es sich bei diversen Terrakottafiguren aus Zypern, die einen Menschen zeigen, der eine Tiermaske trägt und mit den Händen anfasst (Abb.1). Statuetten dieser Art existieren auf der Insel seit zypro-geometrischer Zeit, das früheste Beispiel datiert zwischen 1050 und 950 v. Chr.3 Die Mehrzahl stammt aber, wie das hier gezeigte Exemplar aus dem 6. oder frühen 5. Jh. v. Chr. (CA II), aus den Jahrhunderten zwischen der zypro-geometrischen und frühen zypro-klassischen Periode.4 Die handgeformten kleinen Figuren sind frontal ausgerichtet und tragen, soweit ersichtlich, lange Gewänder.5 Sie kamen mehrheitlich in Heiligtümern zutage, wo nicht nur maskentragende Statuetten, sondern auch die therio- und anthropomorphen Masken selbst gefunden wurden. Eine rituelle Verwendung dieser Tiermasken scheint dementsprechend wahrscheinlich.6

Abb. 1. Cypro-archaische Terrakottafigur mit Stiermaske, Stockholm (Medelhavsmuseet A.I. 809).

Foto : NIELSEN, I, 2002, Pl. 7.

5 Ähnliches kann für die bekannte Gruppe tierköpfiger Terrakotten aus Lykosura angenommen werden. Diese rund 15 cm grossen, menschlichen Figuren sind ebenfalls aufrecht und frontal abgebildet und in ein langes Himation gekleidet, das den Körper vollständig verhüllt. Die Köpfe sind jene von Widdern oder Rindern, oft tragen sie darauf einen Korb, den sie mit einer Hand festhalten7 (Abb. 2). Datiert werden die rund 140 im megaron gefundenen Statuetten ins 2. und 1. Jh. v. Chr., wobei aber frühere Beispiele vorauszusetzen sind.8 Im megaron des Heiligtums von Lykosura wurden die Mysteriengottheiten Demeter und Despoina verehrt und nach dem Zeugnis von Pausanias die Initiationsriten in Verbindung mit speziellen Tieropfern vorgenommen.9

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Die Interpretation der Terrakottafiguren als am Ritual beteiligte Personen liegt auf der Hand, zumal das Tragen einer Maske durch einen Priester auch von einem anderen Demeter-Kult überliefert ist.10 Jost sieht in den tierköpfigen Votiven aus Lykosura aber weniger das Kultpersonal, als vielmehr die einzuweihenden Ritualteilnehmer. Der Korb, den sie auf dem Kopf tragen, beinhaltet ihrer Meinung nach die Opfergaben, die sie im Zuge der Initiation den Göttinnen darbrachten.11 Die Vermutung, dass es sich bei den dargestellten Figuren um Mysten handelt, wird durch die Darstellungen auf dem reliefierten Schleier der Despoina bekräftigt. Es finden sich da, auf einem friesartigen Band oberhalb des Saumes, 15 als Tiere verkleidete Personen, bei denen zum Teil auch die Extremitäten tiergestaltig sind. Diese ‚Tiere’ tanzen und machen Musik.12

Abb. 2. Terrakottafigur mit Widderkopf auf Lykosura, Lykosura (Lykosura Museum).

Foto : JOST, M. 2003, Fig. 6,4.

6 Mit den tierköpfigen Figuren aus Zypern und Lykosura liegen zwei Beispiele von theriomorphen Darstellungen vor, die eindeutig dem kultischen Bereich zugeordnet werden können.13 Ihre formalen Charakteristika lassen sich in der aufrecht stehenden, frontalen Haltung sowie dem langen, den ganzen Körper bedeckenden Gewand ausmachen. Allfällige Attribute wie der Korb der Terrakotten aus Lykosura erhalten ihre Bedeutung aus dem kultischen Kontext. Auch die Tierköpfe richten sich danach ; Stier, Widder und Schwein sind Teil des Zuständigkeitsbereiches der jeweiligen Gottheit.14 Sie sind ohne Zweifel als Masken anzusehen und erfüllen im Ritual einen performativen Zweck. In Lykosura weisen Stufen hinter dem Tempel des Heiligtums darauf hin, dass Aufführungen vor Zuschauern zum Kultbetrieb gehörten.15 Solche Hinweise auf rituelle Schauspiele sind im gesamten Mittelmeerraum zu finden und könnten eine Art ‚missing link’ zwischen dem Ritual und dem späteren literarischen Theater bilden.16 Ausführende waren Priester und anderes Tempelpersonal, teilweise

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auch Ritualteilnehmer, das Publikum bildeten die Gläubigen. Aufgeführt wurden vielleicht aitiologische Erzählungen oder auch mythologisch konnotierte Tänze.17 Unabhängig davon, wie weit das Kultspiel wirklich ein Vorläufer des griechischen Dramas war, handelte es sich bei den kultischen Masken um Instrumente der Kommunikation mit der verehrten Gottheit.

Vermeintliche Schauspielerfiguren und wahrscheinliche Karikaturen

7 Im Gegensatz zu den vorhergehenden Beispielen sind die zwei im Folgenden vorgestellten tierköpfigen Figuren weniger einfach einzuordnen. Beides sind römische Bronzestatuetten. Ein mit gut 4.5 cm eher kleines Objekt in der Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris stellt eine aufrecht stehende, mit Tunika und Toga bekleidete Person mit dem Kopf einer Ratte oder Maus dar. (Abb. 3) Die rechte Hand hat sie auf die Brust an den Togabausch gelegt, während die linke eine Schriftrolle hält. Der Katalog der Bibliothèque Nationale bezeichnet die Figur als „Acteur comique avec une tête de rat“. 18

Abb. 3. Bronzefigur mit Rattenkopf, Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale).

Foto : Babelon, J. 1928, Pl. 13, N. 22.

8 Auch das zweite Beispiel, diesmal aus der Sammlung Borowski, wird unter dem Titel „Schauspieler mit einer Paviansmaske“ vorgestellt.19 Es handelt sich gemäss Katalog um eine Statuette von rund 15 cm Grösse aus dem frühen 1. Jh. n. Chr. (Abb. 4) Hier sehen wir eine mit einem Chiton oder einer Tunika und bis zu den Knien reichendem Mantel bekleidete Figur, die das linke Bein vorgesetzt hat und nur mit der Ferse des

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entsprechenden Fusses den Boden berührt. Der rechte Fuss sowie die linke Hand sind nicht erhalten ; in den vor dem Oberkörper gehaltenen Händen hielt sie offenbar einen heute verlorenen Gegenstand.

Abb. 4. Bronzefigur mit Pavianskopf, Jerusalem (Bible Lands Museum)

Foto : Kunze, M. 2007, N. R 28.

Der Kopf ist der eines Pavians. Bei beiden Darstellungen ist der Gedanke an eine Maske bei näherer Betrachtung der Tierköpfe gerechtfertigt : Der Übergang von Kopf zu Körper ist nicht fliessend gearbeitet, sondern das Kopfteil ist oberhalb der Schultern stark abgesetzt, so dass kaum ein Stück Hals sichtbar ist und der Eindruck eines aufgesetzten Objektes entsteht (Abb. 5). Trotzdem scheint mir dieses Indiz nicht ausreichend, um die beiden Figuren als Tiermasken tragende Schauspieler zu definieren. Es fehlt zuallererst der typische Kontext für eine eindeutige Zuordnung zum Theater. Anders als in der Vasenmalerei, wo die Darstellung von ganzen Szenen mit den interagierenden Personen inklusive des Bühnenbilds und der Requisiten möglich war, haben wir es bei den Statuetten mit isolierten Objekten zu tun.20

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Abb. 5. Bronzefigur mit Pavianskopf, detail, Jerusalem (Bible Lands Museum)

Foto : Kunze, M. 2007, N. R 28.

Während auf Vasen zum Teil die konkrete Zuweisung an bestimmte Komödien möglich ist, kann in der Kleinplastik nur die Identifizierung wiederkehrender Figuren oder im besten Fall einzelner ‚stock scenes’ wie jene des rennenden Sklaven vorgenommen werden.21 Trotzdem ist auch hier die Zuordnung zum Theaterumfeld normalerweise ohne Probleme möglich. Die meisten der uns bekannten Schauspielerstatuetten stammen aus spätklassischer und hellenistischer Zeit und zeigen die typisch ausgestatteten Rollenbilder der Mittleren und der Neuen Komödie : Über einem eng anliegenden Trikot, das am Bauch und Gesäss ausgestopft war, wurde ein kurzer Chiton getragen, unter dem der umgeschnallte Phallos hervorschaute. Weibliche Rollen trugen über dem in gleicher Weise gepolsterten Untergewand die für Frauen übliche Kleidung. Die auf dem Kopf getragene Maske charakterisierte den dargestellten Typus : ‚der Sklave’, ‚der junge Mann’, ‚der alte Mann’, ‚die junge Frau’, ‚die Hetäre’ usw., alle mit mehr oder weniger überzeichneten Zügen und deutlich sichtbaren, zum Teil trompetenförmigen Mundöffnungen.22 Ende des 4. Jh. v. Chr., mit dem Beginn der Neuen Komödie, wurden die lächerlichen Kostüme zunehmend aufgegeben und durch die reale Kleidung der entsprechenden Rolle ersetzt.23 Auch die Masken waren, mit Ausnahme jener des Sklaven, weniger verzerrt.24 Dennoch trat nur eine ganz bestimmte Auswahl an Persönlichkeiten in Erscheinung ; das Personal der Aufführungen blieb weitgehend unverändert. Tiere kommen darin keine vor ; weder die erhaltenen Theaterstücke noch der Maskenkatalog des Pollux für die Neue Komödie, verfasst im 2. Jh. n. Chr., geben einen Hinweis darauf.25

9 Plautus und Terenz griffen die Stücke der Neuen Komödie auf und schrieben deren lateinische Versionen.26 Die darin auftretenden Typen waren mehr oder weniger dieselben, und auch die Kostümierung wurde von den Römern übernommen.27 Von

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diesen typischen Merkmalen, die auf die Mehrheit der archäologisch greifbaren Schauspielerstatuetten zutreffen, ist bei unseren Beispielen nichts zu sehen. Wollte man also die eingangs vorgestellten römischen Bronzen trotz der ausgeführten ungünstigen Ausgangslage als Schauspieler verstehen, wäre zumindest nach den Rollen, die sie mit ihren Tiermasken verkörpern könnten, zu fragen.

10 Tiere treten im antiken Theater entweder als Teil des Chores der Alten Komödie oder in seltenen Fällen als deren Protagonisten in Stücken wie den ‚Vögeln’ des Aristophanes auf.28 In keiner Tragödie erscheint meines Wissens ein als Tier verkleideter Schauspieler auf der Bühne. Vorausgesetzt werden kann also mit einiger Sicherheit, dass es sich bei dem potentiellen Stück um eine Komödie handeln müsste. Selbst wenn wir ignorieren, dass es sich bei unseren Beispielen um Objekte aus römischer Zeit und damit gegebenenfalls um Vertreter der Neuen Komödie—ohne Tierrollen—handelt und uns ganz allgemein weder ein Stück mit Ratten noch eines mit Affen überliefert ist, wäre ein Schauspieler, der ein Tier darstellt, anders ausgestattet. Abgesehen von den erwähnten typischen Merkmalen erforderte die Rolle eines Protagonisten (und im Grunde auch jene des Choreuten) zumindest eine Maske oder Verkleidung, die es erlaubte, durch eine Mundöffnung zu sprechen. Als Beispiel für solche Tierdarsteller seien hier die bekannten ‚Getty Birds’29 zitiert, die auf einem Kelchkrater aus dem letzten Viertel des 5. Jh. v. Chr. zu sehen sind (Abb. 6).

Abb. 6. Attisch-rotfiguriger Kelchkrater, sog. ‚Getty Birds,’Ehemals Malibu (J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AE.83).

Foto : Taplin, O. 1993, Fig. 24, 28.

Die Forschung hat verschiedentlich versucht, in den abgebildeten Figuren — zwei ithyphallische, mit Vogelkostümen versehene Männer, die in tanzender Bewegung zu beiden Seiten eines frontal gezeichneten Doppelflötenspielers gezeigt sind — Darsteller

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aus den ‚Vögeln’ des Aristophanes zu sehen. Für Margot Schmidt ist denkbar, dass es sich dabei um eine Protagonistenszene handelt, bei welcher der in einen Wiedehopf verwandelte Tereus zusammen mit einem zweiten Vogel dieser Spezies auftritt.30 Das Kostüm mit dem Kamm auf dem Kopf, den Flügeln und dem Schwanz versucht also, die Tiere in ihrer ganzen Gestalt möglichst originalgetreu darzustellen—Schmidt vermutet gar, dass die ,Federlosigkeit’ am restlichen Körper darauf hindeuten könnte, dass sich die beiden Vögel in der Mauser befinden, ganz so, wie es im Text auch thematisiert wird.31 J. R. Green sieht in der Darstellung eher eine Chorszene aus demselben Stück und geht davon aus, dass auch die restlichen Choreuten dergestalt angezogen waren.32 E. Csapo stimmt mit Green darin überein, dass es sich bei den Figuren um Choreuten handelt. Er identifiziert die abgebildeten Vögel aber mit Hähnen, was aufgrund des Kehllappens, wie er beim Beispiel rechts zu erkennen ist, und den Sporen durchaus richtig erscheint.33 Damit wird eine Zuweisung an die ‚Vögel’ des Aristophanes unwahrscheinlich ; Hähne kommen in dem Stück nicht vor.34 Eine erst vor wenigen Jahren zum Vorschein gekommene Pelike in Atlanta35 zeigt zudem einen einzelnen, identisch kostümierten Darsteller. Für Csapo liegt deshalb mit diesen beiden Stücken die früheste Darstellung eines nicht näher bestimmbaren tierischen Komödienchores vor.36

11 Interessant ist in diesem Zusammenhang auch eine fast 19 cm hohe Terrakottastatuette aus der Norbert Schimmel Collection.37 (Abb. 7) Sie wird ins 4. Jh. v. Chr. datiert und zeigt einen Mann in einer Art Federkostüm, das seinen ganzen Körper, inklusive Hände und Füsse, bedeckt. Die Arme hat er zu Flügeln ausgebreitet. Auf dem Kopf trägt er die (ursprünglich abnehmbare ?)38

Abb. 7. Terrakottafigur eines Schauspielers im Federkostüm.

Foto : Muscarella, O. W. 1974, N. 49.

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Maske eines alten Mannes mit furchigem Gesicht und Bart, auf der möglicherweise zwei Federn befestigt sind. Hier scheint der Gedanke an einen Protagonisten in einem Stück wie den ‚Vögeln’ naheliegend, zumal darin mit Figuren wie Tereus auch vormalige Menschen als Tiere erscheinen, deren Verwandlung nicht vollständig vollzogen wurde. 39 Abgesehen davon liegt in der menschlichen Maske der Tierrolle meiner Meinung nach eine gewisse Logik, denn die Tiere in den Stücken der Alten Komödie waren zweideutige Projektionsflächen, deren Tieridentität immer wieder mit verschiedenen Mitteln gebrochen wurde.40 Wenn daher die Figur dieses ‚Vogelschauspielers’ dem Interpreten einer Tierrolle der Komödie am nächsten zu kommen scheint, müssen unsere römischen Beispiele definitiv anders verortet werden, da sie ganz anders gekennzeichnet sind. Ein weiterer möglicher, in der Vasenmalerei greifbarer Kontext sei zuvor aber der Vollständigkeit halber noch angeführt : Green listet rund 12 verschiedene Tierchöre oder Choreuten auf, die auf Tieren reiten, zu finden auf Vasen datierend zwischen 560 und 480 v. Chr.41 Dazu zählen bekannte Darstellungen wie die Delphinreiter42 oder die Ritter.43 Die Ausstattung der Figuren zeigt, abgesehen von der Tierverkleidung, aber wenig von der üblichen Theaterikonographie.44 Der Beginn der Komödienaufführungen in Athen wird gemeinhin mit 486 v. Chr. angenommen, weshalb es sich bei diesen Tierdarstellungen nicht um Chöre kanonischer Komödien handeln kann. Vielmehr müssen wir dabei an einen Tanz in Tiergestalt im weiteren Sinne denken, wie er zum Beispiel Teil des komos war. Solche Maskentänze als Vorformen der späteren Tierchöre standen im Zeichen der Umkehr der gewohnten Ordnung und der dionysischen “Entfremdung von der Wirklichkeit“,45 in denen Tiere sich als andere, fremde Existenz anboten.46 Auch im italischen Raum hatte der Brauch des Spottliedes existiert, das von durch die Strassen ziehenden und tanzenden Gruppen gesungen wurde, oft zu Ehren des Gottes Bacchus.47 Wenn die beiden vorgestellten römischen Bronzefiguren also tatsächlich aus dem Theaterkontext stammten, wäre vielleicht an eine solche Vor- oder Nebenform des dionysischen Kultbetriebes zu denken. Ansonsten macht es die fehlende Beweislage aber schwierig, die Idee des Schauspielers weiter zu verfolgen : Die Existenz von Tiergestalten im Theater ist nur in der Alten Komödie bezeugt, die von den Römern nicht übernommen wurde. Die Kleinplastik wiederum zeigt in der Regel nur festgelegte Stereotypen aus dem Rollenrepertoire der Mittleren und Neuen Komödie, welche zudem die Tradition des Chores im Sinne der Alten Komödie nicht mehr kannten. Die Ausnahme, die der hier erwähnte ‚Vogelschauspieler’ darstellt, gleicht in keinster Weise den vorgestellten Bronzefiguren—ihnen fehlt jegliches Kennzeichen der typischen Theaterikonographie.

12 Die Tierköpfe der beiden Beispiele sind also mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit keine Masken, sondern haben einen anderen Hintergrund. Eine nähere Betrachtung der Ausstattung der rattenköpfigen Figur (Abb. 3) ergibt, dass es sich dabei um einen ‚Togatus’ handelt, wie er in der römischen Ikonographie häufig vorkommt und den Bürger als solches bezeichnet. Vergleichsbeispiele mit der entsprechenden Handhaltung und Schriftrolle finden sich in der Grossplastik sowohl des ersten als auch des zweiten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts.48 Wie nach dem Umbobausch zu schliessen ist, trägt unser Beispiel über der Tunika die Toga nach der Art der frühen und mittleren Kaiserzeit. Die Kleinplastik kennt den Typus ebenfalls, sei es mit oder ohne Schriftrolle, wobei hier die frühe Form der toga exigua häufiger auftritt. 49 Zum Teil sind auch karikierte Formen vorhanden. Eine Terrakottafigur im British Museum,50 datiert ins 1. Jh. n. Chr., zeigt einen mit Tunika und Toga bekleideten, schmalen Mann, der mit leicht hängenden Schultern dasteht. Sein rechter Arm hängt entlang des Körpers hinunter,

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während er mit dem angewinkelten linken Arm eine Schriftrolle vor dem Körper hält. Das Gesicht ist mit einem kahlen Kopf, abstehenden Ohren und einer grossen Nase als überzeichnete Darstellung des ‚Togatus mit Schriftrolle’ gekennzeichnet, wie er auch in unserer Figur erkennbar ist.

13 Die Mittel der Verzerrung, derer sich die antike Karikatur bediente, stammten aus dem gängigen physiognomischen Repertoire, das anhand bestimmter körperlicher Merkmale Aussagen über den Charakter eines Menschen erlaubte. Zur Festlegung der relevanten physiognomischen Kennzeichen standen dabei drei Instrumente zur Verfügung, von denen das wichtigste, neben ethnologischen und pathognomonischen Kriterien, der Tiervergleich war. Die grossen, abstehenden Ohren und die breite Nase der Figur in London sind der Phyiognomie des Esels bzw. des Schweines entnommen und lassen gemäss den Aristoteles zugeschriebenen physiognomonica auf Dummheit oder Stumpfsinn schliessen.51 Das Tier als Symbol für die hässliche und damit lächerliche Seite des Menschen war spätestens seit dem Aufkommen der Physiognomik im 4. Jh. v. Chr. verbreitet. Der physiognomische Tiervergleich impliziert das Tier als meist negativen Stereotypen, dem der Mensch als positives Modell gegenüber stand. Auch wenn nicht alle Tiere im Katalog der physiognomischen Kriterien vertreten sind, lässt sich doch für viele von ihnen unter Zuhilfenahme von Fabeln und Schimpfwörtern die symbolische Bedeutung, die sie in bildlichen Darstellungen haben konnten, rekonstruieren. Für das hier vorliegende Beispiel der Ratte ergibt sich auf diese Weise das Bild eines diebischen Emporkömmlings, der sich an anderen bereichert.52 Der Rattenkopf diente, mit der gleichen Intention wie die grotesken Züge der Figur in London, als ein Mittel der Verzerrung, mit dessen Hilfe ein normales Vorbild—in diesem Fall der römische Bürger53—lächerlich gemacht wurde.

14 Der Vergleich mit dem Tier erniedrigte den Menschen und assoziierte automatisch eine tiefe Stellung in der Gesellschaft ; es war der Versuch, jemanden an ihren Rand zu drängen und auszugrenzen. Das beste Beispiel dafür, dass das Tier der ‚misslungene Mensch’ an sich ist, war schon in der Antike der Affe. An ihn machen die antiken physiognomischen Schriften am meisten Zuweisungen, und zahlreiche literarische Zeugnisse bestätigen seinen Ruf als dumm und bösartig.54 Nicht wenige Erzeugnisse der Kleinkunst benutzten seit dem 5. Jh. v. Chr. seine Gestalt, um menschliche Vorbilder zu karikieren.55 Die Kleidung der hier vorgestellten Figur mit dem Affenkopf (Abb. 4) lässt keinerlei Hinweise auf das Theater erkennen sondern ist vielmehr dem Umfeld der römischen Politik zuzuordnen. Ein schmaler, ursprünglich in Bronze eingelegter senkrechter Streifen auf der Tunika der Figur wird von Kunze mit den angusti clavi identifiziert.56 Diese schmalen Streifen kennzeichneten—im Gegensatz zu den lati clavi der Senatoren—den Stand der Ritter.57 Die Physiognomie des Affen wurde hier also möglicherweise auf einen Vertreter der gesellschaftlichen Oberschicht übertragen, um ihn und seinen Stand lächerlich zu machen.58 Auch die Statuette mit dem Pavianskopf ist deshalb als Karikatur zu sehen.

15 Auch wenn die Ausstattung der beiden Bronzefiguren eine Bezeichnung als Schauspieler aus den ausgeführten Gründen nicht rechtfertigt und in meinen Augen vielmehr von zwei Karikaturen zu sprechen ist, haben wir es doch mit ähnlichen Phänomenen zu tun : Komische Schauspielerfiguren und karikaturhaft verzerrte Darstellungen sind ihrer Struktur nach verwandt. Die Komödie arbeitete mit derselben Dynamik der Verzerrung ins Hässliche und Lächerliche wie andere komische Darstellungsformen der Antike.59 Durch die Verwendung eines bestimmten visuellen

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Zeichenrepertoires wurden die bekannten Stereotypen abgerufen ; Gesichter und Gestalten wurden verzerrt und hässlich gemacht, um ihre Lächerlichkeit zu bewirken. Die Grenzen zwischen der Karikatur und einem festgelegten komischen Typus sind deshalb fliessend. Das Erscheinen der grotesken Figur auf der Bühne der Komödie bedeutete im Grunde nur ihre Verallgemeinerung und Verfestigung als Stereotyp. Selbst wenn also der Togatus mit Schriftrolle und der ‚Ritter’ entgegen aller Wahrscheinlichkeit als Bühnenfigur zu sehen wären, änderte dies nur wenig an ihrer Bedeutung, da ihnen in jedem Fall eine Verzerrung mit den Mitteln der Tiergestalt zugrunde liegt. Die Frage des Schauspielers ist so gesehen vielmehr eine der Funktion als eine der Bedeutung.

Wahrscheinliche Schauspielerfiguren – mögliche Karikaturen ?

16 Dass Komödiendarsteller nicht nur formal der Karikatur nahe standen, sondern Schauspieler allgemein auch die Opfer öffentlichen Spotts sein konnten, sollen die zwei folgenden Terrakottastatuetten deutlich machen. Anders als die vorhergehenden Beispiele sind sie aufgrund ihrer Ausstattung klar als Mitglieder des Theaters zu identifizieren.

17 Eine mit 18 cm Höhe relativ grosse Statuette in Wien60 (Abb. 8) zeigt eine aufrecht stehende, mit dem linken Bein ausschreitende Figur, die ein langes, hochgegürtetes Gewand sowie einen über den Rücken fallenden Mantel trägt. Unterhalb des Gewandes sind die Füsse sichtbar. Die Arme sind nicht ehrhalten, waren aber möglicherweise beweglich. Beweglich ist offenbar auch der Kopf und beweglich sind offensichtlich die langen Ohren, die an diesem Kopf befestigt waren und von denen eines noch erhalten ist : Es handelt sich nämlich um das Haupt eines Esels.

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Abb. 8. Terrakottafigur mit Eselskopf, Wien (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Antikensammlung ANSA_V_2885)

Foto : Laubenberger, M. 2009, Abb. 3.

18 Auch das zweite Beispiel, eine 13 cm hohe, graeco-römische Terrakottafigur in Budapest61 (Abb. 9) zeigt eine aufrecht stehende, frontal ausgerichtete Gestalt, die ein langes, hochgegürtetes Gewand sowie einen vor der Brust geschlossenen und über den Rücken fallenden Mantel trägt. Auf dem Kopf hält sie mit der linken Hand eine bis zur Mitte der Stirn reichende grosse Maske. Der rechte Arm sowie die Füsse sind nicht erhalten. Auffallend ist der unter der emporgeschobenen Maske sichtbare Kopf. Das Gesicht ist grotesk verzerrt und erinnert an das eines Affen.

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Abb. 9 Terrakottafigur mit Affenkopf, Budapest (Museum of Fine Arts, SzM T 540)

Foto : Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts © László Mátyus.

19 Der Vergleich mit der Statuette eines Schauspielers im Louvre62 (Abb. 10) zeigt, dass es sich bei den beiden Figuren um Tragödiendarsteller handelt. Über dem Trikot mit langen Ärmeln trägt der Schauspieler eine ärmelloses langes Gewand, das unter der Brust von einem Gurt gehalten wird.63 Sichtbar sind hier auch die im 2. Jh. v. Chr. aufkommenden Stiefel auf hohen Sohlen, die kothornoi. Die Maske, die er im linken Arm hält, weist den für Tragödien charakteristischen hohen onkos auf, also die aufgetürmten Haare, die die Hauptdarsteller eines Stückes seit dem späten 4. Jh. v. Chr. grösser erscheinen lassen sollten.64

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Abb. 10. Terrakottafigur eines Tragödienschauspielers, Paris (Louvre CA 1784)

Foto : Hart, M. L. 2011, 49, Pl. 18.

20 Während die Figur im Louvre anhand der mit der Linken gehaltenen Keule als Herakles identifiziert wird, fehlt unseren Beispielen ein rollenspezifisches Merkmal. Umso auffälliger sind daher die beiden Tierköpfe. Von einer tatsächlichen Rolle kann im Hinblick auf eine Tragödie wohl kaum ausgegangen werden. Auch wenn die Ausstattung klar dem Theaterumfeld zugehörig istTiere kommen in tragischen Stücken nicht vor. Die genaue Wiedergabe der Ausstattung deutet deshalb im Gegenteil auf eine gezielte Verspottung der Tragödienschauspieler als solches hin. Der Esel, der die Terrakotte in Wien kennzeichnet, war in der griechisch-römischen Antike ein häufig verwendetes Mittel zur Karikatur verschiedener Berufs- und Bevölkerungsgruppen. Vor allem Gelehrte und Lehrer wurden auf diese Weise überzeichnet, um sich über die Dummheit der vermeintlich Gebildeten lustig zu machen.65 Auch die Schauspieler waren eine spezielle Gruppe innerhalb der Gesellschaft. Als Teil der ‚Unterhaltungsindustrie’, die beim Symposium oder während der Feste aufgeboten wurde, bestehend aus Ausländern, Sklaven, Freigelassenen oder anderen Randständigen, gehörten sie zu den marginalisierten Kreisen. Auch wenn einzelne Schauspieler zu Ruhm gelangen konnten, waren sie in der Regel nicht sehr angesehen.66 Der Esel war deshalb ein adäquates Mittel zur Verspottung einer Randgruppe, von der man sich abgrenzen wollte.67

21 Noch pointierter bringt unser zweites Beispiel diese Marginalisierung zum Ausdruck. Der Affe, der hier das Gesicht des Schauspielers verzerrt,68 lieferte nicht nur die physiognomischen Merkmale für Dummheit, Bösartigkeit und Kleinmütigkeit, sondern war auch ein beliebtes und gelehriges Dressurobjekt. Das Talent des Affen zur Nachahmung war in der Antike gern gesehen und eine der wenigen positiven Eigenschaften, die ihm zugestanden wurden.69 Aelian schreibt dazu : „Der Affe ist der

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beste Nachahmer. Jede körperliche Tätigkeit, die du ihm beibringst, wird er sich exakt aneignen. Wenn er es gelernt hat, tanzt er, und wenn du es ihm beibringst, spielt er Flöte. Ich habe selbst mit angesehen, wie ein Affe die Zügel hielt, mit der Peitsche knallte und den Wagen lenkte. Dies und das lernt er, und nie wird er seinen Lehrer enttäuschen. So vielseitig und anpassungsfähig ist die Natur.“70 Bei aller Fähigkeit zur Imitation erreichte der Affe jedoch nie das menschliche Vorbild, das er imitierte, sondern lief im Gegenteil Gefahr, alles zum Schlechten zu wenden. Eine Stelle bei Lukian zeigt, dass am Ende die tierhafte Natur des Affen seine Künste zunichte machen konnte : Ein ptolemäischer König hatte Affen das Tanzen in Masken und Kostümen beigebracht, als aber bei der Vorstellung ein Zuschauer Nüsse unter die Tiere warf, vergassen diese das Gelernte augenblicklich und stritten sich stattdessen um das Futter.71 Auf diese Weise bestätigt sich einmal mehr das Bild des Affen als Karikatur des Menschen an sich. Diese Ebene wird unversehens greifbar, wenn wir uns die Mundöffnung des Affengesichts unseres Beispiels vergegenwärtigen : Sie entspricht genau jener der Theatermaske und birgt so die verlockende Möglichkeit, dass auch das Affengesicht nur eine Maske sei. Der Mensch trägt die Maske der Karikatur und macht damit ihren vordergründigen Charakter sichtbar : Ein schlechter oder unbeliebter Schauspieler gebärdet sich wie ein Affe, der sich auf der Bühne lächerlich macht.

22 Zusammenfassend lässt sich festhalten, dass kleinplastische Figuren mit Tierköpfen entweder kultische Bedeutung haben oder aber dem Bereich des Komischen zuzuordnen sind.72 Im Gegensatz zur eindeutigen Definition der Terrakotten aus Zypern und Lykosura als kultische Darstellungen sind die anderen hier vorgestellten Beispiele vielschichtiger in ihrer Bedeutung. Bei den beiden Bronzefiguren kann ein Theaterkontext namentlich der römischen Komödie ausgeschlossen werden, so dass die Verzerrung durch den Tierkopf vielmehr der Karikatur zuzuordnen ist, die auf bestimmte Bevölkerungsgruppen zielt. Die beiden im letzten Kapitel vorgestellten, als Tragödienschauspieler gekennzeichneten Terrakotten erfüllen zwar die formalen Vorgaben zur Identifikation als Bühnendarsteller, aber auch sie sind durch ihre Tierköpfe als Karikaturen ihres Berufes zu verstehen.

23 Trotz der grossen zeitlichen Spanne, über welche die herangezogenen Beispiele verteilt sind, verbindet sie aber die Verwendung des Tieres als Symbol für das Andere und als Mittel der Transformation—sei es hin zum Über- oder zum Unmenschlichen.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Babelon, E. and J. A. Blanchet. 1895. Catalogue des bronzes antiques de la Bibliothèque Nationale. Paris : Ernest Leroux.

BIEBER, M. 1961. The History of the Greek and Roman Theater. Princeton : University Press.

CSAPO, E. 2010. Actors and Icons of the Ancient Theater. Malden : Wiley-Blackwell.

CSAPO, E. 1993. “A Case Study in the Use of Theatre Iconography as Evidence for Ancient Acting.” AntK 36 :41–58.

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FITTSCHEN, K. 1970. “Der ‘Arringatore’, ein römischer Bürger ?“ RM 77 :177–184.

FRONING, H. 2009. “Der Vogelkrater ehemals in Malibu – Komödie oder Satyrspiel ?” In Hermeneutik der Bilder. Beiträge zur Ikonographie und Interpretation griechischer Vasenmalerei, edited by St. Schmidt and J. H. Oakley, 115–124. CVA Beiheft IV München : C. H. Beck.

GOETTE, H. R. 1989. Studien zu römischen Togadarstellungen. Mainz : Philipp von Zabern.

GRAF, F. 2007. “Religion and drama.” In The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman Theatre, edited by M. McDonald and M. Walton, 55–71. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.

GREEN, J. R. 1985. “A Representation of the Birds of Aristophanes.” Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum 2 :95–118.

HART, M. L. 2011. The Art of Ancient Greek Theater. Los Angeles : The J. Paul Getty Museum.

HENRICHS, A. 1992. “Gott, Mensch, Tier : Antike Daseinsstruktur und religiöses Verhalten im Denken Karl Meulis” In Klassische Antike und neue Wege der Kulturwissenschaften. Symposium Karl Meuli (Basel, 11.–13. September 1991), edited by F. Graf, 129–167. Basel : Schweizerische Gesellschaft für Volkskunde.

HIGGINS, R. A. 1966–67. “Recent Acquisitions by the British Museum.” AR 13 :47–52

JOST, M. 2008. “La vie religieuse à Lykosoura.” Ktema 33 :93–110.

JOST, M. 2003. “Mystery cults in Arcadia.” In : Greek Mysteries. The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults, edited by M. B. Cosmopoulos, 143–168. London : Routledge.

KUNZE, M. 2007. Griechische und römische Bronzen. Meisterwerke antiker Bronzen und Metallarbeiten aus der Sammlung Borowski. vol. 1. Ruhpolding : Franz Philipp Rutzen.

LEIPEN, N. ed. 1984. Glimpses of Excellence. A Selection of Greek Vases and Bronzes from the Elie Borowski Collection. Toronto : Royal Ontario Museum.

LAUBENBERGER, M. 2009. “Die Maske im antiken Theater.” In Wir sind Maske, edited by S. Ferino- Padgen, 150–157. Wien : Silvana Editoriale Spa.

LAURENS, A.-F., and E. LOUKA. 1987. “Les masques chypriotes.” In Anthropologie et Théâtre antique. Actes du colloque international de Montpellier 6–8 mars 1986, edited by P. Ghiron-Bistagne, 23– 36. Montpellier : Groupe Interdisciplinaire du Théâtre Antique. Univ. Paul Valéry.

MATTHIES, S. 2006. “Kostüme” In Satyr, Maske, Festspiel. Aus der Welt des antiken Theaters, edited by M. Kunze, 71–80. Ruhpolding : Franz Philipp Rutzen.

McDermott, W. C. 1936. “The Ape in Roman Literature.” Transactions of the American Philological Association 67 :148–167.

MUSCARELLA, O. W. 1974. Ancient Art. The Norbert Schimmel Collection. Mainz : Zabern.

MYLONOPOULOS, J. 2006. “Greek Sanctuaries as Places of Communication through Rituals : An Archaeological Perspective.” In Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, edited by E. Stavrianopoulou, 69–110. Liège : Centre International d’Etude de la Religion Grecque Antique.

NIELSEN, I. 2002. Cultic Theaters and Ritual Drama. A Study in Regional Development and Religious Interchange between East and West in Antiquity. Aarhus : Aarhus University Press.

PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE, A. 1962. Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy. 2nd ed. Oxford : Clarendon Press.

PÜTZ, B. 2008. “Schräge Vögel und flotte Wespen : Grenzüberschreitungen zwischen Mensch und Tier bei Aristophanes.” In Mensch und Tier in der Antike. Grenzziehung und Grenzüberschreitung.

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Symposion 7. –9. April 2005 in Rostock, edited by A. Alexandridis, M. Wild, and L. Winkler- Horaček, 219–241. Wiesbaden : Reichert.

REEDER, E. D. 1995. Pandora. Women in Classical Greece. Princeton : Princeton University Press.

SCHMIDT, M. 1998. “Komische arme Teufel und andere Gesellen auf der griechischen Komödienbühne.” AntK 41 :17–31.

SCHWARZMEIER, A. 2006. “Die Entwicklung der antiken Theatermaske.” In Satyr, Maske, Festspiel. Aus der Welt des antiken Theaters, edited by M. Kunze, 57–70. Ruhpolding : Franz Philipp Rutzen.

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TÖRÖK, L. 1995. Hellenistic and Roman Terracottas from Egypt. Rom : L’Erma di Bretschneider.

VOEGTLE, S. 2015. Dein Gott ist ein Esel. Griechische und römische Tierkarikaturen als Spiegel antiker Wertvorstellungen http://boris.unibe.ch/63964/

VON GONZENBACH, V. 1995. Die römischen Terracotten in der Schweiz. Untersuchungen zur Zeitstellung, Typologie und Ursprung der mittelgallischen Tonstatuetten. vol. A. Tübingen : Francke.

WALCEK AVERETT, E. 2015. „Masks and Ritual Performance on the Island of Cyprus“ AJA 119. 1 :3–45.

WEBSTER, T. B. L. 1978. Monuments Illustrating Old and Middle Comedy. 3rd ed. London : Institute of Classical Studies.

WEBSTER, T. B. L., J. R. GREEN, and A. SEEBERG 1995. Monuments Illustrating New Comedy. 3rd. ed. London : Institute of Classical Studies.

YOUNG, J. H., and S. H. YOUNG. 1955. Terracotta Figurines from Kourion in Cyprus. Philadelphia : The University Museum Univ. of Pennsylvania.

ZARIFI, Y. 2007. “Chorus and dance in the ancient world.” In The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman Theatre, edited by M. McDonald and M. Walton, 227–246. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.

NOTES

1. In diesem Beitrag soll es ausschliesslich um Beispiele von Figuren gehen, bei denen allein der Kopf tierischer Natur ist. Weitere bildliche Mensch-Tier-Symbiosen und ihre möglichen Bedeutungen untersucht meine Dissertation „Dein Gott ist ein Esel. Griechische und römische Tierkarikaturen als Spiegel antiker Wertvorstellungen,“ Universität Bern 2015. 2. Zur Verbindung von Tieren mit den erwähnten Gottheiten und der Rolle der Maske siehe VOEGTLE 2015, 63. Die Maskierung als Tier ist in Zypern schon in den letzten Jahrhunderten des 2. Jht. v. Chr. nachgewiesen, und zwar anhand von entsprechend bearbeiteten Stierschädeln, siehe WALCEK AVERETT 2015, 7, Abb. 5, 24–5. 3. WALCEK AVERETT, 2015, 9, Abb. 6. 4. WALCEK AVERETT 2015, 19, Abb. 16. Zum chronologischen Überblick vgl. Tabelle 1 und Abb. 1. 5. LAURENS and LOUKA 1987, 23–6 mit Abb. 6–12. Mit Abb. 13 ist zudem eine hellenistische Statuette angeführt, bei dem die menschliche Figur die abgesetzte Maske auf dem Arm trägt. Siehe auch Walcek Averett (2015, Abb. 8, 11, 13, 18). 6. Gemäss WALCEK AVERETT (2015, 20–4) gehören die Heiligtümer, in denen die Masken gefunden wurden, meist männlichen Gottheiten und sind ikonographisch stark dem Stiermotiv verpflichtet, wie auch die meisten der maskierten Statuetten. Die Tiermasken tragenden Menschenfiguren werden auch den ‚ring-dancers’ zugeordnet, ab dem 7. Jh. v. Chr. auftretende

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Votivgruppen, die sich im Kreis um einen Gegenstand, z. B. einen Baum oder einen Pfeiler, drehen, siehe YOUNG und YOUNG 1955, 220, Taf. 1, und Laurens und LOUKA 1987, 27, mit Anm. 12 und Abb. 14–15. 7. JOST 2003, Abb. 6,5. Die Extremitäten sind dabei weder als menschlich noch als tierisch zu erkennen. 8. JOST 2003, 157. 9. Paus. 8, 37, 8. 10. JOST 2008, 104; Paus., 8. 15. 2–3. 11. JOST 2008, 105; JOST 2003, 157–9. 12. Zu unterscheiden sind gemäss JOST (2003, 160 Abb. 6, 6–8) vier Musikanten (ein Fuchs und drei pferdeartige Tiere spielen verschiedene Instrumente) und mindestens sechs identifizierbare Tänzer (zwei Schweine, drei Widder und ein Esel). 13. Ebenfalls in diese Gruppe einordnen lassen sich zwei Figuren auf einem krateriskos aus dem Artemisheiligtum in Brauron, die einen Mann und eine Frau mit einer Bärenmaske zeigen. Im Kontext der auf anderen Vasen derselben Herkunft dargestellten rituellen Handlungen ist anzunehmen, dass es sich dabei um Kultpersonal handelt, siehe MYLONOPOULOS 2006, 100–102 mit Abb. 13 a–c und REEDER 1995, 327–28, Nr. 100. 14. JOST 2008, 107. 15. Der Tempel ist nicht identisch mit dem megaron und wurde im 2. Jh. v. Chr. errichtet. Die im Abstand von rund einem Meter Entfernung sich erhebenden Stufen sind jedoch sehr wahrscheinlich früheren Datums, was darauf schliessen lässt, dass auf dem Gebiet des späteren Tempels Aufführungen stattfanden, siehe MYLONOPOULOS 2006, 95–6 mit Abb. 9. Das megaron und der Altar sind nicht abgebildet und befanden sich etwas weiter südöstlich. 16. NIELSEN 2002, 23–66, 81–88. Die Beziehung zwischen Ritual und Mythos als dromena bzw. legomena des religiösen Handelns ist spätestens seit der Cambridge School um Jane Harrison ein Thema der Forschung, vgl. NIELSEN 2002, 12–16, und MYLONOPOULOS 2006, 92–4. Zu den Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden von Ritual und Drama siehe GRAF 2007, 58–9. 17. MYLONOPOULOS (2006, 96) vermutet, dass in Lykosura der Mythos von Poseidon und Demeter aufgeführt wurde; PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE (1962, 128–29) und ZARIFI (2007, 232) äussern sich zu narrativen Tänzen, die im Dionysoskult weiterentwickelt wurden. 18. BABELON und BLANCHET 1895, 433 Nr. 984. Die Drapierung der Toga legt eine Datierung in die frühe bis mittlere Kaiserzeit nahe. Eine genauere Einordnung ist kaum vorzunehmen, da schwer erkennbar ist, ob der Umbo bereits in sich gedreht ist oder lediglich als Bausch über die Schulter fällt. Nimmt man ersteres an — wozu aufgrund meiner Beobachtung eine gewissen Berechtigung besteht — wäre eine Entstehung nicht vor der 2. Hälfte des 1. Jh. n. Chr. anzunehmen. 19. Jerusalem, Bible Lands Museum? KUNZE 2007, 235–36 R 28; LEIPEN 1984, 43 Nr. 40 (hier ins 2.–1. Jh. v. Chr. datiert). 20. Dieser Unterschied führt übrigens auch dazu, dass die Unterscheidung zwischen kultischen und ‚dramatischen’ Maskenträgern in der Vasenmalerei wesentlich einfacher ist (vgl. die in Anm. 13 erwähnten Figuren auf einem krateriskos aus Brauron). 21. Siehe SCHMIDT 1998, 19, und CSAPO 2010, 28, 53–56, zur Identifizierung bestimmter Vasenbilder bzw. CSAPO 1993, 46–7, zu den kleinplastischen Beispielen. 22. Für einen Überblick über die Masken der Alten und Mittleren Komödie siehe WEBSTER 1978, 14 –26. 23. Das Trikot wurde unter dem Übergewand zwar immer noch getragen, weil durch seine Farbe die Hautfarbe der dargestellten Person angegeben wurde. Die ausgestopften Bäuche und Gesässe fielen aber weg, vgl. MATTHIES 2006, 75. 24. SCHWARZMEIER 2006, 66 mit Abb. 154, 156, 159; MATTHIES 2006, 75 mit Abb. 166, 175; WEBSTER et al. 1995, 1.

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25. BIEBER 1961, 245. Vgl. WEBSTER et al. 1995, 6–8, zu den Schwierigkeiten, die mit Pollux als Quelle verbunden sind. 26. Die nach griechischen Vorlagen geschriebenen und aufgeführten Komödien hiessen palliata, nach dem Himation, in das die Schauspieler gehüllt waren. Sie war neben der togata und der trabeata eine der drei literarischen Formen der Komödie, neben denen auch rein mündliche Formen existierten. Die togata und die trabeata, benannt nach den Mänteln der römischen Soldaten bzw. Ritter, waren weniger beliebt als die palliata nach griechischem Vorbild: „Offenbar war es nicht möglich, die gewagten Inhalte der in griech. Ambiente spielenden plautinischen und terenzischen Stücken direkt als röm. Wirklichkeit auszugeben.“ Neue Pauly 6:703 s. v. “Komödie”. Mimendarsteller trugen keine Masken und keine speziellen Kostüme, siehe BIEBER 1961, 106–7. 27. BIEBER 1961, 92, 161 –2. Zu den zahlreichen römischen Kopien griechischer Theaterdarstellungen vgl. CSAPO 2010, 151–153 Abb. 5.6–9. 28. Neben den ‚Vögeln’ kommen auch in den ‚Wespen’ des Aristophanes Tiere als Protagonisten vor. In den ‚Fröschen’ stellen sie den Chor. Bereits der Komödiendichter Magnes hatte zu Beginn des 5. Jh. v. Chr. Stücke mit den Namen ‚Gallwespen’, ‚Frösche’ und ev. auch ‚Vögel’ verfasst. Auch von Krates sind ‚Vögel’ sowie ‚Tiere’, sodann von Eupolis ‚Ziegen’, von Platon ‚Ameisen’, von Cantharus ebenfalls ‚Ameisen’ sowie ‚Nachtigalle’ und von Archippus ‚Fische’ zumindest dem Titel nach überliefert, siehe PICKARD-CAMBRIGDE 1962, 154. 29. Ehemals Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AE.83. 30. SCHMIDT 1998, 20–1. 31. SCHMIDT 1998, 21. 32. GREEN 1985, 117. 33. CSAPO 2010, 9–12. 34. AUCH GREEN 1985, 111 MIT ANM. 16, ist die Ähnlichkeit mit den Hähnen aufgefallen. Er bleibt aber bei einer Zuordnung der Szene zu den ‚Vögeln’ mit dem Argument, dass „there is good evidence to suppose that ordinarily this was the bird to the Greeks.“ 35. Atlanta, Museum of Emory University 2008.4.1. Datierung um 425 v. Chr. Auf der Rückseite befindet sich ein Flötenspieler. Siehe auch CSAPO 2010, 9–10 mit Abb. 1.5. 36. Die Identifizierung als Choreuten verdankt sich dabei nicht nur den Kostümen, sondern vor allem auch den tanzenden Bewegungen, welche die ‚Hähne’ begleitet vom Flötenspieler vollziehen. Hier besteht eine enge Parallele zu Darstellungen von Tragödienchören, wie sie CSAPO (2010, 8 Abb. 1, 3, 11–2) namentlich auf einem Fragment in Kiew ausmacht. Zur mehrfach bemerkten Ähnlichkeit mit der Ausstattung der Satyrn im Satyrspiel siehe FRONING 2009, 118–121. 37. MUSCARELLA 1974, Nr. 49. 38. MUSCARELLA 1974, Nr. 49: „The face under the mask is broken off.“ Die Rückseite der Figur ist nicht ausgeformt. 39. PÜTZ 2008, 230–233. Zum Wiedehopf, zu dem Tereus (fast ganz) geworden ist, würden im Übrigen auch die zwei Federn auf dem Kopf als Andeutung des Kamms passen. 40. VOEGTLE 2015, 61. 41. GREEN 1985, 101–3 mit Abb. 6, 8–11, 14, 16, 17–20. 42. Zum Beispiel Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 20.18, 490–480 v. Chr., siehe Green 1985, Abb. 20 a. 43. Berlin, Antikensammlung F 1697, 550–530 v. Chr., siehe GREEN 1985, Abb. 6. 44. CSAPO 2010, 11: „The human characters are also for the most part unmasked and few of them show any sign of the usual comic costume.“ 45. HENRICHS 1992, 54. 46. SIFAKIS 1971, 73–75. Taf. 1–8. Zur formalen Integration dieser Gruppen in die attische Komödie siehe SIFAKIS (1971, 94–108) zur Hypothese, dass bei den Umzügen in Tiergestalt theriomorphe Gottheiten verehrt wurden äussern sich Pickard-Cambridge (1962, 151–157) und SIFAKIS (1971, 79– 83).

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47. Neue Pauly 6:700 s. v. “Komödie”. NIELSEN (2002, 158–167) glaubt, dass in Rom bereits vor der Einführung des griechischen Dramas eine entsprechende lateinische Tradition bestand. 48. GOETTE 1989, 113 Taf. 4.5 (Nr. A d 5) und 141 Taf. 30.1 (Nr. C a 2). Zu den Datierungen siehe GOETTE 1989, 20. 54–56. 49. VON GONZENBACH 1995, 187–88, Abb. 63. 50. London, British Museum 1966,7.25.1; HIGGINS 1966–67, 49–50. Abb. 9; Von GONZENBACH 1989, 184 Abb. 60.2. 51. Arist. phgn. 811 a 30 f. 812 a 10 f. Siehe dazu auch VOEGTLE 2015, 132–33. 52. VOEGTLE 2015, 151 f. 53. Die Togati-Statuetten aus Ton sind gemäss von GONZENBACH (1995, 169, 188) vor allem im Umfeld der Freigelassenen zu verorten, die damit, ähnlich der Darstellungen auf den Grabmälern, ihren neu gewonnenen Status betonen: Toga und Schriftrolle dienen in diesem Fall als sichtbare Zeichen des römischen Bürgerrechts und werden bewusst zur Schau gestellt. Die Kleinplastik war für eine weniger kaufkräftige Schicht eine erschwingliche Möglichkeit, diesem Repräsentationsbedürfnis nachzukommen. 54. VOEGTLE 2015, 147, 163, 165. 55. VOEGTLE 2015, 145–49,162–71. 56. KUNZE 2007, 235. 57. Siehe FITTSCHEN (1970, 179–80 mit Taf. 75, 1–2) für den Fall des ‚Arringatore’. 58. In der Regel verwendete die griechisch-römische Tierkarikatur nicht den Pavian, sondern den Berberaffen oder die Meerkatze als Affenmodell. Die Verwendung des Pavians könnte hier auf einen spezifisch ägpyto-römischen Kontext hinweisen, vgl. dazu auch VOEGTLE 2015, 147. Das hier besprochene Beispiel scheint die Verzerrung durch den Affen auch am restlichen Körper anzudeuten, der zumindest leicht grotesk anmutet. Zur damit aufkommenden Frage der ‚verkleideten Tiere’ siehe VOEGTLE 2015, 185–86. 59. So schreibt Pollux (Poll., 4. 143): „Die Masken der Alten Komödie wurden zumeist den Gesichtern derer, die sie verspotteten, ähnlich gemacht oder wurden ins Lächerliche gezogen.“ (Übersetzung S. Vogt). 60. Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Antikensammlung ANSA_V_2885, Herkunft Myrina, Datierung 3.–2. Jh. v. Chr.; LAUBENBERGER 2009, 153 Abb. 3. 61. Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts SzM T 540, Herkunft Ägypten. Zur Datierung werden keinen näheren Angaben gemacht, siehe TÖRÖK 1995, 151–52. 62. Paris, Louvre CA 1784, H 16 cm, Datierung 175–150 v. Chr.; HART 2011, 49 Taf. 18. 63. HART 2011, 49; MATTHIES 2006, 72. 64. SCHWARZMEIER 2006, 58. 65. VOEGTLE 2015, 144–45. 66. Dies war vor allem in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit der Fall; die Theateraufführungen klassischer Zeit sind hier nicht in Betracht gezogen, siehe CSAPO 2010, 173–74, 179, 182–83. 67. VOEGTLE 2015, 242–43. 68. An der Herkunft der Verzerrung aus der Physiognomie des Tieres ändert sich auch dann nichts, wenn man das Gesicht nicht direkt als jenes eines Affen sehen will. 69. Vgl. Polem., phgn. 2. 21 b. Zur Verwendung des lateinischen Wortes simia als Synonym für imitator siehe MCDERMOTT 1936, 164–65. 70. Ail., nat. 5, 26 (Übersetzung U. und K. Treu). 71. Lukian., Pisc. 36. Zu anderen Arten der Darbietung, für die man Affen verwendete, siehe MCDERMOTT 1936, 137–38. 72. Zur Funktion der Karikaturen im Allgemeinen und der Tierkarikaturen im Besonderen siehe VOEGTLE 2015, 127–130, 243–245.

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INDEX

Schlüsselwörter: tragödie, affe, tiermaske, schauspielerstatuetten

AUTHOR

SIMONE VOEGTLE Universität Bern [email protected]

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Bust Thymiateria from Olbia Pontike

Tetiana M. Shevchenko

1 Terracotta female busts supporting cup-thymiateria on their heads are best known in south Italian examples of the Hellenistic period. A cup in the shape of a flower, such as a lotus, was attached to the heads of these busts and was used for burning incense, or thymiam, during religious practices. While some bust thymiateria appeared at the end of the 5th century B.C.E. in Olynthus and Halicarnassos,1 the greatest number have been found in Italy, where they occurred first at Posdeidonia in the 4th century B.C.E. and subsequently spread throughout southern Italy. They also were taken up by Alexandrian and East Greek coroplasts, who produced them from the 4th to the 2 nd centuries,2 while several similar “terracottas with cups” are known from Myrmekion in the Crimea.3 It is worth noting that in many ancient Greek centers bust thymiateria acquire their most particular form and iconography in the Hellenistic period, as we can see in examples from Gordion and Amisos in Asia Minor.4 However, the presence of bust thymiateria at Black Sea sites has been questioned by some scholars, who contend that such terracotta types were never produced outside of Italy at all.5

2 This contention has encouraged me to present to the archaeological community a series of female terracotta busts from Olbia Pontike that served as cup-thymiateria, unfortunately preserved only in fragments. Some 20 fragments of possibly 17 examples were brought to light during excavations directed by L. M. Slavin at Olbia from the 1940s to the 1960s, while two more were found at the beginning of the 1970s by A. S. Rusiayeva; they now are housed in the Scientific Funds of the Institute of Archaeology NAS of Ukraine. Only two of them have ever been illustrated,6 and not any that are represented by these fragments have ever been described or discussed in the archaeological literature. Most of these fragments pertain to thymiateria that are about 19 cm in height. Mouldmade, they depict either a female dressed in a sleeveless chiton, a stephane, and earrings, or a female member of Dionysos’ cult wearing a chiton, tainia, wreath, and corymbs (Fig. 2).

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Fig. 2. Female member of Dionysos’ cult wearing a chiton, tainia, wreath, and corymbs.

3 This lack of interest in the Olbian bust thymiateria is the result of infrequent scientific interaction between Ukrainian and foreign scholars, but also of an inaccurate interpretation of these half-figures in the archaeological literature, since the cup- thymiaterion is often interpreted as a headdress. Because of this, the generally accepted identification of the two best-preserved bust thymiateria with corymbs has been that they depict Demeter, since the thymiaterion cup on the female’s head has been referred to as a kernos.7 This interpretation has been questioned by Irene Romano8 and later criticized by Pia Bilde, 9 who noted that tainia and corymbs on a female head can only refer to the cult of Dionysos, and therefore Ariadne must be the personage represented. Although the Ariadne interpretation is doubtful, because the woman could be any female involved with the cult of Dionysos, the tainia and corymbs, on the other hand, could indeed refer to the cult of this god. However, it has become obvious today that the roughly made and added details on the heads of these female busts are not headdresses or attributes at all, but rather the functional parts of thymiateria.

4 That this has not been suggested by scholars in the past is due to the fact that the cups do not show traces of burning, such as soot. However, bust thymiateria from Capua also lack traces of burning,10 even though in some examples from Poseidonia soot can be observed inside the cups. It must be asked what could be the motivation behind the application of these small containers on the heads of female busts, if the busts were used solely as votives. In fact, even certain terracotta images that are atypical for thymiateria were altered by hand in order to have a thymiaterion cup on the head (Fig. 7a). The need for such a form as a figurative terracotta had to be driven by corresponding religious requirements, in which the depiction of a female could serve as a vessel for a small amount of some substance used during cult practice. Taking into consideration the Greek parallels, the suggestion arises that if the Olbian busts were not used for incense burning, then they could have had another cultic function, such as a receptacle for scented oil that could have been poured into the open cup of a bust thymiaterion to perfume the air for an extended period.

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Fig. 7a.

5 Even though the female bust was made in a mould, the thymiaterion cup was always a simple structure added by hand, a feature that contrasts with the plastically-elaborated female figure. This distinguishes the Olbian thymiateria from their south Italian counterparts, whose receptacle is always a flower that was produced in a mould. Quite different also are the depictions of the females themselves. Those wearing a stephane (cat. nos. 4–12) repeat the iconographic scheme of the large, (29 cm high) locally- produced, terracotta half figures (figs. 1 and 2),11 as well as marble sculpture of this period.12 The female depicted in these large terracottas has been interpreted as Kore/ Persephone.13 Due to the lack of attributes that could associate her with any other mythological female, she has been viewed as emerging from the ground because of her abbreviated representation.14 However, many other female busts from the Hellenistic period with undisputed attributes have no relation to Kore/Persephone.15 In my view, the impetus for creating only half of a figure was more of an issue of function and convenience. During the course of the iconographic development of Hellenistic period, terracottas in the Hellenistic period, there was an increasing interest in large-scale imagery, and a corresponding greater attention to decoration and detail. Figures became larger, the walls thicker, and the decorative elements heavier. Consequently, full-sized depictions of a human figure that could be mass-produced by means of a mold would have been too heavy and unwieldy for a purchaser to acquire and use. Half figures, having larger depictions of faces, and occasionally hands, as well as attributes, would have been more valued, as well as more convenient for the offering table, or any other horizontal surface. Their walls are thick at the base and smoothly cut below, technical features that facilitate stability. Considering all these observations, we can say that there is no direct evidence testifying to the fact that the large, Olbian half figures depicted Kore/Persephone, since their clothing and headdress were usual for any female representation. Perhaps their identification can be indirectly defined by their co-finds.

6 Certain peculiarities of half figures that are so close to the fragmented bust thymiateria from Olbia suggest that the smaller versions imitated the larger half figures. The author of the fragmented thymiateria copied every detail: the hairstyle, clothing, figural proportions, and pose. Different are only those elements that required more effort in workmanship. The half-figure concept was abbreviated to a bust to avoid protruding hands with its necessity for four more moulds, and these busts were not ornamented with thin ribbons hanging from stephanai, or with cone-shaped, pendant

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earrings. Finally, a wide hole in the top of the head of the half figures that is framed by separately moulded decoration is replaced by a handmade cup. In this way, a series of busts was produced, of which fragments at least nine examples have been brought to light. After casting, the coroplast added only a low stephane and globular earrings.

7 The purpose of the hole in the top of the head of the half figures has escaped discussion in the literature. A comparison of the terracotta half figure (fig. 1) with the busts being discussed gives rise to a consideration of its structure within the context of its function during religious practice.

Fig. 1. Terracotta half figure.

It may be that a high support could have been placed through the wide opening at the bottom of the half figure, while a thymiaterion cup could have been placed on its head. Then, the turn to simpler thymiateria with added cups, having a morphology popular in Greece of that period, seems to have been a logical step forward Two forms were used to produce a series of busts-thymiateria depicting a woman in stephane (fig. 3). At least two forms can be traced in production of busts depicting a woman from thiasus of Dionysus (fig. 4). In addition to these serial terracottas, there are single depictions of other personages with thymiateria on their heads. They are, fist of all, fragments of two identical heads with broken cups found at the area of temenos

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Fig. 4. Woman from thiasus of Dionysus.

8 Two moulds were used to produce a series of busts-thymiateria depicting a woman in stephane (fig. 3). At least two moulds can be traced in production of busts depicting a woman from thiasus of Dionysus (fig. 4). In addition to these serial terracottas, there are single depictions of other personages with thymiateria on their heads. They are, fist of all, fragments of two identical heads with broken cups found at the area of temenos16 (fig. 6). These bust thymiateria are imported and depict a woman wearing a polos. Also found were heads broken from busts representing the Mother of the Gods,17 on which the polos is transformed into a thymiam container. In one case, its rims are widened by hand after moulding18 (fig. 7a). Another bust (fig. 7b), like the aforementioned large, half figure, has a wide hole through the top of its head. It is close in size to the serial thymiateria cat. nos. 4–12. Additionally, there are two small holes in the opposite walls of the polos.

Fig. 7b.

It is not known what could have been affixed to these openings, although it is clear that they could not have been for suspension since the figure would have been too heavy for hanging.19 It can only be assumed that such elements were a part of the thymiaterion and were intended as supports for elements made of organic materials. The headdress of this Mother of the Gods thymiaterion is also known in Hellenistic Troy, as well as at

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other Hellenistic sites.20 Busts with a thymiaterion cup in the form of a polos are common for this goddess, as we see in Apulia, so the Olbia finds are not exclusive.

9 Nevertheless, the more traditional bust thymiateria types from Olbia represent a female wearing a stephane (cat. nos. 4–12), while a second one shows a female associated with a Dionysiac cult (cat. nos. 1–3). It is interesting that in south Italy, where bust thymiateria were widely used, one finds examples interpreted as participants in the thiasos of Dionysos, or Aphrodite.21 In Myrina and Agros in Asia Minor these have been viewed as fertility goddesses, such as Demeter,22 or Isis in Amisos.23 It is likely that the tradition of bust thymiateria usage and production came to Olbia from Asia Minor’s Greek centers, whose products influenced Olbian coroplasts in the Hellenistic period. While the concept of the bust thymiaterion was borrowed, it also was changed by local taste and religious practice, so that a new form of sculptural expression came into being. Most of the busts-thymiateria fragments come from the excavations at dwelling houses. In two cases they are found two in one context. They are often discovered together with other terracottas, with relief cups, and in three cases with a lamp. Terracottas accompanying these thymiateria are depicting females, in two cases related with Dionysus cult, in two other they are depicting the Mother of the gods. Thus, we receive the same circle of cults in which the thymiateria were used.

10 A suggestion comes into focus that the busts with cup thymiateria from Olbia Pontike were used in household cults for the worship of Dionysos and the Mother of the Gods, and very possibly for other goddesses as well. I would suggest that aromatic oils were placed in the cups on the heads of these divinities, oils that were intended for a less active, and less intense, circulation of scents than occurs with help of burning. Such terracotta bust thymiateria were most widely used in Olbia in the first half of the 3rd century B.C.E., with the latest example, that of a female from the Dionysiac thiasos, dated to the second half of the 3rd century B.C.E. (fig. 2). The example interpreted as representing the Mother of the Gods wearing a polos reshaped as a thymiaterion cup is earlier and is placed in the second half of the 4th century B.C.E.

Catalogue

Females with corymbs

1. Inv. no. О-48/2079. Fig. 4a. Section of forehead and hair. Hollow. Preserves a section of the head from below the brows to the headdress; wears a wide taenia across the forehead, above which are two corymbs and a wreath wound with ribbons. Preserved height 6.5 cm; preserved width 6.9 cm. Clay is beige with small particles of limestone and mica. Found in 1948 at the west of Area И, north-eastern part of the upper city, arbitrary level 10, cinder-loamy soil, depth 1.75 m, together with hand-made and red clay pottery. A fragment of a figurine of the Mother of the Gods (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. 2119) was found at the same site, although in the grid 352, arbitrary level 8 or 9. Parallels: Almost intact bust thymiaterion from Olbia, now at the National Museum of the History of Ukraine (Fig. 2). This example has clear, legible features with details of hair and wreath retouched after casting; parallel lines are also cut into the wreath to show that it is decorated with twisted ribbons. The handmade cup was attached to the head at the center

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with the joins neatly smoothed out. A wide tainia encircles the head above which is a wreath wound with ribbons; corymbs decorate the forehead.

Fig. 4a. Section of forehead and hair.

1. Inv. no. О-67/631. Fig. 4b. Bust fragment. Hollow. Preserves the left shoulder and breast with the lower finished edge of the bust; two locks of hair on shoulder; double folds of inner edge of the chiton and a wide band at its outer edge. Broken around three sides. Preserved height 5.6 cm; preserved width 6.9 cm. Clay is rick-red, with small particles of limestone and mica. The surface is covered with a white slip; traces of dark pink pigment on the himation and red on a wide band coming down from the neck. Found in 1967 at the Area E7, near agora, house 14 at the grid 615, depth 2.30–2.50 m, where almost all finds are dated from the end of the 4th to the 2nd centuries B.C.E. (Slavin 1967, 21). Peculiarities of the coiffure and clothing precisely parallel the bust thymiaterion with corymbs (Fig. 2).24

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Fig. 4b. Bust fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-60/357. Fig. 4c. Bust fragment. Hollow. Recomposed from two parts; broken around three sides. Preserves the shoulder, double folds of the edge of a chiton, a section of a lock of hair, and a part of a wide ribbon presumably from a wreath on the head. Preserved height 6.8 cm; preserved width 2.9 cm. Local dark pink clay with small particles of quartz and mica. Found in 1960 at the Area E7, grid 537 north, depth 1.5–1.95 m. Found in the same context are a terracotta fragment (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 356) depicting an actor sitting on an altar, a head from a stone statuette, fragments of relief cups, black glazed pottery, luteria, and an oinochoe. All the details testify to the fragment’s belonging to the type of the bust thymiaterion of a female with corymbs on her head. Unlike the bust thymiateria with stephane, the details of the dress in the bust thymiateria with corymbs are represented less clearly. The dress is a sleeveless chiton pinned at the shoulders with round fibulae, but its edges and folds are much more plastic, elaborated, and shown in greater detail. The indication of clothing on a fragment О-47/800 (cat. no. 12), as well as on the large half figure (Fig. 1), is sketchier, with its edges indicated by coarse rolls and the folds by parallel grooves. Terracottas with corymbs seem to have been produced earlier than those represented wearing a stephane.

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Fig. 4c. Bust fragment.

Females wearing a stephane, tainia, and globular earrings

11 Parallels: Large, half figure, Museum of Archaeology, Kiev,25 (fig. 1).

12 There are 9 fragments of bust thymiateria wearing a stephane, of which two (cat. nos. 4 and 6) have only the face preserved. They were all cast in the same mould as that of the almost wholly preserved head (cat. no. 5), so they can be grouped together with confidence. Three other fragments also may relate to the same group, although only the upper left part of a face is preserved in one, and in the other it is only a fragment of the headdress. Females wearing a stephane made from a second mould series differ from the first one in some details. As these fragments show, there was no tainia at the bottom of the stephane, as it is seen on the first three fragments. Also the heads with tainia are decorated with larger earrings than those without. Moreover, it can not be excluded that on some examples stephanai with pendants could have been added by hand, as was done on the large, half figures. Additionally, there are fragments with stephanai that cannot be grouped with either of these two mould series because one of them contains only the right part of the head and therefore lacks relevant parts for comparisons, and the other preserves an unusually high stephane. 1. Inv. no. О-56/279. Fig. 3a. Face fragment. Hollow. Broken all around. Preserves the face from brow to chin. Preserved height 5.1 cm; preserved width 4.0 cm. Clay is beige to light grey with quartz inclusions and traces of mica and oxidized ceramic particles. Same mould series as cat. nos. 5 and 6 below. Found in 1956 at the Area E6, houses near agora, grid 405, depth 1.03–1.35 m with fragments of black glazed and lots of relief pottery, coal, and copper and bone objects. A terracotta fragment (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 230) was found at the same spot at the depth 0.60–1.03 m. A plastic vase fragment depicting a horse’s head (inv. no. 329) and a lower part of a figure (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 359) were found at the same spot at the depth 1.70–2.00 m.

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The clay was put into the mould in successive layers to obtain the best cast. The face is a long oval with long, tapering cheeks. Eyes are vaguely indicated; upper lid is sharper with hollows at the inner corners of the eyes. Nose is short, narrow, and straight. Mouth is set close to the nose and has very full lips with depressions at the corners. The area below the nose was retouched with an instrument with a rounded edge. There is a mould defect below the lower lip caused by a crack in the mould; this defect is also paralleled in cat. no. 5 below (Fig. 3b). Another example from the same mould series, cat. no. 6 below, lacks this mould defect.

Fig. 3a. Face fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-72/АГД/103. Fig. 3b. Head fragment. Hollow. Preserves a female head and section of the neck on the right side. Wears stephane, tainia, and globular earrings; preserves the lower part of the thymiaterion cup on the head. The stephane is chipped, and the tip of the nose and left nostril is fractured; broken across the neck. Rectangular opening (2.5 cm wide) at the back. Preserved height 10.3 cm; preserved width 7.6 cm. Clay is local, from light brown to dark pink, with small black and white inclusions and traces of mica. There are traces of white slip on the surface and some traces of pink pigment on face and stephane. Incised lines are found on the inner surface of the cup on the head. They can be the lower part of three letters, while their upper part is broken off with the body of the cup. Legible are the first two letters: П and Κ. They could be part of a craftsman’s signature. Found in 1972 at the Western Temenos. Taking into consideration the hairstyle, headdress, and jewelry, this type is analogous to the completely preserved female half figure26 (Fig. 1). The main difference between the two is the smaller size of the thymiaterion cup and the lack of a tainia and pendants. Also, while on the half figure the thymiaterion cup was cast in the shape of a flower, what remains of the cup on the bust suggests that it was plain and handmade. The last detail distinguishing our bust from the half figure is the fragmented depiction of the border of a himation that falls from the back to the front of the female’s left shoulder, details that are missing on the half figure. The facial features correspond to those of cat. no. 4 above (Fig. 3a), since this belongs to the same mould series; this is attested by the mould defect under the lower lip. In addition, this fragment preserves a high triangular forehead and massive, long neck. The lips were retouched and the nose was distorted. Based on

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the characteristics of features and the technique, this bust can be dated from the end of the 4th to the first half of the 3rd century B.C.E.

Fig. 3b. Head fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-47/5086. Fig. 3c. Face fragment. Hollow. Broken all around. Face as in cat. nos. 4 and 5 above, but from a later stage in serial production. No trace of mould defect under the lip. Preserved height 6.3 cm; preserved width 4.1 cm. Clay is burnt grey, calcined by fire. Inclusions of quartz and a few tiny flakes of mica. Found in 1947 at the Area E, near agora, grids 92 or 91 south, in ashy layer, at 1,80– 2,45 m depth, together with 5 repurposed amphora handles, fragments of black glazed pottery with white paint, graffiti, coins, wall plaster painted red, yellow paint, egg shells, and seeds. Fragments of a plastic vase and two terracottas were found at the same place at the depth 1.0–2.10 m.

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Fig. 3c. Face fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-60/583. Fig. 3d. Head fragment. Hollow. Preserved are part of the back, part of the upper left side with hair and stephane, and the section of the right side with part of hair, base of stephane, and a round earring. The thymiaterion cup was high with its maximum preserved height 3.2 cm; rim is broken. Rectangular opening 2.9 cm wide at the back. Preserved height 8.0 cm; preserved width 7.1 cm. In two fragments. Clay is local, beige, with small black and white particles, inclusions of organic materials and mica; the surface is covered with a lime encrustation. Found in 1960 at the Area E7, near agora, grid 517, depth 0.4–0.65 m, together with black glazed pottery. The head has center-parted hair with locks combed back over the temples. Wears a high stephane and a globular earring. Behind the stephane is a thymiaterion cup. The stephane and cup were made by hand and securely attached to the head. The cup is placed at the center but slightly bent toward the left temple. The crisp details of the hair suggest that this came from an early phase in serial production.

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Fig. 3d. Head fragment. Bust Thymiateria with

Stephane, Globular Earrings, But No Tainia

13 The following three bust thymiateria belong to the same mould family. The iconographic elements are analogous to the first group, but there is no tainia at the base of the stephane. 1. Inv. no. О-63/1488. Fig. 3g. Head fragment. Hollow. Preserved is the upper part of the right side of the face to below the lower lip; broken vertically along left side of the nose and across the cheek; stephane chipped. Only a part of base of a hand-modeled thymiaterion cup is preserved, which which affixed to the head adjacent to the back side of stephane. Iconographic scheme similar to that of cat. nos. 5, 6, and 7 above, but head lacks a tainia. Facial features are more distinct. Globular earring is attached through a hole in the side of the head with a tenon. Preserved height 7.6 cm; preserved width 5.9. Clay is light orange, yellow on the surface, with black and white inclusions and mica. Found in 1963 at Area E6-7, grid 596 east and 607 east, at the depth 0–0.4 m, together with a relief cup fragment, copper coins. The style and workmanship suggest a date perhaps in the first half of the 3rd century B.C.E. This and the following two examples were imported from a single center.

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Fig. 3g. Head fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-49/194. Fig. 3f. Hair fragment. Hollow. Broken all around. Preserves hair, stephane and the base of the cup on the left side. Hairstyle analogous to that of cat. no. 5 above. Preserved height 5.9 cm; preserved width 5.2 cm. Clay is light orange with coarse streaks of pyroxene and insignificant inclusions of quartz and mica. Found in 1949 at the Area E, near agora, grid 55, cistern «Л», depth 1.75–2.05 m, together with loom weights, fragments of relief cups, black glazed pottery, red- figure and black glazed stamped pottery, an amphoriskos, a red clay lamp, graffiti, astragaloi. Also in this cistern was found a fragment of another bust thymiaterion from the same mould (cat. no. 10)

Fig. 3f. Hair fragment.

1. Inv. no. Ол-49/128. Fig. 10. Face fragment.

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Hollow. Preserves left section of face with forehead, eye, and cheek. Broken all around. Traces of white slip on the face and dark color on the stephane and an eye. Iconographic scheme as in cat. nos. 8 and 9 above. Preserved height 7.1 cm; preserved width 6.1 cm. Clay is local, light brown, grey in the core, with small particles of mica. Found in 1949 at the Area E, near agora, from cistern «Л», which is referred to as a cultic assemblage.27 It is found at the same level with fragments of relief vessels, a luterion, a piece of marble with graffiti, and two terracottas, a wreath from a figure of Dionysos or a member of his thiasos (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 127), and a lion cub on the lap of the Mother of the Gods (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 126). The thymiaterion cup has thick walls and is crudely attached to the head.

Fig. 10. Face fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-52/2329. Fig. 3e. Head fragment. Hollow. Preserved is the back of the head, broken along the join at the level of the stephane. Oval vent at the back of the skull. Broken all around; thymiaterion cup is missing. Preserved height 9.3 cm; preserved width 8.2 cm. Clay is light brown, grey in the core, with small limestone particles.

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Fig. 3e. Head fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-47/800. Shoulder fragment. Hollow. Preserves a section of the right shoulder and the lower edge of the bust. Wears a chiton fastened on the shoulder with a spherical fibula, attached after casting. Broken diagonally along the shoulder and the across neck. Traces of white slip and pink pigment on the chiton. Preserved height 7.1 cm; preserved width 3.5 cm. Clay is dark orange with large inclusions of quartz and small flakes of mica. Found in 1947 in the area of the lower city (НГФ), in a room in a house, in an ash and humus layer, at the depth of 0.95–1.25 m, together with a red clay amphoriskos, a weight, a red clay lamp, and two fragments of terracottas (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. nos. 801 and 802). All details of this fragment are paralleled in the intact female half figure wearing a stephane.28 Its size corresponds to that of the group of thymiateria discussed above. 1. S.n. Fig. 5a. Cup from a bust thymiaterion. Hand modeled cup has flaring profile. Traces of thick, white slip on the surface. Preserved height 4.9 cm; preserved width 6.1 cm. Clay is coarse and porous, from dark orange to red on the surface, grey at the core, with quartz and organic inclusions. This fabric is probably from the southern Black region. The thymiaterion cup is broken from the head of a bust. At the level of the break on the front side is a small hole 1.5 mm in diameter apparently from a pin made of an organic material for attaching the stephane to the head. The cup perhaps belonged to a bust of the same size as the ones discussed above, although the join is wider in this example. There are fingerprints over the join from smoothing it.

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Fig. 5a. Cup from a bust thymiaterion.

1. Inv. no. О-60/521. Fig. 8. Bust fragment. Hollow. Preserves the left section of a bust with three folds of a chiton around the neck and two thicker folds of a himation that fall down the shoulder. Broken all around. Made of the same clay is an insignificant terracotta fragment, possibly of a bust. Preserved height 5.5 cm; preserved width 4.5 cm. Clay is porous, from dark pink to brown, with coarse inclusions of quartz and organic materials; the surface is covered with a lime encrustation. Found in 1960 at the Area E6, grids 418 west or 423 west, at the depth 0–0.45 cm, together with a fragment of the base of a terracotta figurine (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 520), graffiti on pottery, fragments of black figured and stamped, black glazed ceramics, Hellenistic relief cups, and a miniature vessel. This fragment perhaps belonged to the bust thymiateria of which only the cup is preserved (cat. no. 13). This can be placed in the Hellenistic period.

Fig. 8. Bust fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-67/126. Fig. 5b. Cup fragment. Preserves a section of a thymiaterion cup and a section of a high stephane. The cup and stephane were hand modeled.

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Preserved height 4.6 cm; preserved width, 5.4 cm. Clay is dark orange, beige on the surface, with small mica and coarse quartz inclusions. There are traces of white slip on the right side and inside the cup, and of red and pink pigments on the stem of the cup. Found in 1967 at the Area E6-7 south, near the agora, in the house 14 (grids 615 west and 730 west, at the depth 1.20–1.70 m, together with loom weight fragments, spindle whorls, fragments of a luterion, red plaster, a plastic vase in the form of a women’s head (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 128), and of a terracotta figurine of the Mother of the Gods (archaeological campaign of 1947, inv. no. 127). Atypical are the thin stem of the cup and the height of stephane. Nevertheless, this fragment, according to its form and size, can be classed with the same series of bust thymiateria discussed above. Hellenistic period.

Fig. 5b. Cup fragment

Bust Thymiateria Representing the Mother of the Gods

14 Two similar head fragments (cat. nos. 16 and 17) found in 1974 at the Western Temenos stand apart because of their differing fabric, technique, and iconography. They were imported, as is evidenced by their fabric, and their cups, in the form of a high headdress, differ from the ones listed above. These were not made separately by hand and attached, but rather they were an integral part of the mould for the entire bust. Rusiayeva correctly refers to them as representations of the Mother of the Gods.29 It should be noted that these fragments could not have belonged to the class of the well- known terracotta figurines of the Mother of the Gods sitting on a throne since they are too big for the these figurines of the goddess as she is known in Olbia. Apparently, these heads also belonged to busts. 1. Inv. no. О-74/АГД/477. Fig. 6. Face fragment. Hollow. Preserves the face of a female wearing a low crown. Broken around the face and sides of the hair; nose and lips are fractured. Hair and mouth retouched. Tenon from a thymiaterion cup is inserted into a hole in the top of the crown, but the thymiaterion cup itself is missing. Preserved height 7.9 cm; preserved width 4.3 cm. Clay is buff with a dark pink core and with mica and quartz inclusions. Surface encrusted, black stains.

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The face is a long oval with a high, lunette-shaped forehead framed by hair pulled forward and drawn into a knot above the center of the forehead. The eyes are large with thick lids; the nose is long, and the mouth is small but has very full lips with dimples at the corners. The chin is round and prominent in profile. The missing thymiaterion cup appears to have differed from the handmade cups known from other bust thymiateria at Olbia. In this example it was made separately, but apparently was cast in a mould and inserted into the top of the crown by means of a long tenon. A question of its probable flower shape, like its Italian counterparts, unfortunately remains to be answered. This is dated, as well as the next terracotta, to the early Hellenistic period, or the first half of the 3rd century.

Fig. 6. Face fragment.

1. Inv. no. О-74/АГД/476. Fig. 9. Head fragment. Hollow. Preserves that right side of a face, neck and a part of a top of the head. Wears a polos, himation over the polos, and disk and cone pendant earrings. Broken all around. Preserved height 8.4 cm; preserved width 5.1 cm. Clay is buff with a dark pink core and with mica and quartz inclusions. The face conforms to a long oval framed by center-parted hair that describes a high, triangular forehead. The hair is loosely combed back to cover the ears and then has locks that fall over the shoulders in a manner similar to the hair of representations of the Mother of the Gods.30 Large eyes with thick lids and lowered outer corners are set in hollows, as are the full lips that are placed close to the nose. The bust thymiaterion to which this fragment belonged is similar to cat. no. 16, although it is better preserved. The earrings in the form of a disk and cone pendant calls to mind the earrings of the large half figure wearing a stephane (Fig. 1). The headdress here is also similar to that of the Mother of the Gods. It is not as high as a traditional polos, but higher than the stephane of similar busts, and more cylindrical. Unlike the headdress of cat. no. 16 just discussed, a wide tainia encircles the head at the base of the crown. This feature can be compared to that on busts where the stephane is the headdress, with or without the tainia.

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Fig. 9. Head fragment.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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BILDE, P.G. 2010. “Terracotta. The Lower City of Olbia (Secrtor NGS) in the 6th century BC to the 4th century AD.” Black Sea Studies 13:2010, 439–463.

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DENISOVA, V.I. 1981. Koroplastika Bospora: po materialam Tiritaki, Mirmekiiâ, Ilurata i sel’skoĭ usad’by, Leningrad: Nauka.

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LEVI E.I. and L.M SLAVIN. 1970. “Opisanie terrakot ol’vijskoj agory.” In Svod arheologičeskih istočnikov. Vol. G1-11, Part I., 37–41

ROMANO, I.B. 1995. Gordion Special Studies Vol. II. The Terracotta Figurines and Related Vessels. University Museum Monograph. 83. Philadelphia: University Museum.

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RUSJAEVA, A.S. 1979. Zemledel’českie kul’ty v Ol’vii dogetskogo. Kiev: Naukova Dumka.

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ŠEVČENKO, T.M. 2010. “Pіdvіsnі terakoti z Ol’vії ta їh vikoristannja v kul’tovіj prakticі.” In olekcії naukovih fondіv Іnstitutu arheologії NAN Ukraїni: Materіali ta doslіdžennja. Arheologіja і davnja іstorіja Ukraїni. Vol. 3, 94–104.

SUMMERER, L., 1999. Hellenistische Terrakotten aus Amisos. Ein Beitrag zur kunstgeschichte des Pontos gebietes. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.

Thompson, D.B. 1963. Troy. The Terracotta Figurines of the Hellenistic Period. Supplementary Monograph 3. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

VERMASEREN, M.J. 1989. Corpus Cultus Cybelae Atti disque (СССА VI) Germania, Ratia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Thracia, Moesia, Dacia, Regnum Bospori, Colchis, Scythia et Sarmatia. Leiden, New York, Copenhagen, Cologne: Brill.

NOTES

1. ROMANO 1995,17–18. 2. BEDELLO TATA 1990, 4, 39; cf. D’AMBROSIO, BORRIELLO 1990, 76, nos. 191, 196, 198, pl. 31 3. DENISOVA 1981, 35, nos. М-50–М-52, М-110, pl. 7, z,i,l,m. 4. ROMANO1995, pl. 11–14; SUMMERER 1999, pl. 18–19. 5. BEDELLO TATA 1990, 37. 6. RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 53:1,3. 7. HUDJAK 1940, nos. 6–8, figs. 66–68; LEVI, SLAVIN 1970, 41, no. 22, pl. 13:2; RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 29. 8. ROMANO 1995, 17–18. 9. BILDE 2007, 119–126; BILDE 2010, 458–460. 10. BEDELLO TATA 1990, 38. 11. RUSJAEVA 1982, 56, fig. 32 and an unpublished fragment of a similar half figure (inv. no. О-59/1924, housed in the Scientific Funds of the Institute of Archaeology, NAS of Ukraine). 12. KRYŽICKIJ, S.D. et al. 1999, fig. 170; as well as unpublished fragments housed in the Scientific Funds of the Institute of Archaeology, NAS of Ukraine. 13. RUSJAEVA 1979, 56; RUSJAEVA 1982, 57. 14. RUSJAEVA 1982, 56. 15. For instance, Olbian half figures with wreathes of ivy leaves and fruits (Levi, Slavin 1970, pl. 14:3), later interpreted as Demeter (RUSJAEVA 1979, 53, fig. 29,2,4), as well as the Bosporan nude Aphrodites with high elaborate headdresses (DENISOVA 1981, pl. ІІ, л–п). 16. RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 53,1,3. 17. The name the Mother of the Gods is used in this article, instead of the more commonly found name of Cybele, because the name Cybele is not attested in Olbia Pontike. The epigraphic evidence is limited to the name Mater, or the Mother of the Gods. 18. Published in LEVI 1970, с. 44, pl. 17,1, no.17; RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 52; RUSJAEVA 1982, fig. 34,4; VERMASEREN, M.J. 1989, no. 502, pl. 121.

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19. ŠEVČENKO 2010, p. 97–98. 20. THOMPSON 1963, 78. 21. BEDELLO TATA 1990, 36. 22. ROMANO 1995, 17–18. 23. SUMMERER 1999, no. B II 1,3,7, pl. 18. 24. LEVI, SLAVIN 1970, pl. 13:2. 25. Ibid. 26. RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 32. 27. SLAVIN 1949, leaves 12–14. 28. RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 32. 29. RUSJAEVA 1979, fig. 53,1,3. 30. LEVI 1970, pl. 16,1–3, 18,1,2,4; RUSJAEVA 1982, fig. 49–53; KRYŽICKIJ et al. 1999, fig. 180.

INDEX

Keywords: bust, cup, thymiateria, Olbia

AUTHOR

TETIANA M. SHEVCHENKO Institute of Archaeology, the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine [email protected]

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Les terres cuites figurées du sanctuaire de Kirrha (Delphes) : Bilan des premières recherches

Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi

1 Les fouilles menées de 1936 à 1938 par J. Rogers, J. Jannoray et H. van Effenterre sur le site de Kirrha, ancien port de Delphes, ont mis au jour un riche dépôt votif constitué pour l’essentiel de terres cuites figurées et de vases, notamment miniatures. En dehors de quelques études ponctuelles qui ne se sont intéressées qu’à une partie du matériel coroplathique1, ce dépôt n’a fait l’objet jusqu’à présent d’aucune recherche approfondie. Il n’existe aussi à ce jour ni inventaire ni catalogue exhaustifs du matériel, coroplathique comme céramique. C’est dans ce contexte qu’en 2012, Alexandre Farnoux, directeur de l’école française d’Athènes, accepte de me confier le dossier des terres cuites figurées pour en mener à bien l’étude en vue de la publication définitive. Quant aux vases, si leur étude n’est pas encore programmée pour le moment, ils seront néanmoins exploités, en même temps que les terres cuites, dans le cadre d’une réflexion plus large sur la nature du dépôt et son contexte de découverte.

2 Les quelques pages ci-dessous donnent l’occasion de présenter brièvement le dossier ainsi que les résultats déjà obtenus au terme des deux premières campagnes d’étude, en 2013 et en 2014, auxquelles ont participé, dans le cadre de stages de formation, des étudiants en doctorat et en master dont le travail a permis d’avancer plus rapidement dans le traitement matériel (marquage des objets, élaboration d’un inventaire informatisé, enregistrement des données)2.

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1. Histoire des recherches et projet d’étude des terres cuites figurées

1.1. Les fouilles et la découverte des vestiges (fig. 1)

3 En 1936, dans le cadre de l’exploration de la vallée du Pleistos entreprise par l’École française d’Athènes dès la fin du XIXe siècle avec le début des fouilles de Delphes, les recherches ont été étendues tout d’abord à la colline d’Aghios Georgios où furent dégagés les vestiges de la ville préhistorique de Krisa, puis au village de Kirrha, situé en bord de mer, au débouché du Pleistos, où les vestiges d’une stoa tétragone et d’une enceinte avaient déjà été repérés, au lieu-dit La Magoula, par H.N. Ulrichs lors de son voyage en Phocide en 18373. Les fouilles, menées à différents endroits du village par J. Roger, M. Jannoray, et de H van Effenterre, se prolongèrent jusqu’en 1938 et mirent au jour un ensemble de vestiges préhistoriques, depuis l’helladique ancien jusqu’à l’helladique récent, ainsi que plusieurs structures datant de l’époque classique à l’époque romaine4.

Fig. 1 : Plan du sanctuaire de Kirrha.

4 Il reste peu de vestiges de la stoa tétragone dont parlait Ulrichs. Celle-ci délimitait un espace rectangulaire d’environ 160 mètres du Nord au Sud sur 130 mètres d’Est en Ouest. Le portique Sud était ouvert en son milieu par des Propylées dont la salle de sortie débouchait sur quatre longues files de dalles régulièrement espacées qui portaient peut-être des colonnes. En face, le portique Nord était lui aussi percé au milieu d’une porte dont il reste le seuil et qui était peut-être précédée d’un propylon. Dans cet espace ainsi délimité, presqu’en son centre, fut découverte une favissa de 10 à 15 cm d’épaisseur et qui s’étendait sur une aire de 8 mètres sur 12, à environ 75 cm sous le niveau du sol. Elle renfermait un abondant mobilier archéologique, constitué pour l’essentiel de vases miniatures et de figurines en terre cuite, datant de la fin du VIe siècle à la fin du IVe ou au début du IIIe siècle. Quelques mètres à l’Ouest du dépôt furent dégagés les restes d’un édifice de plan rectangulaire avec deux colonnes in antis, orienté

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vers l’Est, qui a été interprété comme un temple. Les vestiges mis au jour furent alors rapprochés d’un passage de Pausanias qui mentionne l’existence à Kirrha d’un temple d’Apollon, Artémis et Létô5. Jacques Roger pensa alors avoir découvert les vestiges du sanctuaire de la Triade Apollinienne et émit l’hypothèse que le temple dont ils avaient dégagé les fondations avait précédé celui qu’avait pu voir Pausanias.

5 La période de fonctionnement du sanctuaire avait été déterminée à l’époque des fouilles en partie par la datation proposée pour les figurines en terre cuite dont les plus anciennes ne semblaient pas remonter au-delà du dernier quart du VIe siècle, et en partie sur le récit fait par Eschine des événements de 339 qui ont conduit à la destruction et à l’incendie du port et des maisons de Kirrha6. J. Roger supposa que le temple avait été pillé et détruit à ce moment-là, les offrandes brisées et éparpillées. Or une grande partie du matériel recueilli est parvenu dans un assez bon état de conservation, beaucoup de figurines étant en effet complètes ou presque : le dépôt d’objets n’est donc pas le résultat d’un pillage mais plutôt d’un nettoyage du sanctuaire visant à se débarasser d’offrandes devenues trop nombreuses et encombrantes. D’autre part, la présence dans le matériel de quelques fragments de figurines de types tanagréens qui ne peuvent être antérieurs à la fin du IVe siècle, de même que l’absence de couche de destruction tendent à montrer que la constitution de la favissa n’a rien à voir avec l’expédition de 339. Le fait que Delphes avait certainement besoin d’un débouché sur la mer, déjà pour accueillir les pélerins, mais aussi pour le commerce, rend d’ailleurs peu probable l’hypothèse d’une destruction totale du port et de la ville.

1.2. Le mobilier archéologique de la favissa

6 Le dépôt mis au jour et fouillé à l’Est du temple a livré un nombre considérable d’offrandes qui sont presque exclusivement des objets en terre cuite, en dehors d’un visage en verre, une tête en marbre coiffée d’un polos datant du début du IVe siècle et de quelques objets en bronze. Le matériel se répartit donc pour l’essentiel en deux grandes catégories : la céramique et les figurines de terre cuite.

7 Le premier ensemble compte à peu près deux milliers de vases, le plus souvent miniatures (skyphoi notamment) et de production corinthienne datant de la fin du VIe et du début du Ve siècles. On peut citer également la présence d’hydries de taille plus importante, de quelques tessons de vases attiques et d’une coupe à figures rouges de la fin de la période sévère sur laquelle est peint un groupe composé de Dionysos qui semble tendre un canthare à une jeune femme s’avançant vers lui, enveloppée dans les lourds drapés de son himation. La scène n’est nullement anodine quand on connaît l’implication du dieu auprès des jeunes femmes, et elle ne devra pas être oubliée quand il s’agira de réfléchir sur la nature des rituels qui devaient se dérouler dans le sanctuaire. Cette coupe, de même qu’un échantillonnage bien représentatif des vases miniatures, sont exposés dans les vitrines du nouveau musée d’Amphissa.

8 Les figurines en terre cuite forment un lot avoisinant les 2 000 pièces qui se répartissent de manière assez égale en deux classes d’offrandes distinctes : les statuettes, qui paraissent au premier abord plus nombreuses, et les représentations partielles, toujours féminines et qui se subdivisent en deux catégories, d’un côté les protomés limitées à la représentation du visage, et de l’autre les protomés-buste, avec ou sans avant-bras. Dans cet ensemble la place des terres cuites importées directement de Corinthe n’est pas négligeable, surtout parmi les statuettes. En revanche, la majorité

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des protomés semblent avoir été fabriquées sur place : soit il s’agit de types importés, surtout d’Ionie, reproduits par le biais de la technique du surmoulage, soit il s’agit de créations régionales ou locales s’inspirant de différents modèles étrangers pour la forme générale comme pour la structure des visages et le détail des coiffures. Ces figurines sont actuellement conservées en deux endroits différents, ce qui ne facilite pas leur prise en charge. La majorité des pièces se trouvent dans les réserves du musée archéologique de Delphes, conditionnées dans une trentaine de caissettes en bois, sur deux à trois couches séparées par du papier doux (fig. 2), tandis que 192 objets (figurines complètes ou beaux fragments), fournissant un échantillonnage très représentatif du répertoire iconographique, sont exposées dans plusieurs vitrines du musée régional d’Amphissa.

Fig. 2 : Quelques caissettes remplies de terres cuites, dans les réserves du musée de Delphes.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

2. Approche méthodologique des terres cuites figurées

2.1. Procédés de fabrication

9 Mises à part quelques pièces entièrement modelées (fig. 3) ou faites dans une technique mixte qui associe un visage moulé à un corps modelé, les statuettes ont été fabriquées au moyen de moules. Il s’agit presque toujours d’un moule simple, utilisé pour la fabrication aussi bien des statuettes que des protomés dont aucune de celles, pourtant très nombreuses, retrouvées à Kirrha ne possède de revers.

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Fig. 3 : Femme assise tenant un objet arrondi (pain ?) contre le ventre. Figurine modelée à la main.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

Les figurines peuvent être massives et au revers plat ou plus ou moins profondément creusé en son centre, comme dans le cas par exemple des figurines de korés ou de péplophores produites par les ateliers de Corinthe au VIe et Ve siècles (fig. 4), ou entièrement creuses et fermées à l’arrière par une plaque modelée à la main et grossièrement mise en forme pour rendre le volume du corps, comme sur de nombreuses figurines béotiennes, attiques ou encore ioniennes des Ve et IVe siècles. Des éléments en modelage massif peuvent être rapportés : il s’agit soit des bras qui sont alors collés contre le torse et tendus à l’horizontale, soit de pièces d’ornementation qui complètent la parure ou le vêtement, soit encore d’attributs qui sont placés dans les mains. Quant au moule bivalve, il n’est représenté, en l’état actuel du tri et du classement, que par un vase plastique en forme de coquillage importé de Grèce de l’Est qui figure parmi les objets les plus anciens du répertoire, ainsi que par quelques oiseaux, probablement aussi d’origine ionienne.

Fig. 4 : Tri, numérotation, classement des fragments de korés du type F 4765 originaire de Corinthe.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

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2.2. Tri et classement du matériel

10 L’utilisation de la technique du moulage pour la fabrication des terres cuites a orienté le choix de la méthode pour la prise en charge du matériel. Les fragments ont ainsi été triés et classés selon les méthodes d’établissement des séries telles qu’elles ont été décrites et exploitées par Arthur Muller dans le cadre de son étude sur les terres cuites du Thesmophorion de Thasos, puis appliquées par les chercheurs de Lille sur différents autres ensembles coroplathiques7. Établir une série (fig. 10, 11) consiste à réunir tous les fragments et les figurines qui dérivent mécaniquement, par l’utilisation des procédés du moulage et du surmoulage, d’un même prototype originel.

Fig. 10 : Type d’éphèbe à la lyre (type F 448) : 12 exemplaires identiques, de même génération et peut-être du même moule.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

À l’intérieur de chaque ensemble, les objets sont ensuite classés les uns par rapports aux autres, tout d’abord en fonction de la génération à laquelle ils appartiennent, puis éventuellement, pour chaque génération reconnue, en fonction du moule dont ils ont été tirés, et en fonction de la version qu’ils reproduisent. Celle-ci peut être la version d’origine qui est celle du prototype, ou bien une version secondaire fabriquée à un moment donné de la production par transformation d’un exemplaire avant cuisson. En ce qui concerne les terres cuites de Kirrha, le travail de reconstitution des séries est largement facilité par le bon état de conservation des objets dont beaucoup non seulement sont complets ou presque, mais qui en plus présentent souvent des reliefs encore bien nets, indice d’une production de bonne qualité issue de moules de générations proches des prototypes.

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Fig. 11 : Type de koré corinthienne à l’oiseau F 4765 : trois générations successives, deux moules à la seconde.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

2.3. Définition des types et reconstitution des séries

11 Les deux premières campagnes d’étude ont permis de classer à peu près un tiers du matériel, soit les 192 figurines du musée d’Amphissa et 561 du musée de Delphes : toutes les pièces ont aussi été numérotées et enregistrées dans un inventaire informatisé qui compte actuellement 753 fiches. Tous les objets inventoriés ont déjà permis de définir l’existence d’une centaine de types techniques différents8 parmi lesquels ont été étudiés jusqu’à présent tous les types de korés (figs. 4–7), de protomés archaïques à plastron (fig. 8) et de représentations masculines créés par les ateliers de Corinthe et dont des quantités d’exemplaires ont été importés à Kirrha.

Fig. 7 : Type de koré corinthienne tenant une fleur ouverte dans la main gauche et un oiseau dans la droite.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

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Ont ainsi été distinguées et reconstituées une vingtaine de types de korés dont deux types d’Artémis tenant un arc (fig. 5), 7 types de protomés à plastron (fig. 8), 13 types de garçonnets accroupis (fig. 9), 6 types de banqueteurs et 3 types d’éphèbes debout (fig. 10).

Fig. 8 : Protomés archaïques à plastron, de type corinthien.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

12 La plupart de ces séries ne comprennent qu’une seule génération attestée par plusieurs exemplaires tirés le plus souvent d’un même moule : tel est le cas de tous les types masculins et de la plupart des types de protomés à plastron. Ce sont parmi les korés qu’on trouve les séries les plus complexes. L’un des types d’Artémis (baptisé F 101 dans le catalogue provisoire : fig. 5-6) est connu à Kirrha sur deux générations successives auxquelles la présence à la première génération de deux versions différentes invite à ajouter une génération antérieure pendant laquelle un exemplaire de version originelle a été transformé pour créer une nouvelle version. La série comprend ainsi trois générations dont deux matériellement attestées, la seconde et la troisième, avec à la deuxième génération deux versions différentes, la version A avec la main gauche tenant un arc (fig. 5), produite au moyen de trois moules différents,

Fig. 5 : Type d’Artémis avec faon et arc, d’origine corinthienne : version A du type F 101.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

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et la version B où l’arc a été transformé en bouton de fleur (fig. 6).

Fig. 6 : Version B du type F 101 : l’arc tenu dans la main gauche a été transformé en bouton de fleur.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

Un autre type de koré (F 238) est aussi attestée sur trois générations, avec deux versions à la troisième, la version A sur laquelle le personnage a la main droite posée contre le ventre, le poing fermé ou percé d’un petit trou pour recevoir un élément fabriqué à part, et la version B où la main droite tient une couronne. La série la plus populaire (F 4765 : fig. 4), qui représente une koré tenant un oiseau, est attestée par une centaine d’exemplaires qui se répartissent sur trois générations sucessives dont la première et la troisième ont été produites au moyen de deux moules différents (fig. 11).

3. Les figurines dans leur contexte

13 Dans l’état actuel des recherches, on ne connaît rien de la divinité (ou des divinités) honorées dans le sanctuaire de Kirrha, l’identification du temple avec celui de la Triade Apollinienne n’étant qu’une hypothèse que les fouilles n’ont pas permis de confirmer. C’est donc l’analyse des seules trouvailles qui désormais peut apporter quelques informations sur l’identité des fidèles, sur la sphère d’activité de la divinité, sur le culte et les pratiques rituelles, d’où l’importance d’avoir accès aux différentes catégories de mobilier pour en avoir une bonne vue d’ensemble, à défaut de pouvoir les étudier en parallèle. Les deux premières campagnes d’étude des terres cuites figurées ont permis de prendre connaissance du matériel dans sa totalité et d’établir ainsi un premier état du répertoire iconographique dont la lecture fournit déjà quelques données intéressantes.

3.1. Le répertoire iconographique

14 Le répertoire ci-dessous est une version allégée de celui qu’on a d’ores et déjà pu établir. Les figurines se répartissent en cinq grandes catégories pour chacune

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desquelles on a procédé à un classement par types iconographiques accompagnés, pour ceux qui ont déjà été classés, du nombre de fragments dénombrés et parfois du nombre minimal d’individus attestés. Représentations féminines partielles • Protomés archaïques et sévères avec diadème, voile et cheveux. • Protomés archaïques à plastron, de types corinthiens, avec diadème et chevelure à étages (50 exemplaires répartis en 7 types techniques : fig. 8). • Protomés classiques de types corinthiens, à plastron. • Protomés-buste sans avant-bras, avec diadème et voile, portant le chiton ou le péplos. • Protomés-buste avec avant-bras, soit ramenés sur la poitrine, les mains posées sur les seins ou tenant une offrande (fruit rond, oiseau, le type le plus original tenant un mortier : fig. 12), soit tendus à horizontale. • Protomés-buste nues sans avant-bras.

Fig. 12 : Protomé buste avec un mortier dans la main droite et un pilon dans la gauche.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

Figurines féminines debout • 3 figurines féminines debout modelées, les bras en croix, à l’origine posées sur un support (danseuses ?). • Korai de types corinthiens tenant des objets-attributs (oiseau, fruit rond, œuf, coq, fleur ouverte, bouton de fleur, couronne : figs. 7, 11), certaines avec main droite percée d’un petit trou destiné à accueillir un objet ou un élément végétal. • Femmes debout de types sévères, de provenances variées, avec chiton et himation ou en péplos, soit avec une main posée sur les seins ou tenant un bouton de fleur, soit avec les bras le long du corps. • Femmes à demi-nues. • 3 hydrophores. • 2 femmes enceintes (fig. 13). • Quelques fragments de figurines du ive siècle : femme debout enveloppée dans le chiton, filles dont une tenant une couronne de fleur, femmes debout drapées de types variées. • 5 poupées articulées, dont 1 nue et 4 habillées (fig. 14).

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Figurines féminines assises • Figurines de types corinthiens, modelée en forme de plaquette et avec visage moulé. • Figurines corinthiennes modelées, assises et tenant un pain sur le ventre : trois devaient être assises sur un oiseau (fig. 3). • Femmes assises de types corinthiens, coiffées du diadème, avec main droite tenant un oiseau ou une fleur contre la poitrine, ou avec les mains sur les genoux, ou encore avec les bras rapportés et tendus à l’horizontale, une main tenant un objet (balle, gâteau). • Une femme assise à l’enfant. • Deux reliefs montrant une femme assise avec une phiale dans la main droite posée sur la cuisse. Figurines masculines • 17 Garçonnets nus accroupis, certains tenant une balle (fig. 9). • 1 Garçonnet assis enveloppé dans son himation. • 23 Banqueteurs allongés sur une klinè, tenant une phiale et coiffés d’une stéphanè. • 1 Jeune homme debout criophore. • 2 éphèbes nus debout tenant un objet allongé dans la main gauche (sac d’osselets ou alabatre ?). • 12 éphèbes tenant une lyre dans la main gauche (fig. 10). • 1 éphèbe portant une tunique courte. • 1 éphèbe au chien appuyé contre un pilier. Représentations mythologiques, divinités • 25 « Artémis » corinthiennes, tenant contre le bras droit une petite biche ou un lièvre, et un arc dans la main gauche (fig. 5). • 3 Silènes accroupis ithyphalliques. • 1 relief corinthien de Gorgone en course agenouillée. • Une cinquantaine de reliefs corinthiens représentant une Sphinge. • 1 Tritonesse ( ?). • Une figurine de Pan jouant de la flûte. Le bestiaire réel • Une quinzaine d’oiseaux, au repos ou en vol. • Une quinzaine de reliefs de coq de types corinthiens. • 3 oiseaux au repos portant sur leur dos une femme assise. • 1 tortue. • 6 porcelets. • 1 bélier. • 2 quadrupèdes (chiens ?). Objets divers • 1 figue. • 1 gâteau plakous • 1 pain entrouvert • 1 Liknon avec des pains et des galettes. • 1 groupe de petits objets ronds (pains ou fruits). • 1 coquillage bivalve. • 2 petits masques de Silène. • 2 pinakes représentant une femme assise tenant une phiale. • 3 tables miniatures. • 2 bras modelés tenant une pelote de laine ( ?). • 1 bras modelé tenant un oiseau.

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3.2. Identification des types et interprétation des images

15 Comme on pouvait s’en douter, le répertoire est très largement dominé par les représentations féminines qui réunissent à elles seules entre 80 et 90 % de la totalité du lot. En dehors de 25 figurines dont les objets tenus entre les mains (un arc dans la gauche et un petit animal dans la droite : fig. 5) évoquent la déesse Artémis, toutes ces représentations féminines appartiennent à des types génériques, dépourvus d’attribut identifiant. Rien n’empêche donc a priori de les comprendre comme des images de simples mortel(le)s qui sont représentées de manière conventionnelle dans leurs différents statuts familiaux et sociaux9. Il s’agit surtout de jeunes filles pubères et prêtes pour le mariage, figurées debout avec placés entre les mains des marqueurs de leur identité : les oiseaux renvoient, non pas directement à Aphrodite, mais à leur jeunesse à laquelle sont associées diverses qualités, comme la beauté du corps réhaussée par des vêtements aux plissés riches et complexes, ou comme la capacité reproductrice que peuvent symboliser les fruits, parfois placés contre le ventre. Le destin des filles étant de produire des enfants légitimes dans le cadre bien défini du mariage, la présence d’un grand nombre de représentations renvoyant à la sphère maritale ne doit donc pas surprendre. Ainsi, selon le mode de lecture des images adopté par les chercheurs de l’équipe lilloise, les femmes assises et les protomés portant le diadème et le voile, principales pièces de la parure nuptiale, seraient à comprendre comme des images génériques d’épouses, tantôt des nymphés, nom que l’on donne aux jeunes femmes au moment de leur mariage et jusqu’à la naissance de leur premier enfant sain, tantôt des gynès, femmes accomplies car devenues mères. Le monde de la femme est complété par quelques exemplaires de figurines articulées (fig. 14), nues pour la grande majorité, et tenant parfois des instruments de musique, qui peuvent être interprétées comme des danseuses, peut-être des participantes à des chœurs de jeunes filles, desquelles on rapprochera aussi trois figurines modelées qui appartenaient à l’origine à des rondes de danseuses. Les hydrophores quant à elles évoquent une autre activité propre aux jeunes filles, celle d’aller chercher de l’eau à la fontaine.

Fig. 14 : Différents types de figurines articulées nues ou habillées d’un chiton, de types corinthiens.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

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L’hydrie étant aussi un récipient pouvant contenir l’eau du bain nuptial, ces représentations sont peut-être aussi à mettre en rapport avec la sphère du mariage10. Enfin, signalons deux figurines de femmes souriant à gros ventre dans lesquelles on voit de préférence des femmes enceintes (fig. 13) plutôt que des acteurs, une identification qui prend tout son sens si on rapproche de ces représentations les objets qu’on a interprétés comme des pains ou des gâteaux dont un est certainement un plakous, un gâteau en forme de placenta11.

Fig. 13 : Type de femme debout à gros ventre : femme enceinte.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

16 Quant aux représentations masculines, elles peuvent être comprises également selon le même système d’interprétation. Elles se répartissent en trois groupes qui correspondent à trois classes d’âge différentes, chacune d’entre elles symbolisée par des attitudes, des vêtements et des objets-attributs particuliers. Les enfants en bas âge sont montrés nus et accroupis, avec parfois entre les mains des objets qui renvoient au jeu (balle, tortue) (fig. 9).

Fig. 9 : Différents types de garçonnets accroupis, de types corinthiens.

© G. Sakar, St. Huysecom-Haxhi.

Les adolescents, citoyens en devenir, sont debout, nus, et tenant également des objets liés à leur âge et leur statut (lyre = éducation musicale (fig. 10) ; alabastre = activités de la palestre). Quant à l’image du banqueteur, elle est utilisée pour représenter l’homme

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accompli, le citoyen dont le vase à boire qu’il tient entre les mains, ici une coupe sans pied, est révélateur de son statut et l’une des principales activités civiques qui en découle, la participation au symposion.

3.3. Premières remarques concernant le culte et la (les) divinité(s)

17 D’après le répertoire, tel qu’il a pu être établi jusqu’à présent, et si on valide la lecture proposée ci-dessus des différents types anthropomorphiques, il apparaît que le sanctuaire de Kirrha était fréquenté par diverses catégories de fidèles parmi lesquels semblent dominer les femmes. Mais pas n’importe lesquelles : ce sont toujours des femmes jeunes et potentiellement fécondables, qu’il s’agisse des parthenoi pubères et prêtes pour être données en mariage, des nymphès dont on attend désormais qu’elles accomplissent leur destinée pour le bien de la cité, ou bien des gynès encore en âge de porter des enfants. Il n’y a pas de toutes petites filles ni de femmes âgées, le répertoire semblant se focaliser sur les seules femmes qui finalement ont de l’importance aux yeux de la communauté, et en particulier des hommes : celles qui peuvent devenir mères et donner à la cité les enfants dont celle-ci a besoin pour se renouveler et perdurer. Diverses représentations sont d’ailleurs à mettre en rapport avec le cycle biologique de la femme12 : le bouton de fleur tenu par les jeunes korés, qui devient une fleur épanouie qui elle-même devient un fruit porteur de graines, tout comme le ventre des femmes qui reçoit la semence de l’homme et la fait croître telle une plante. L’œuf, le gâteau plakous, le pain, la figue sont autant d’autres images métaphoriques du corps des femmes et de sa principale fonction, par ailleurs clairemement affirmée à travers la présence dans le matériel de deux femmes enceintes13. Le domaine de compétence de la divinité sollicitée à Kirrha apparaît ici très clairement défini. Ces femmes viennent au sanctuaire pour demander la protection de la divinité dans les moments essentiels de leur vie qui constituent autant d’étapes potentiellement dangereuses à franchir : l’apparition de la ménarché qui achève le processus de maturation du corps et fait basculer les filles du côté des femmes fécondables et désormais nubiles, le mariage14 qui confère aux filles le statut de nymphé sur qui repose désormais l’espoir d’une descendance légitime, et surtout l’enfantement, en particulier la naissance du premier enfant qui clôt définitivement le processus de socialisation des filles en les faisant accéder au statut de gyné. Veillant au bon déroulement du processus de maturation et de socialisation des filles, garante également des passages d’un statut à un autre, la divinité de Kirrha est ainsi en quelque sorte, et à sa manière, une divinité de la fécondité, du mariage, et de la maternité. Mais les jeunes femmes ne sont pas les seules concernées. La soixantaine de figurines masculines, auxquelles il faudrait peut-être ajouter les centaines de skyphoi miniatures retrouvés également dans la favissa, attestent que la divinité du sanctuaire de Kirrha intervenait aussi auprès des hommes, et tout particulièrement, comme pour les femmes, auprès des jeunes. Garçonnets accroupis, éphèbes à la lyre et banqueteurs à la coupe sont à interpréter de la même façon que les korés, les protomés et les femmes assises : ils évoquent trois étapes différentes dans la vie du garçon qui correspondent à trois statuts sociaux et familiaux différents. Et comme pour la fille, ces étapes dans le développement physiologique du garçon et son passage d’un statut à un autre étaient placés sous la responsabilité de la divinité.

18 Les occasions de telles dédicaces dans le sanctuaire ne manquent pas. La plupart de ces représentations sont peut-être à mettre en relation avec des fêtes religieuses et

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certains rituels dont peut-être des rituels mixtes et collectifs. On peut songer à des rituels de maturation et de croissance des jeunes, qui, dans le cas de la fille par exemple, auraient permis de rendre visibles aux yeux de tous les transformations subies par son corps, signalant ainsi son nouvel état de fille à marier. Le mariage, étape essentielle pour l’intégration des filles, donnait certainement lieu à des rituels prénuptiaux et nuptiaux pendant lesquels la jeune nymphé pouvait se rendre au sanctuaire pour accomplir des rites et demander l’assistance de la divinité pour un mariage réussi et une nuit de noces qui porte ses fruits15. D’autres rituels de reconnaissance et d’intégration sociale devaient concerner plutôt les garçons, tels ceux qui marquent l’entrée ou la sortie d’une période, comme l’éphébie, ou qui célèbrent l’accès à l’âge adulte avec l’octroi de la citoyenneté.

Conclusion : le sanctuaire est-il celui de la Triade Apollinienne ?

19 Les premières recherches sur le matériel coroplathique suggèrent d’emblée un culte à une ou des divinités qui prennent en charge l’initiation et la maturation des jeunes gens et interviennent étroitement dans la vie intime des femmes (ménarché, grossesse, accouchements), ce qui pourrait s’accorder parfaitement avec les fonctions et les sphères d’intervention de Létô, Artémis et Apollon : Artémis prenant plus particulièrement en charge la croissance des filles, les préparant au mariage et aux rôles qu’elles devront assumer au sein de leur oikos et de la cité, Apollon s’occupant des garçons, et Létô intervenant auprès des femmes enceintes et des parturiantes. Il faut néanmoins prendre toutes ces réflexions autour de l’interprétation du répertoire et de l’identification du sanctuaire avec précaution, la seule Artémis par exemple pouvant très bien avoir pu assumer toutes ces fonctions sans l’aide d’Apollon et de Létô, comme l’ont montré de nombreuses recherches sur la déesse et ses sanctuaires16. Il s’agit de simples hypothèses de travail que les prochaines campagnes d’étude du matériel, l’analyse des archives et des carnets de fouilles ainsi que la mise en parallèle avec d’autres ensembles coroplathiques permettront d’approfondir, et peut-être de confirmer, ou pas.

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BODIOU, L. 2009. « Quand vient l’âge fleuri des jeunes filles ». Dans BODIOU et MEHL 2009, 175–191.

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CROISSANT, F. 1983. Les protomés féminines archaïques. Recherches sur les représentations du visage dans la plastique grecque de 550 à 480 av. J.-C. BEFAR 250. Paris : De Boccard.

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HUYSECOM-HAXHI, S. 2009. Les figurines en terre cuite de l’Artémision de Thasos : artisanat et piété populaire à l’époque de l’archaïsme mûr et récent, étThas 21. Athènes : Ecole française d'Athènes ; Paris : de Boccard.

HUYSECOM-HAXHI, S. et A. MULLER. 2007. « Déesses et/ou mortelles dans la plastique de terre cuite. Réponses actuelles à une question ancienne », Pallas 75 :231–247.

HUYSECOM-HAXHI, S. et A. MULLER, 2015. « Figurines en contexte, de l’identification à la fonction : vers une archéologie de la religion ». Dans S. HUYSECOM-HAXHI et A. MULLER. Figurines grecques en contexte. Présence muette dans le sanctuaire, la tombe et la maison, Actes du XXXVe Symposium international de Halma-Ipel UMR 8164 Figurines en contexte : Iconographie et fonction(s) organisé par Christine Aubry, Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi et Arthur Muller, Université de Lille 3 SHS, Villeneuve d'Ascq (France), 7-8 décembre 2011, et de la session Silent Participants. Terracottas as Ritual Objects organisée par Clarissa Blume, Caitlín E. Barrett et Theodora Kopestonsky dans le cadre du 113e Annual Meeting de l’Archaeological Institute of America, Philadelphie (USA), 6 janvier 2012, Archaiologia. Villeneuve d’Ascq : Presses Universitaires du Septentrion.

JANNORAY, J. 1937. « Krisa, Kirrha et la première guerre sacrée ». BCH 61 : 33–43.

LEMERLE, P. 1936. « Chronique des fouilles ». BCH 60 :466.

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LUCE, J.-M. 1992. « Les terres cuites de Kirrha ». Dans Delphes, centenaire de la « grande fouille » réalisée par l'EFA (1892-1903), Actes du Colloque Paul Perdrizet, Strasbourg 6 - 9 nov. 1991, Université des sciences humaines de Strasbourg n° 12, 261–275, édité par J.F. Bommelaer. Leiden, New York, Copenhagen : E. J. Brill.

MAFFRE, J.J. et A. TICHIT. 2011. « Quelles offrandes faisait-on à Artémis dans son sanctuaire de Thasos ? ». Kernos 24 :137–164.

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MEHL, V. 2009. « Le temps venu de la maternité », in Bodiou, Mehl 2009, 193–206.

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Muka, B. et al. 2014. « D’Aphrodite à Artémis. Le sanctuaire de la colline de Dautë à Épidamne- Dyrrhachion : Recherches 2003-2012 ». Dans Proceedings of the International Congress of Albanian Archaeological Studies. 65th Anniversary of Albanian Archaeology (21-22 November, Tirana 2013), édité par L. Përzhita, I. Gjipali, G. Hoxha, B. Muka, 275–284. Tirana : Centre for Albanian Studies and Institute of Archaeology.

MULLER, A. 1996. Les terres cuites votives du Thesmophorion. De l’atelier au sanctuaire. ÉtThas 17. Athènes : Ecole française d'Athènes ; Paris : de Boccard.

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MULLER, A., F. TARTARI, I. Toçi. 2004. « Les terres cuites votives du “sanctuaire d’Aphrodite” de Dyrrhachion. Artisanat et piété populaire ». Dans L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Épire dans l’antiquité IV. (Colloque, Grenoble, octobre 2002), édité par P. Cabanes et J.L. Lamboley, 609-622. Paris : De Boccard.

MULLER, A. et F. TARTARI. 2006. « L’Artémision de Dyrrhachion : identification, offrandes, topographie », CRAI/1, 67-92.

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PAPAIKONOMOU, I.D. et S. HUYSECOM-HAXHI. 2009. « Du placenta aux figues sèches : mobilier funéraire et votif à Thasos ». Kernos 22 :133-158.

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PRÊTRE, C. 2011. « Offrandes et dédicants dans les sanctuaires de Thasos ». REG 124 :227–237.

SABETAI, V. 2009. « The Poetics of the Maidenhood : Visual Constructs of Womanhood in Vase- Painting ». Dans Hermeneutik der Bilder. Beiträge zur Ikonographie und Interpretation griechischer Vasenmalerei, édité par S. Schmidt et J. H. Oakley, 103-114. CVA Deutschland Beiheft 4.

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NOTES

1. Les vestiges helléniques de Kirrha devaient être étudiés et publiés par J. Rogers. Ce dernier ne publia jamais le résultat de ses recherches, mais laissa un carnet de fouilles et un mémoire sur les trouvailles de Kirrha déposé en 1938 et actuellement conservé et consultable à l’école française d’Athènes. Dans son imposante étude des protomés féminines archaïques, publiée en 1983, Francis Croissant intègre dans son catalogue, et ses réflexions, un ensemble de 33 protomés provenant de Kirrha dont la plupart seraient selon lui des créations locales d’inspiration stylistique variée (CROISSANT 1983). Dans son mémoire de troisième année présenté en 1991 à l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (LUCE 1991), Jean-Marc Luce étudie les représentations anthropomorphiques d’origine corinthienne (femmes debout et assises, éphèbes, garçonnets accroupis, banqueteurs) dont il donne un résumé dans un article publié en 1992 dans le cadre du centenaire de la grande fouille de Delphes (LUCE 1992). 2. Gözde Sakar (doctorante, Université Lille 3, désormais assistante de recherche à l’Université Celal Bayar à Izmir, Turquie) a participé à la campagne de 2013, Souad Ait-Salah (Master 2,

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Université Paris X Nanterre-La Défence, désormais doctorante Lille 3) et Lauranne Montagne (Master 2, Université Lille 3) à celle de 2014. 3. ULRICHS 1840, p. 8. 4. Voir la chronique des fouilles : LEMERLE 1936, 1937, 1938. LUCE 1991, 1992. 5. Pausanias, Description de la Grèce, X 37, 8 : « Kirrha est maintenant le port des Delphiens ; elle n'offre de remarquable qu'un temple dédié à Apollon, à Diane et à Latone ». 6. Eschine, Contre Ctésiphon, 123 : « Le lendemain nous nous sommes rendus dès l’aube au lieu convenu, nous sommes descendus dans la plaine de Kirrha, et après avoir intégralement détruit le port et incendié les maisons, nous nous sommes retirés ». 7. MULLER 1996. Pour les terres cuites archaïques de Thasos, voir HUYSECOM-HAXHI 2009. Pour celles recueillies dans l’Artémision de Dyrrhachion en Albanie, voir par exemple MUKA et al. 2014, MULLER-DUFEU et al. 2010, MULLER et TARTARI 2006, MULLER et al. 2004. 8. Rien que dans le matériel exposé à Amphissa, on a pu dénombrer 45 types de protomés et 28 types de femmes debout, pour un ensemble de 192 figurines. 9. HUYSECOM-HAXHI et MULLER 2015 ; HUYSECOM-HAXHI et MULLER 2007, 241 ; HUYSECOM 2003, 100–101, HUYSECOM 2008, 63–65, HUYSECOM-HAXHI 2009, 570-587. 10. Sur les usages des hydries, voir par exemple ALEXANDRIDOU 2014. Pour le thème des femmes à la fontaine et leur signification, voir PFISTERER-HAAS 2002, SABETAI 2009. 11. Sur les plakountes, voir PAPAIKONOMOU et HUYSECOM-HAXHI 2009. Voir aussi BRUMFIELD 1997. 12. Sur l’épanouissement de la fille et son destin de femme, voir par exemple BODIOU 2009, MEHL 2009. 13. Sur la perception du ventre des femmes comme un four dans lequel l’enfant cuit, voir LÉVI STRAUSS 1964, 341. Voir aussi PAPAIKONOMOU et HUYSECOM-HAXHI 2009, 151–153. 14. Voir d’une manière générale, pour les différentes étapes du mariage, OAKLEY et SINOS 1993. Également GHERCHANOC 2009. 15. Voir dans l’Anthologie Palatine, l’épigramme votive 276, d’Antipater de Sidon qui met en relation mariage et maternité : « La vierge Hippè a relevé sur le haut de sa tête les boucles de son abondante chevelure, en essuyant ses tempes de parfum. C’est déjà que pour elle est arrivée le temps du mariage. Et nous bandeaux qui tenont la place de ses cheveux coupés, nous réclamons ses grâces virginales. Artémis, par ta volonté, puisse le jour de son mariage être celui aussi de la maternité pour la fille de Lycomédès qui aime encore les osselets ». Sur les métaphores florales, voir également MOTTE 1973, p. 40-41. 16. Artémision de Dyrrhachion en Albanie : MULLER-DUFEU et al. 2010. Pour l’Artémis de Thasos, voir HUYSECOM-HAXHI 2009. MAFFRE et TICHIT 2011, PRÊTRE 2011, p. 231–237.

INDEX

Mots-clés : terre cuite, figurine, sanctuaire, Kirrha, Delphes

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AUTEUR

STÉPHANIE HUYSECOM-HAXHI CNRS / Halma – UMR 8164 (Université Lille, CNRS, MCC) [email protected]

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Chroniques News and Notes

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Entre la Mésopotamie et l’Indus. Réflexions sur les figurines de terre cuite d’Asie Centrale aux 4e et 3e millénaires

Annie Caubet

Mes remerciements s’adressent à la mission archéologique franco-turkmène d’Ulug Dépé dirigée par Olivier Lecomte, Julio Bendezu-Sarmiento et Ahmed Mamedov. Au Musée du Louvre, à Agnès Benoit et Nicolas Benoit. Les photographies sont de Gourguen Davtian, Pierre Hamouda, Jérôme Haquet, Jean-Pierre Loison, André Pesle.

1 Dans le monde ancien, il est peu de cultures qui n’aient pratiqué sur la longue durée le modelage en argile pour fabriquer des figurines. Souvent considérée comme l’expression d’un art populaire, la coroplastie livre à l’analyse des pistes précieuses pour une meilleure compréhension de ces cultures. Les réflexions qui suivent sont inspirées par les similitudes observées entre deux régions éloignées dans l’espace, durant une période de profonde mutation, qui voit le passage du village à la ville.

2 Les bases de l’archéologie de l’Asie Centrale ont été établies durant les années 60 sur les sites de Namazga, Altyn Dépé, et Gonur notamment par les savants soviétiques. Ces derniers montraient comment les premières communautés villageoises agricoles du VIe millénaire évoluèrent durant la période Chalcolithique avec l’apparition de l’architecture monumentale et de la métallurgie pour donner naissance au IIIe millénaire à de véritables villes, et à la civilisation de l’Oxus, aussi nommée Culture de Bactriane et de Margiane.

3 Au Turkménistan, entre 2200-1800, des villes à l’urbanisme complexe, doté d’une architecture monumentale et de tombes d’une étonnante richesse1. À Gonur, la métallurgie sur or, argent, et cuivre, a servi à créer de la vaisselle de luxe et des parures. Les importations de l’Indus offrent des parallèles avec les découvertes de Harappa et Mohenjo Daro, telles des sculptures de marbre ou des sceaux inscrits en écriture harappéenne. Les importations de Mésopotamie comprennent des sceaux-

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cylindres à inscription cunéiforme. La présence à Gonur d’oeuvre de caractère Bactrien montre la diffusion de la culture de l’Oxus le long de la chaîne du Kopet Dagh: des statues composites faites de pièces assemblées en chlorite, lapis, et calcaire, des sceaux compartimentés en métal cuivreux ou en lapis, des « colonnes à gorge » (peut-être des ustensiles de culte), de la vaisselle, et des parures en faïence caractérisent cette culture. Bien avant l’invention de la porcelaine, le kaolin est exploité pour fabriquer des éléments de mosaïque à décor figuré appliqués sur des meubles et panneaux muraux. L’argile est employée pour fabriquer de la poterie d’usage, des instruments destinés à l’artisanat et aux activités domestiques, des coffrets, et des figurines de terre cuite ou crue, retrouvées en grand nombre à Gonur comme sur tous les sites explorés d’Asie Centrale.

4 À la lumière de ces découvertes, l’Asie Centrale apparaît comme un maillon d’une chaîne de cultures reliant l’Indus à Sumer et Akkad en Mésopotamie, via Dilmun (dans le Golfe Persique) et plaque tournante pour la circulation de matières premières2. Le trafic du lapis-lazuli a été reconnu en premier3, le long de ce qui sera bien plus tard la route de la soie, depuis les mines des hautes montagnes de l’Afghanistan jusqu’aux tombes royales d’Our et aux temples égyptiens du Moyen Empire. On suit mieux désormais le circuit emprunté par la cornaline et les pyrotechnologies qu’elle subit dans les ateliers de l’Inde méridionale, où elle était chauffée pour en accentuer la couleur4. Des industries sur matières vitreuses, ou “faïences” archéologiques, ont été reconnues en Asie Centrale comme en Mésopotamie, ou elles ont été développées probablement pour imiter ces pierres précieuses5. L’ivoire utilisé par les sculpteurs de Mésopotamie et de Syrie intérieure provient probablement de défenses d’éléphant asiatique, au cours d’un trafic empruntant la voie du Golfe Persique ou de l’Asie Centrale6. Ces différentes découvertes donnent du poids à l’hypothèse qui reconnaîtrait l’Asie Centrale et la civilisation de l’Oxus sous le nom de Marhasi, une entité politique documentée par les sources mésopotamiennes7.

5 L’ouverture des anciennes républiques soviétiques à la recherche archéologique internationale a permis depuis une quinzaine d’années de renouveler les travaux de terrain8. Au Turkménistan, la fouille franco-turkmène du site d’Ulug Dépé, le « grand monticule » (fig. 1), situé favorablement sur une abondante rivière qui descend des monts du Kopet Dagh, présente des vestiges échelonnés sur une longue période, du 6e au Ier millénaire avant notre ère9. Longtemps, ce fut une grosse installation villageoise agricole, jusqu’à la fin du IIe millénaire. Dès lors, un nouveau pouvoir, peut-être prédécesseur des Mèdes, édifie de gigantesques bâtiments publics, dont une citadelle à étages.

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Fig. 1. Carte de la Méditerranée à l’Indus. Citadelle d’Ulug Dépé.

6 La période Chalcolithique récent (fin du IVe millénaire) est illustrée à Ulug par la découverte de ce qui est probablement un atelier de production de figurines d’argile10. De nombreux fours de terre, signes d’une longue durée d’activité, ont été fouillés à la périphérie de l’habitat. Ils étaient posés sur des plateformes de terre à brique, régulièrement et soigneusement nettoyées, qui servaient de surface de travail. A côté de nombreux exemples de figurines complètes se trouvaient de nombreux pâtons de terre crue ou cuite, montrant des traces de manipulation: il s’agit probablement de déchets de matière résultant de la fabrication des figurines. Celles-ci sont de plusieurs types. Un groupe comprend de simples piliers anthropomorphes, pourvus d’une tête minuscule et de bras moignons levés. Ils sont montés selon la technique du “bonhomme de neige” sur une petite base circulaire, de façon à tenir debout (fig. 2).

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Fig. 2. Figurine en pilier. Ulug Dépé, H. 6 cm.

Un autre type montre des figurines féminines assises, leurs jambes jointes étendues sont démesurément grande par rapport au reste du corps, réduit au pubis et à la tête. Elles portent souvent des coiffures et des parures élaborées, rapportées avec des rubans de pâte. Contrairement aux piliers, ces figurines sont instables (fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Figurine féminine assise. Ulug Dépé. H. 5 cm.

De très rares figures d’hommes debout, aux épaules triangulaires prolongés par des bras étendus à l’horizontale, se distinguent par leur grande taille et leurs genitalia soigneusement indiqués par des pastilles de pâte rapportée (fig. 4).

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Fig. 4. Figurine masculine. Gonur, H. 15 cm.

Enfin les figurines d’animaux montrent surtout des taureaux aux volumes simplifiés mais aisément reconnaissables à leur encolure massive (fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Taureau, Ulug Dépé. H. 3 cm.

7 Ces différents types iconographiques rencontrés à Ulug Dépé sont communs à l’ensemble des cultures du Turkménistan (ROSSI OSMIDA 2006 pour les figures masculines11. Certains trouvent des parallèles troublants avec des productions du sud- ouest de l’Iran, notamment Suse durant la période I (vers 4200–3000) : le type anthropomorphe en pilier correspond précisément aux figurines dites « cobra »12, figurines dont la tête minuscule tient probablement moins du serpent que de l’oiseau (fig. 6).

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Fig. 6. Suse figurine en pilier. Suse H. 2.9 cm (Spycket 1992, n. 34).

Parmi les représentations zoomorphes, le taureau domine à Suse comme en Asie Centrale, mais l’ovin, absent à Ulug, apparaît à Suse De telles rencontres entre des formes de modelages relativement sommaire pourraient paraître fortuites. En revanche, sur l’ensemble de la production d’Ulug, l’association des deux types iconographiques dominants, le taureau et la figure féminine nue, apparaît comme une des constantes de la Période de transition Néolithique-Chalcolithique non seulement en Asie Centrale mais aussi sur tout une aire géographique immense qui s’étend des Balkans à la Méditerranée et du Levant à l’Indus, incluant l’ensemble du Proche-Orient. Il est tentant de voir dans cette constante l’expression d’une idéologie relative à la dualité d’un principe féminin/ masculin. Le premier se manifestant par des images féminines, souvent assises et statiques, comme le sont la terre ou la montagne ; le deuxième s’exprimant de préférence par l’image d’un animal reproducteur, le taureau surtout ; ou plus rarement par des images anthropomorphes, plus dynamiques : à Suse comme au Turkménistan, par les figures en pilier debout en position d’équilibre, leurs bras moignons à peine esquissés dirigés vers le haut ou vers l’avant. L’apparition de statuettes au caractère viril accentué appartient peut-être à une phase plus tardive, et reflèterait l’émergence et l’affirmation de nouvelles formes de pouvoir.

8 On sait peu de choses sur les circonstances dans lesquelles ces figures étaient: des exemplaires ont été trouvés dans l’habitat et dans des tombes, la plupart malheureusement proviennent de contexte perturbé, à l’état de rebut charrié par les terres de décombres et remplissages. Le statut social des acteurs cette production nous échappe. La coroplastie était-elle une activité de femmes, comme l’apparence « pâtissière » des techniques de fabrication, ainsi que les références au modèle de la famille humaine sembleraient l’indiquer ? Pourtant, l’abondance de la production, parfois regroupée comme à Ulug sur une aire de préparation, semble plutôt l’indice d’une spécialisation et d’une organisation. La vaste distribution géographique des mêmes motifs iconographiques suppose une transmission de procédés et de modèles. Ainsi, les créations des modeleurs d’argile, en apparence modestes, compteraient parmi les signes marquant le réseau qui relie les civilisations de la Mésopotamie à l’Indus, l’Iran et l’Asie Centrale.

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BIBLIOGRAPHIE

AMIET, P. 1986. L’âge des échanges interiraniens 3500-1700. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux.

ARUZ, J. and R. WALLENFELS (eds.). 2003. Art of the First Cities. The Third Millennium BC from the Mediterranean to the Indus. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.

BENDEZU-SARMIENTO, J. 2012. "Archéologie française en Asie centrale post-soviétique : un enjeu sociopolitique et culturel.” Cahiers d’Asie Centrale 21–22. Tashkent: IFEAC.

BENOIT, A. 2010. Princesse de Bactriane. Paris: Louvre: Somogy.

BRUNET, F. 2006. “Un atelier de figurines vieux de 6000 ans.” In Turkménistan. Un berceau culturel en Asie Centrale, edited by O. Lecomte, 24–27. Dossiers d’Archéologie 317,

CAUBET, A., ed. 1999. Cornaline et pierres précieuses: la Méditerranée, de l'Antiquité à l'Islam. Actes du colloque organisé au Musée du Louvre par le Service culturel (les 24 et 25 novembre 1995). Paris: Musée du Louvre, La Documentation Française.

CAUBET, A. 2012. “De l’Indus à l’Euphrate. Quelques cas de circulation des biens et des saviors.” In Orientalismes. De l'archéologie au musée. Mélanges offerts à Jean-François Jarrige, edited by V. Lefèvre, 147–60. Indicopleustoi 9, Archaeologies of the Indian Ocean. Turnhout: Brepols.

CAUBET A. and L. MARTINEZ-SÈVE. 2004. Figures d'Elam, terres cuites de Suze, Iran: collection du musée du Louvre, Département des Antiquités orientales. Rouergue: Rodez.

CAUBET, A. and F. POPLIN. 2010. “Réflexions sur la question de l’éléphant syrien.” In Dur-Katlimmu 2008 and Beyond, Studia Chaburensia I, edited by H. Kühne, 1–9. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

FRANCFORT, H.-P. and X. TREMBLAY. 2010. “Marhasi et la civilisation de l'Oxus,” Iranica Antiqua 45:51–224.

HERRMANN, G. 1968. “Lapis lazuli. The Early Phases of its Trade,” Iraq 30:21–57.

LECOMTE, O. 2007. “Entre Iran et Touran: Recherches archéologiques au Turkménistan méridional, 2001–2006.” CRAI:195–227.

LECOMTE, O. 2011. “Ulug depe: 4000 years of evolution between plain and desert,” Türkmenistanin Taryrhy we medeni Yadigärlikleri. (Historical and Cultural Sites of Turkmenistan) 221–239. Ashgabat: Türkmen döwlet nesiryat gullugy.

ROSSI OSMIDA, G. 2006. “Les recherches du Centro Studi Richerche Ligabue en Margiane.” In Turkménistan. Un berceau culturel en Asie Centrale, edited by O. Lecomte, 46–51(figurines masculines debout repr. p.50). Dossiers d’Archéologie 317.

ROSSI OSMIDA, G. 2007. Adji Kui Oasis. Vol. 1, La Citadella delle Statuette. (The Citadel of the Figurines. Heýkelleriñ sitadeli). Centro Studi Ricerche Ligabue, Italy; Ministero della Cultura, Turkmenistan. Padua: Edizioni Il Punto.

SARIANIDI, W. 2005. Goňurdepe: şalaryň we hudaýlaryň şäheri (Gonurdepe: City of Kings and Gods). Ashgabat: Miras.

SARIANIDI, W. 2007. Necropolis of Gonour. Athens: Kapon Editions.

SARIANIDI, W. 2008. Marguş: beýik medeniýetiň syrlar dünýäsi we onuň hakyky keşbi (Margus. Mystery and Truth of the Great Culture). Ashgabat: Türkmen Döwlet Neşirýat Gullugy.

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SPYCKET, A. 1992. Les figurines de Suse. Vol. 1, Les figurines humaines IVe–IIe millénaires. Mémoires de la délégation archéologique en Iran 52. Paris: Gabalda.

TALLON, F., ed. 1995. Les pierres précieuses de l’Orient ancien des Sumériens aux Sassanides. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux.

NOTES

1. SARIANIDI 2005, 2007, 2008. 2. AMIET 1986; ARUZ, WALLENFELS 2003. 3. HERRMANN 1968. 4. Inyizan in Tallon 1995; Cyaubet (éd.) 1999. 5. CAUBET 2012. 6. CAUBET, POPLIN 2010. 7. FRANCFORT, TREMBLAY 2010. 8. BENDEZU-SARMIENTO 2012. 9. LECOMTE 2011. 10. BRUNET 2006. 11. ROSSI OSMIDA 2007. 12. SPYCKET 1992; CAUBET, MARTINEZ-SÈVE 2005, 2à 5.

INDEX

Mots-clés : figurine, terre cuite, Mésopotamie, Indus, Asie Centrale

AUTEUR

ANNIE CAUBET Conservateur général honoraire, Musée du Louvre [email protected]

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Painted Gallo-Roman Figurines in Vendeuil-Caply

Adrien Bossard

1 The preservation of the pigments may have been the result of an exposure to an intense fire that occurred in this Gallo-Roman city at the end of 2nd century C.E. This causal relationship is revealed by the stratigraphic location of the figurines, which were concentrated under a dark, burnt layer that dates to 170–180 C.E.1 This fire is an important event for the history of Vendeuil-Caply because the population began to abandon the city after two centuries of intense development. Even though the exact nature of this event is still to be determined, nevertheless it is clear that it marked the end of the city, which was progressively depopulated until the 5th century C.E.2

2 Evidence suggests that this figurine production may be local to Vendeuil-Caply. First, the aesthetic of Vendeuil-Caply’s figurines is not seen elsewhere. Even if most of the types discovered in 2013 are characteristic of Gallo-Roman figurines in general, such as the nursing mother, Venus Anadyomene, female busts (Fig. 1), birds, and quadrupeds among other iconographic types, the artistic style appears to be particular to Vendeuil- Caply. Second, the corpus presents new iconographic types that comprise a standing or walking male figure set on a pedestal and wearing a tunic with a scale pattern, pants, and boots; on occasion two figures occupy the same pedestal. An inscription “MARC” on one of these pedestals may be the insignia of a coroplast named MARCELLUS.

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Fig. 1. Heads from female busts, polychrome terracotta, second century C.E.

Vendeuil-Caply Collection Delahoche: Musée archéologique de l’Oise.

3 However, the main novelty of Vendeuil-Caply’s figurines is obviously their color. In 1993, Micheline Jeanlin asked if all Gallo-Roman figurines could have been painted.3 Twenty years later, we still do not have enough data to answer the question fully, but with the 2013 discovery at Vendeuil-Caply, we know that at least the figurines from this production center were decorated with colored pigments.

4 An increased understanding of these so-called white terracottas will result from the analysis by the Centre de Recherches et de Restauration des Musées de France (C2RMF) of pigments found on a selection of 14 figurines from Vendeuil-Caply, with the goal of determining the nature of the chemical composition of the pigments and the painting technique (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Small edifice with Venus Anadyomene, polychrome terracotta, second century C.E.

Vendeuil-Caply, Collection Delahoche: Musée archéologique de l’Oise.

5 The C2RMF also will analyze the clay of these figurines in relation to the fabric of a group of large clay balls that were found together with the figurines. Unfortunately, no molds were discovered in 2013, but the size of the balls seems to correspond to the amount of clay needed to cast a typical figurine. The results of this analysis will be compared to the results of another study conducted in 2009 on a painted, Gallo-Roman

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edifice-figurine 12 cm high that was found in a cremation tomb at the Caserne Gouraud at Soissons in 2006 (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Small edifice, polychrome terracotta, second century

C.E. Soissons, Service Régional de l’Archéologie Picardie.

6 This study was carried out by the Centre d’étude des peintures murales romaines (CEPMR) based in Soissons. A raman spectroscopic examination of a green pigment from the sides of the edifice-figurine revealed that it comprised glauconite and celadonite mixed together. Surprisingly, there was a much higher concentration of celadonite, a considerably more expensive mineral that had to be imported from Italy or Cyprus. This information suggests that the painted edifice-figurine was rather precious. Another interesting result of this analysis was the absence of calcium carbonate, a fact that indicates that the pigments were not painted directly on the clay, but rather were applied with a binder that must have been organic and that disappeared over time.4 After the analysis of the figurines from Vendeuil-Caply is completed, it will be possible to extend the fabric analysis to the Soissons’ figurine.

7 The current work of the C2RMF is very promising because it is exploring the as yet unknown field of the pigment decoration of Gallo-Roman terracottas. It is expected that the figurines from Vendeuil-Caply will yield information that will considerably increase our understanding of this aspect of Gallo-Roman craft production, if the fire of C.E. did not alter the pigments that decorated these figurines in any appreciable way. The quantity of figurines from Vendeuil-Caply and their pigments offer scientists an excellent opportunity to investigate this kind of decoration on a meaningful scale.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

AMADEI, B., O. Cristini, and S. Groetembril. 2009. Soissons, Gouraud, édicule polychrome, April, Internal report APPA-CEPMR, unpublished.

AUDOLY, M. 2015. “Des figurines en terre cuite au cœur de l’agglomération antique de Vendeuil- Caply.” In Figures de la terre, Trouville-sur-mer : Editions Librairie des Musées.

JEANLIN, M. 1993. “La fabrication des figurines.” In Les figurines en terre cuite gallo-romaines. Paris : Editions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme,.

PITON, D. 1992-1993. “Vendeuil-Caply,” Nord-Ouest Archéologie 5.

NOTES

1. Audoly 2015. 2. Piton 1993. 3. Jeanlin 1993. 4. Amadei, Cristini, Groetembril 2009.

ABSTRACTS

In 2013, an archaelogical team exploring the site of Vendeuil-Caply in northern France brought to light a new corpus of Gallo-Roman terracotta figurines. The particular importance of this corpus lies in the preservation of pigments that decorated the surface of these figurines. From the 19th century onwards, the generic term that has been used to refer to this kind of Gallo- Roman production has been “white-clay,” most often associated with the Allier region of central France. This term arose from the stark, white color of the fabric. Consequently, archaeologists were quite surprised to find not only color on the figurines, but also repetitive patterns, such as feathers, or details of clothing.

AUTHOR

ADRIEN BOSSARD Conservateur du patrimoine, Musée archéologique de l’Oise [email protected]

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Travaux en cours Works-in-Progress

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A Catalogue of the Greek and Roman Terracottas in the Aydın Archaeological Museum

Murat Çekіlmez

1 I completed my dissertation at the University of Adnan Menderes in 2014 on the Hellenistic and Roman terracotta figurines from the south necropolis of Tralleis that were found during salvage excavations by the Aydın Archaeological Museum.1 Currently, I am working on an analysis and catalogue of the terracottas in the Aydın Archaeological Museum that are from the ancient cities of Hyllarima, Alinda, and Halikarnassos in Caria for eventual publication. This includes a group of terracotta figurines that was inventoried at the museum during the years 1959–2007 and subsequently put on display. Approximately 120 fragments and complete specimens of terracotta figurines ranging in date from the Archaic period to the Roman Imperial era make up this catalogue. Unfortunately, no excavation reports or any other archaeological information is available regarding the specific findspots of these figurines. Therefore, the project’s main aim is to assess the most significant examples in the collection of the Aydın Archaeological Museum and attempt to clarify or correct information concerning their provenance, date, and/or function. Many of these figurines had been purchased in the 1960s, although some were also acquired through smaller, personal donations. Museum records indicate that most of the figurines came from Caria. It should be noted that Carian terracottas have been the focus of considerable attention over the last decade, whether they have come from older excavations or from recent discoveries.2

2 The majority of these figurines depict gods and goddess, specifically Aphrodite, Artemis, Zeus, Attis, and Herakles, but there are also mortal male and female types. These figurines were mold made using the characteristic clay of the region3 which is homogeneous, with large crystals that contain mica and sand. By contrast, in the Roman İmperial era the manufacture of terracotta figurines was an industry that used a rather coarse, but homogeneous, clay that contains a fair amount of mica. After firing, the figurines often were covered with a white slip and the majority decorated with

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black and other color pigments. This is a very common finishing technique, that of painted polychrome decoration that consists of colored mineral suspensions over a white slip.

3 The major types under discussion include figurines of korai and kouroi, as well as figurines of Aphrodite, Artemis, Attis, and various agents of cult. These may be useful for defining more fully the character of the cult of the Carian and Ionian sanctuaries in which figurative terracottas were discovered. Of particular interest in my catalogue are figurines of the Archaic period that were found in deposits at the sanctuaries of Demeter and Persephone at Alinda and Halikarnassos, and in Ionia at Myus, Didyma, Miletos, and Priene. Female images dominate quantitatively, and particularly mold- made protomai, as well as handmade figurines. The majority can be classified as votive. They also provide excellent documentation for a lively local industry that flourished from the later sixth well into the fifth centuries B.C.E. Chronologically, the majority of the protomai can be dated from the mid-sixth to the mid-fifth centuries B.C.E. (fig. 1)

Fig. 1. A protome from the collection of the Aydın Museum. Inv. no. 103. Mid-fifth century B.C.E.

4 This catalogue is divided into three parts. The terracottas of the Archaic period are presented in the first part and are organized typologically; standing female figures, seated female figures, female protomai, standing male figures, and fragments of other figures of uncertain subjects. Each figurine is introduced by a general commentary that discusses its typology, chronology, and significance. Interpretations of subject matter and discussions of iconography and style accompany each group, with a specific reference to the overall Carian production. Catalogue descriptions give factual detail, references to previous publications, and close parallels. Finally, the typology and style of each example is compared with the dated finds from other contemporary sites and contexts outside of Caria.

5 The second part of the catalogue is dedicated to the terracottas of the Classical period and follows the same organization, while the third part of the catalogue focuses on the material character of these terracottas and comprises discusses of their technical features, methodological aspects, and terminology.

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6 The female figurines of the fourth century B.C.E. largely fall into a single type that represents a hydrophoros (fig. 2), although several standing hydrophoroi are earlier and can be dated to the fifth century. These hydrophoroi have led to the assumption that the deity venerated at Caria was associated with aspects of marriage and youthfulness. However, it is difficult to attribute a specific identity and function to the figurines, and it is advisable to make conclusions regarding these questions only after careful contextual analyses.

Fig. 2. A hydrophoros from the collection of the Aydın Museum. Inv. no. 562. Mid-fourth century B.C.E.

7 Beginning with the 1980s, an important number of Carian terracottas dating from the Hellenistic period to the Late Roman era arrived at the museum. This included a group of Carian figurines dating as late as the second century C.E. During the second half of the second century B.C.E. various types of genre groups with animals, as well as new types of standing, draped women began to appear. The typological repertoire of the first century C.E. continued to include standing, draped women and men, as well as athletes with a quiver, masks, actors, puppets, caricatures, animals, and other mythological and religious types. These latter types of figurines are not exclusive to Caria, but are common at most Mediterranean sites in the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial eras.

8 Signatures of the coroplasts Sosimos, Hermodoros, Trophimos, and Antonios (fig. 3a-b) appear on figurines from the late Hellenistic period through to the second century C.E.; these will be examined in more detail on another occasion.

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Fig. 3a-b. Figurine with the signature of Antonios.

The signatures show that identifiable workshops were active at Caria as early as the first century B.C.E. and that these workshops continued to produce figurines until the second century C.E. We may therefore assume the fabric in which the coroplasts worked to be a local fabric of its period.

NOTES

1. “Terracotta Figurines From the South Necropolis of Tralleis.” 2014. PhD diss., Adnan Menderes University. 2. IŞIK, F. 1980. Die Koroplastik von Theangela in Karien und ihre Beziehungen zu Ostionien zwischen 560 und 270 v. Chr.,” IstMitt Beihef 21; RUMSCHEID, F. 2006. Die Figürlichen Terrakotten von Priene, Fundkontexte, İkonographie und Funktion in Wohnhausern und Heiligtümern im Licht antiker Paralelbefunde, Wiesbaden: Reichert; ÖZCAN, F. 2007. “Die figürlichen Terrakotten von Milet aus Klassischer und Hellenistischer Zeit.” Inauguraldissertation, Ruhr Universitat, Bochum; KIZIL, A. 2009. “1990–2005 Yılları Arasında Mylasa’da Kurtarma Kazıları Yapılan Mezarlar ve Buluntuları Üzerinde Genel Bir Değerlendirme.” In Die Karer und die Anderen, Internationales Kolloquium an der Frei Universitat Berlin, 397–463. 3. Munsell Soil Color Chart, 7.5 YR 6/6-8.

INDEX

Keywords: terracotta, greek, roman, Aydin, Turkey, museum

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AUTHOR

MURAT ÇEKІLMEZ Adnan Menderes University [email protected]

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A Survey of Terracotta Figurines from Domestic Contexts in South Italy in the 6th and 5th Centuries B.C.E.

Aura Piccioni

1 My PhD thesis, developed under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Steuernagel at the Institute for Classical Archaeology at the University of Regensburg, Germany, with the title Häusliche Kulte in Unteritalien und Etrurien (Household Cults in Southern Italy and Etruria), focuses on private cults in Etruria and southern Italy in the 6th and 5th centuries B.C.E., but does not include Sicily. The central focus of this research is the recognition and reconstruction of private forms of worship based on the character of domestic assemblages from these areas, which comprise miniature pottery, and in particular bucchero kyathoi, terracotta arulae, architectural friezes, and terracotta figurines representing females.

2 One could believe that the most telling indicators for the cultic function of a given room in a house would consist of finds of terracotta figurines. These were among the most common offerings in the sanctuaries of the Greek and Italic worlds, where, depending on the context, they could represent either goddess or mortal votary. Yet, the evidence suggests that figurative terracottas from domestic contexts in Italy in the Archaic and Classical periods are quite rare. Nor any have been documented for Etruria, possibly because of the re-occupation of most of the houses in later periods. While there is evidence from houses in southern Italy and Sicily in these periods, this is sporadic. The following is a review of the available evidence for the role of terracotta figurines in domestic contexts in southern Italy. The evidence for Sicily will be reviewed on another occasion.

3 Terracotta figurines of females, mostly fragmentary, were brought to light at Croton,1 Elea,2 Lokroi Epizephyrii,3 Sybaris,4 and Rutigliano5 in southern Italy, four Greek cities and one indigenous settlement (Fig. 1.) At Croton, a small Archaic head pertinent to a figurine was uncovered in an room in the farmhouse known as Casa Iedà, and an

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additional female figurine was brought to light at a farmhouse Quota Pullano, also in the chora of Croton. From room 4 of a house on the acropolis of Elea two terracotta female heads that were uncovered during restoration work on the fortification wall, while another small terracotta head of a female was brought to light at a house in the southern district of the city. All these heads have the polos as the headgear.

Fig. 1. Map of south Italy with sites under discussion indicated in red.

4 At Lokroi Epizephyrii approximately 5,000 terracotta fragments were discovered during excavations in the urban part of the ancient city in the area known as Centocamere, but only a few of them can be linked with certainty to domestic contexts. 6 At Sybaris, in the courtyard of a house, a carefully arranged votive deposit was found that comprised two Ionic cups, ritually inverted, in association with a small clay altar and other ceramics, and several female figurines with discs on their shoulders, behind which is a goat protome. A house in the Bigetti district of Rutigliano yielded a small, veiled, female head, also broken from a full figurine. This was found in the central and oldest room, covered by fallen roof tiles.

5 All these fragments are pertinent to Archaic types of standing females wearing polos and/or veil. But lacking identifying iconographic characteristics their interpretation is speculative at best. In fact, the polos and the veil are common attributes both for a goddess and a mortal. In the case of one of the figurines from Sybaris, however, a divine identity is strongly suggested by the iconographic elements noted above, that consist of discs on the shoulder behind which can be seen a goat protome. This type of iconography is connected to the ideology of the Potnia Theron, comparisons for which are at hand in the sanctuary of San Biagio at Metaponto in the typology of the “winged” goddess.7 These winged goddesses are characterized by the presence of a low, flaring polos, by a face with strong, Archaic stylizations, and by shoulders that are enlarged to

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allow for the insertion of wings; there are also the aforementioned disks and goat protomes. The forearms of the female are normally extended forward to hold an attribute, usually an animal. This type has been dated to the last decades of 6th century B.C.E.8

6 What emerges from this cursory review of the evidence is the preliminary suggestion that terracotta figurines are rare in domestic contexts in southern Italy during the 6th and 5th centuries B.C.E and appear to be totally absent from Etruscan domestic contexts, at least as far as the archaeological record is concerned. The available evidence also suggests a similar situation in southern Italy in contexts dating to the 4th century and the Hellenistic period. Only a few examples have been found in houses at indigenous settlements, such as Monte Moltone di Tolve,9 Pomarico Vecchio 10 and Roccagloriosa11 in Lucania, but also in the chora of Metaponto at the Fattoria Fabrizio,12 and at Lokroi Epizephyrii.13 A greater typological variety is represented by these finds, that include an enthroned female from room 1 of the “sacred space” of the house at Tolve,14 or a figurine of a standing female wearing polos from room 2 of the house at Pomarico Vecchio; even though this fragment actually dates to the Archaic period, it was found in a 4th century context. Other examples include two seated and veiled females from the sacred deposit of house A at Roccagloriosa,15 and a figurine of standing Artemis with a smaller worshiper at her side from what is believed to have been a room for a family cult in the Fattoria Fabrizio.16 Other fragmentary figurines from the same context at the Fattoria Fabrizio represent enthroned females, female busts, and reclining males.

7 The relative scarcity of terracotta figurines in domestic contexts in south Italy in the Archaic and Classical periods is, in itself, a noteworthy phenomenon that is paralleled by a similar phenomenon in the 4th century and the Hellenistic periods, the finds from the cult room at the Fattoria Fabrizio notwithstanding. The suggestion that emerges is that family members may have preferred other tools for cultic expression, such as arulae and miniature vases, which are very numerous in domestic contexts. In comparison with the Archaic and Classical terracotta finds, however, those from the later 4th century and the Hellenistic period show a greater variety and diversity of typology.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. 1972. Sibari III. Rapporto preliminare della campagna di scavo: Stombi, Casa Bianca, Parco del Cavallo, San Mauro (1972). In NSc, Suppl. to Vol. XXVI. Rome: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei.

Accademia nazionale dei Lincei. 1992. Sibari V. Relazione preliminare delle campagne di scavo 1973 (Parco del Cavallo; Casa Bianca) e 1974 (Stombi; Incrocio; Parco del Cavallo; Prolungamento Strada; Casa Bianca). In NSc, III Suppl. Rome: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei.

Barra Bagnasco, M., ed. 1992. Locri Epizefiri IV. Lo scavo di Marasà Sud. Il sacello tardo arcaico e la “casa dei leoni”, Florence: Casa Editrice Le Lettere.

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Barra Bagnasco, M. 1997. Pomarico Vecchio I. Abitato. Mura. Necropoli. Materiali, Milan: Congedo.

Bencivenga Trillmich, C. 1983. “Resti di casa greca di età arcaica sull’acropoli di Elea”, MÉFRA 95, 417–448.

Carter, J.C. and C. D’Annibale. 1993. Il territorio di Crotone. Ricognizioni topografiche 1983-1986, in Napolitano 1993, 93–99.

Carter, J.C. 2006. Discovering the Greek Countryside at Metaponto, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Fracchia, H. and M. Gualtieri. 1989. “The social context of cult practices in pre-Roman Lucania”, AJA, 92, 217-232.

Greco, G., F. Krinzinger, eds. 1994. Velia. Studi e ricerche, Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini.

Napolitano, M.L., (ed.), 1993. Crotone e la sua storia tra IV e III sec. a.C., Atti del seminario internazionale, Napoli 13-14 febbraio 1987, Naples: Arte Tipografica Editrice.

Neutsch, B. 1994. L’esplorazione delle pendici meridionali dell’acropoli di Velia, in Greco and Krinzinger 1994, 55–70.

Olbrich, G. 1979. Archaische Statuetten eines Metapontiner Heiligtums. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider.

Rumscheid, F. 2006. Die figürlichen Terrakotten von Priene. Fundkontexte, Iconographie und Funktion in Wohnhäusern und Heiligtümern im Licht antiker Parallelbefunde, Wiesbaden: Reichert.

Russo Tagliente, A. 1992. Edilizia domestica in Apulia e Lucania. Ellenizzazione e società nella tipologia abitativa indigena tra VIII e III sec. a.C., Milan: Congedo.

NOTES

1. CARTER, D’ANNIBALE 1993. 2. BENCIVENGA TRILLMICH 1983, 421; NEUTSCH 1994, 66. 3. Cf. RUMSCHEID 2006, 110. 4. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei 1972, 111, nn. 211–212; 112, n. 202; 126–127, n. 241; Accademia nazionale dei Lincei 1992, 184. 5. RICCARDI 1988, 106. 6. BARRA BAGNASCO 1992, 286. 7. Cf. Accademia nazionale dei Lincei 1972, 116, n. 213. 8. OLBRICH 1979, 157. 9. RUSSO TAGLIENTE 1992, 270–271. 10. BARRA BAGNASCO 1997, 7. 11. RUSSO TAGLIENTE 1992, 97. 12. CARTER 2006, 139–140. 13. BARRA BAGNASCO 1992, 286–293. 14. RUSSO TAGLIENTE 1992, 270. 15. FRACCHIA, GUALTIERI 1989, 227. 16. CARTER 2006, 140.

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INDEX

Keywords: survey, terracotta, figurine, domestic, South Italy

AUTHOR

AURA PICCIONI University of Regensburg [email protected]

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Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Research, II. The Work of the Academic Year 2014-2015

Arthur Muller and Jaimee Uhlenbrock

1 An international team of 7 researchers has met for the second and third time to continue a collaboration on two on-going projects that are envisaged as aids for coroplastic research.1 The first concerns the Handbook for Coroplastic Research, a manual that is designed for those new to coroplastic studies. The second project is called Winter On-Line, which involves the creation of a searchable version of F. Winter, Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, 1903, in wiki format. The team comprises Marina Albertocchi (Ca Foscari University, Venice), Christine Aubry (University of Lille), Stéphanie Huysecom- Haxhi (CNRS Lille), Arthur Muller (University of Lille / IUF), Marion Muller-Dufeu (University of Lille), Ambra Pace (University of Messina), Antonella Pautasso (IBAM- CNR Catania), and Jaimee Uhlenbrock (State University of New York at New Paltz). Ambra Pace was not present at the third meeting.

2 The second meeting were held in Catania, from October 9 to October 11, 2014, when work was conducted on two chapters of the Handbook for Coroplastic Research, the chapter “The Historiography of Coroplastic Studies,” and the “Lexicon” chapter. The third of these meetings took place from May 19 to May 22, 2015, in Lille, where work continued both on the Handbook for Coroplastic Research and on the project Winter On- Line.

Handbook for coroplastic research

The form of the publication

3 The chapters will be published as they are ready in the language of each of the authors in Les Carnets de l’ACoSt and will be available in open access.

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4 For the eventual book form, all chapters will be updated and translated into English. The Handbook will be accessible through the ACoSt website as a free download, as well as through OpenEdition.org. For those who prefer a print edition, a print-on-demand copy can be ordered for a modest fee.

The Work accomplished

5 Discussions were held on the best way for presenting a Timeline for Coroplastic Research in both html and print format. Suggestions were made for additional sections to the Handbook: • To Chapter 4. “Working Methods.” Include a section on the digital capture of fingerprints and methods for comparisons. • To Chapter 4. “Working Methods.” Include a section on the most effective techniques for photographing coroplastic objects. • To Chapter 6. “Different Approaches.” Include a section on the fabrication and identification of forgeries. • As an Appendix: Have an annotated list of exhibitions that have featured Greek figurative terracottas.

6 Names of additional collaborators were proposed for specific contributions, particularly for Chapter 6. “Different Approaches.”

7 A review was made of the revisions of Chapter 1, “The Historiography” by JU. JU suggested that it be published as an excerpt, either in its entirety or in two parts, in Les Carnets.

8 There was a collaborative fleshing out of the multilingual “Lexicon” proposed by AM in 1997. Improvements were made to definitions, particularly those in English and Italian, and some vocabulary categories were added.

9 AnP and MA presented an annotated list of vocabulary references in both Greek and Latin for the various kinds of contexts within which one could expect to find figurative terracottas, such as stips, favissa, bothros, etc.

Winter Online

The Database design

10 An informational meeting was held with Professor Marc Tommasi of the Department of Information Sciences at Lille University. Suggestions and discussions were made on the forms that a collaborative and searchable database could take that will be based on F. Winter, Die Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, 1903, but presented in a wiki format so it constantly could be updated by interested researchers. Initially this project will comprise a collection of images taken directly from Winter 1903 and a certain number of objective, descriptive terms that serve as identifiers. Eventually, this database could develop into a self-identification tool for classifying new coroplastic types that are either complete or are important fragments. The user will be able to search the database by type, site, date, attribute, etc. There also was some discussion on the

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applicability of facial recognition software to the identification of coroplastic types. It is anticipated that this project will be carried out in at least 4 stages: • Stage 1: Build the directory structure for the database. Considerable work has already been accomplished for this stage. • Stage 2: Transform Winter 1903 into a true database that is searchable image by image, unlike the version digitized by the University of Heidelberg.2 While this is a very useful digital resource since so few libraries have this book, it is not searchable. • Stage 3: Add to the database single, additional examples of the types already represented in Winter 1903 by means of an illustration, if it is of a better quality than that in Winter 1903 and with an indication of the findspot and/or collection of that additional example. • Stage 4: Add to the database new types with illustrations, findspots, and/or collections.

11 The goals of the project are twofold. The first is to have all the iconographic types represented, including variants, but without references to mould series or mould generations. The illustration of additional types not already represented in Winter 1903 will be by fully-preserved, or almost fully-preserved, examples. These illustrations can be in the form of either a digital photograph or a digitized drawing, especially in the case of a reconstructed terracotta.

12 The second goal of this project is the establishment of objective criteria rooted in a directory tree upon which the classification of types will be built. The final link in this tree will be for interpretation, the only part of the directory tree that is not objective.

Theoretical construction of the database

13 A group discussion was held on the best way to construct a file for each type. It was decided that each file would have two principal parts:

14 The first analyzes each iconographic type according to the following headings: • Technique (wheelmade / handmade / mouldmade / mixed) • Image support (freestanding / relief / plastic vase / mould) • Iconographic type, defined by a directory tree based on a hierarchy of objective, descriptive criteria.

15 For the most common types of anthropomorphic terracottas the hierarchy of criteria will be: • The form of the representation (single figure / multiple figures / partial representation) • The nature of the representation (anthropomorphic / zoomorphic / mythical / thing) • The gender (female / male / hermaphrodite / uncertain) • Age (child / adolescent / adult / old / uncertain) • Posture / gesture (standing / seated / reclining / crouching / kneeling / flying / etc.) • Dress (value list) • Attributes (value list) • Chronology, in broad terms (Geometric / Archaic / Classical / Late Classical / Hellenistic / Uncertain).

16 From level 3 onwards, these criteria are, of course, not always relevant for all branches of the directory tree. For example, criteria 3–7 can not apply to a “thing,” for which the levels 4 and 5 respectively will give a list of families of objects (such as musical instruments / vases / furniture / ...) and lists of objects for each family. Criterion 5 cannot be applied to partial representations (protomes, protome-busts, anatomical

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parts). However, for “multiple figures” set at 1, the tree will be multiplied by the number of figures. All these differences will lead to the establishment of contextual menus, conditioned by the choices at certain levels (for example: if 2 = “thing,” then 3 = “object family”).

17 The second part of the file analyzes the occurrences of each type with the following headings for each occurrence: • Findspot (level 3 of the geographic tree) • Number of examples • Contexts (votive / funerary / domestic / commercial / industrial) • Collection (museum, archaeological site) • Publication

Experimental archaeology

18 An ancillary part of the last two meetings in Catania and Lille were two excursions that were prompted by a proposal from AM and AnP for an experimental archaeology program that will investigate coroplastic serial production. Two independent, but parallel, experiments, one in Catania and one in Lille, will document the manufacture of certain figurative terracotta types derived from one and the same prototype through several generations. The goal is to verify the physical aspects of serial production at two independent workshops through accurate observations and to illustrate its successive phases as they pertain to definitions proposed for the “Lexicon” of the Handbook for Coroplastic Research.

19 For the first part of this program the team visited the ceramic studio Ken Art Ceramica of Gaetano Grifò in Centuripe, Sicily, last October. This is a studio that reproduces mostly ancient Greek vases and terracottas in a manner closely aligned to that of the ancient Greek originals, and these reproductions are manufactured in local clay using historical techniques (See the on-line catalogue www.kenart.it) (fig. 1).

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Fig. 1. Gaetano Grifò with one of his modern reproductions of a bust from Morgantina.

Photo: Jaimee Uhlenbrock.

For his own work, Grifò generally models clay prototypes and then makes plaster moulds from these prototypes. From these moulds he produces numerous casts in clay. Grifò does not practice surmoulage because of the inevitable deterioration in the quality of the successive generations. For our experimental program, however, Grifò agreed to change his manner of working by modelling three prototypes in clay: a protome, a theatrical mask, and a figure of Artemis. He then made clay moulds from these prototypes (fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Moulds made by Gaetano Grifò.

Photo: Thomas Nicq, Halma–UMR 8164 (Univ. Lille, CNRS, MCC).

In this way preparation was complete for an eventual mass production as it would have been practiced by ancient coroplasts. The terracotta types chosen for this experiment present two levels of difficulty in the casting and especially in the release of the cast from the mould. The first level involves the simple, frontal moulds for a protome and a mask, while the second level of difficulty involves a double, or bivalve, mould for the Artemis figure, since the back of the figure is detailed. These moulds will be used in Lille to produce first generation terracottas, from which second generation moulds will

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be made. The scope of the experiment is then to continue production of the 3 series in parallel in Lille and in Catania.

20 The second excursion took place this past May. The team visited the Archaeological Museum of Bavay (Bagacum Nerviorum), which is next to the largest Roman forum in Gaul. The museum has at its disposal an electric kiln that is used for pedagogical activities. It is there that the products of the Lille contingent of the experimental program will be fired.

21 Unrelated to the experimental program was another excursion that was made by AM and MMD, with JU, to the Archaeological Museum of Oise, which has on display an important exhibition of Gallo-Roman terracottas that were recovered during excavations of the Roman site of Vendeuil-Caply in 2013 (See the notice by Adrien Bossard in this issue).

22 The next meeting of the team is scheduled for the third week of November 2015 in Catania.

NOTES

1. See ACoSt Newsletter 11, Winter 2014, 32–33. 2. digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/winter1903

AUTHORS

ARTHUR MULLER Université de Lille, Halma, IUF

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK Department of Art History, State University of New York, New Paltz

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Dans les musées At the Museums

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Gallo-Roman Terracottas at the Musée archéologique de l’Oise

Adrien Bossard

REFERENCES

Adrien Bossard, Figures de terre, Catalogue d’exposition, Musée archéologique de l’Oise, 2015

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1 This exhibition also provided an opportunity for the Musée archéologique de l’Oise to work with schools on the subject of the archaeology of Gallo-Roman terracottas. Various collaborations resulted in the creation of a comic book, a short film, a 3D digitization, drawings, and contemporary art, among other projects. All these items are now displayed in the museum along with the Gallo-Roman figurines.

2 In 2016, the exhibition will travel to the Musée Boucher-de-Perthes (Abbeville) and its museography will be adapted to their collection of figurines. Vendeuil- Caply’s corpus will be compared to the products of ancient Greek and Roman coroplasts, as visitors will be able to explore coroplasty on a much larger scale.

NOTES

1. Ca. 1850. Rennes, Musée des Beaux-Arts.

ABSTRACTS

Eighty terracotta figurines from the 2013 discovery at Vendeuil-Caply are exhibited for the first time in the Musée archéologique de l’Oise, located near the archaeological site of Vendeuil-Caply. This exhibition Figures de la terre (fig. 1), which runs until November 2015, is the result of a collaboration with 11 French museums and presents in total more than 100 objects that explore the typological variety and the aesthetic character of the Gallo-Roman figurines of northern Gaul. Included in the exhibition is Marchande de statuettes à Pompéi,1 a 19th-century painting by the neo-classical painter Henry-Pierre Picou that effectively illustrates a commercial context for Roman figurines.

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AUTHORS

ADRIEN BOSSARD Musée archéologique de l’Oise [email protected]

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Life in Miniature Exhibition at the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology: Intertwining Theoretical and Traditional Approaches in the Exhibition of Terracotta Figurines and Other Miniature Objects

Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper

REFERENCES

Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper, Life in Miniature Exhibition at the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology: Intertwining Theoretical and Traditional Approaches in the Exhibition of Terracotta Figurines and Other Miniature Objects, Kelsey Museum of Archaeology, University of Michigan, 2014

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1 The exhibition, which was open to the public from December 2013 through April 2014, presented tiny artifacts from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (in modern Iraq) dating between 300 B.C.E. and 200 C.E. Of special interest to museum visitors was that the Life in Miniature exhibition was the first public display of most of these objects since their excavation in Iraq in the 1930s. The majority of the objects in the exhibition were terracotta figurines, making this one of the largest special exhibitions of Hellenistic Babylonian terracottas in recent years. As specialists in coroplastic studies are well aware, miniature objects (including terracotta figurines) are often found in massive quantities in the archaeological record—an overwhelming, and ironic, largesse of tiny things that does not translate well to traditional museum display practices. Thus is a reality that is often lost on the museum visitor, who is usually only shown a handful of carefully curated, pristine examples, unaware that hundreds (if not thousands) more such objects exist. The Life in Miniature exhibition inverted this display trend, and presented over 700 miniature objects, not all of them pristine or unbroken, to demonstrate that such tiny things were an integral and ubiquitous part of ancient life (fig. 1).

Figure 1: View of terracotta figurine displays, as Exhibition Curator Stephanie Langin-Hooper gives tour.

Credit: Craig Bell, BGSU.

2 The initial impetus for organizing this exhibition came from the loan-to-transfer of Seleucia objects from the Toledo Museum of Art (TMA) to the Kelsey Museum in 2012. The TMA was a financial sponsor of the University of Michigan’s six seasons of archaeological excavation at the site of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris in the 1920s and 1930s. In accordance with then-current archaeological conventions in the host country of Iraq, the Seleucia expedition brought a selection of artifacts back to the United States.

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The Kelsey Museum received the vast majority of these objects (over 13,000), while approximately 700 of the finds were distributed to the Toledo Museum of Art. Many of those artifacts were chosen specifically for the TMA while the excavation team was still in Iraq: hand-written field labels inscribed with the word “Toledo” are still attached to a few of these ancient objects. The objects destined for the Toledo Museum of Art were selected to fit in with the TMA’s mission as a leading public art museum, rather than an archaeological museum. Thus, despite the relatively small number of Seleucia artifacts received by the TMA, most were well-preserved, high quality, and appealing to a modern aesthetic taste. However, none of the Seleucia objects were ever on display at the TMA, which eventually led to their 2012 transfer to the Kelsey Museum and the reuniting of the Seleucia-on-the-Tigris collection. The Life in Miniature exhibition spotlighted about 200 of these TMA pieces, with the remaining 500 objects in the exhibition coming from the Kelsey’s permanent collection.

3 The introductory display in the Life in Miniature exhibition highlighted the history of the Seleucia-on-the-Tigris excavation and the partnership between the Kelsey Museum and the Toledo Museum of Art. The rest of the exhibition alternated between presenting these miniature objects according to traditional methodologies and modes of analysis (such as type, iconography, and manufacturing technique) and more theoretical approaches to figurines that explored the role of miniaturization in conditioning the ways in which people see, interact with, and ultimately use tiny objects to express social identities. The curatorial goal in alternating traditional and theoretical approaches was to highlight the importance of both avenues of study, as well as to encourage visitors to think about miniature objects—both in the past, and in their modern lives—from a wide variety of perspectives. The “cuteness” (or, in more scholarly terms, the “enchantment”) of miniature objects was brought to the fore throughout the exhibition, not as something to be dismissed or romanticized, but rather as a key reason why miniatures were used so widely in the past and continue to be fascinating today. Armed with the portable, hand-held magnifying glasses provided at the entrance to the exhibition, visitors were encouraged to acknowledge their own experiences of “enchantment” in reaction to these miniature artifacts (fig. 2).

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Figure 2: Close-up view of a terracotta “puppet” figurine, as a visitor uses a magnifying glass to inspect it.

Credit: Craig Bell, BGSU.

4 Wall panels and display cases in the first half of the exhibition focused on the personal aspects of interactions between people and miniatures. The first display presented the theoretical concept of “fascination with the tiny,” followed by a more traditionally- themed case that organized miniatures by the functional category of being worn on the human body (signet rings, pendants, etc.). The third display was organized by iconographic typology, presenting terracotta figurines of various animals and exploring how the ownership of miniature animals allowed a personal interaction with wild, as well as domestic, species that was not possible in real life. The fourth, and the largest, case in the exhibition displayed “interactive” miniatures, as defined by their movable, interchangeable, or separately-added components. Theoretical issues came to the fore in this display, where such miniatures were discussed as making the large- scale world “feel” more manageable by literally shrinking it to tiny proportions. While all miniatures have this capacity, interactive miniatures further accentuate these feelings of self-assurance by giving their owners the ability to manipulate and pose another human body—albeit a tiny one. The installation of objects in this display case was carefully crafted to give the visitor a sense of these figurines’ potential for movement and interactivity. This can be seen in Figure 3, an in-progress installation photograph of me positioning a horse-rider figurine over a corresponding miniature horse, as if their original owner was seen in the act of play.

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Figure 3: Exhibition Curator Stephanie Langin-Hooper installing a horse-rider and horse figurines.

Credit: Mariah Postlewait.

Visitors to the Life in Miniature exhibition were also able to experience the delight of interacting with miniatures through a series of nine digital animations, accessible on iPads in the museum gallery (fig. 4). In these animations, digital reconstructions of several of the ancient objects displayed in the exhibition moved in the same way(s) that they did for their original owners approximately 2,000 years ago. These digital animations were created in cooperation with the Digital Arts program at Bowling Green State University.

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Figure 4: Visitor using iPad touch-screens to view animations of interactive figurines in motion.

Credit: Craig Bell, BGSU.

5 In the second half of the exhibition, focus shifted from personal interactions with miniatures to the broader questions of what these tiny objects can tell scholars about the ancient society of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. This section began from a traditional perspective of coroplastic study: figurine manufacturing and production techniques, as well as the functionality of miniatures, were explored in the exhibition’s fifth and sixth cases. The seventh case, also quite traditional in organization, presented figurines linked to supernatural beliefs; these included representations of the gods themselves, as well as other supernatural beings, worshippers, miniature “offerings,” and representations of cultic buildings and furniture. Despite the traditional scope of these three displays, theoretically-driven perspectives on miniature objects were also hinted at in the corresponding text panels. For instance, in the presentation of figurines depicting the Greek god Herakles, visitors were asked to consider why miniature representations of deities might be appealing—and that perhaps such figurines might celebrate the god’s power, and yet, conversely, also grant the ability to hold a god in one’s hand, inspiring feelings of personal control over an unpredictable world.

6 The final two cases of ancient objects in the exhibition were the broadest in scope and among the more explicitly progressive in academic perspective. Case eight tackled the issue of cross-cultural interaction between Greeks, Babylonians, and the other diverse residents of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris in the Seleucid and Parthian periods. The issue of cross-cultural interaction is considered one of the most significant of this historical period, and most perspectives on this topic look to royal policy and other high-level evidence for insights into Hellenistic-era social organization. This display took a bottom-up approach to analyzing humble and unassuming figurines for evidence of how, and to what extent, members of this community engaged across cultural lines. It is my contention that the figurines provide evidence of substantial cross-cultural exchange, as could be seen in figurines shown in this exhibition’s eight display cases (fig. 5), which present a range of Greek and Babylonian traditional styles and

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manufacturing techniques. Indeed, such cross-cultural blending and “hybridity” could be observed throughout the objects in this exhibition—a reflection of the complex social world of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. The ninth and final case of ancient objects in the exhibition explored how this social diversity means that it is difficult to even categorize the miniatures of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris into “types,” as the lines between motifs, styles, manufacturing techniques, and even object material were blurred (and, to some extent, disappeared) in the wake of the rich, cross-cultural interactions and exchange between artistic traditions that created the plethora and diversity of miniature objects on exhibit.

Figure 5: Eighth display case in the exhibition, highlighting figurine evidence for cross-cultural interaction between Greeks, Babylonians, and other cultural groups at Seleucia-on-the-Tigris.

Credit: Mariah Postlewait.

7 Links between the ancient miniature objects of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris and our modern world were made in two installations in the Life in Miniature exhibition. The last display case in the show presented a selection of “modern day miniatures,” such as dolls and collectables, which were curated and displayed in the same way as the ancient objects. In placing such every-day objects behind glass, the exhibition bridged the gap between past and present, and encouraged visitors to reflect on how our own society also has a “life in miniature.” Additionally, a photographic collage installation by Mariah Postlewait, entitled What do Miniatures Say about You?, seen in the background of Figure 3, juxtaposed images of people holding their own, contemporary miniatures, such as Christmas ornaments, refrigerator magnets, and wedding-cake toppers, with photographs of the Kelsey Museum staff holding ancient artifacts. Through this photographic journey, visitors were invited to consider how the miniatures in their own lives and homes relate to personal and social identities today.

8 In addition to visiting the Life in Miniature exhibition, the public was also invited to attend the exhibition lecture series and associated events. I gave the opening night lecture, entitled “Miniatures in Life: the Role of Tiny Objects in Everyday Worlds,” which provided an introduction to the exhibition’s highlight objects, as well as an overview of the exhibition’s theme and organizing principles. A lecture by Douglass Bailey of San Francisco State University introduced the public to miniaturization theory, and a lecture by my co-curator Sharon Herbert of the University of Michigan

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contextualized the exhibition within the broader trends and events of the Hellenistic world. A family day with kid-friendly activities focused on figurines, toys, and other miniature objects completed the public events calendar.

9 An exhibition like this one was by no means a solo venture. I was honored to have been invited to guest curate, along with Sharon Herbert, this important exhibition at the Kelsey Museum. For this invitation, I would like to thank Margaret Root, Sharon Herbert, and Dawn Johnson. Museum Director Chris Rattè was a gracious supervisory presence. The exhibitions and collections staff, especially Scott Meier, Sebastian Encina, and Michelle Fontenot, were tremendously helpful. I am additionally grateful to the Kelsey staff for allowing me to recruit four Bowling Green State University students as Kelsey Museum Interns; these four interns (Cathie Moore, Mariah Postlewait, Jess Pfundstein, and Julie Knechtges) have my sincere thanks for their tireless work throughout the exhibition design and installation process.

ABSTRACTS

The Kelsey Museum of Archaeology recently hosted a special exhibition, entitled Life in Miniature: Identity and Display at Ancient Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, co-curated by myself (Stephanie Langin- Hooper) and Sharon Herbert. Indeed, the focus of the show was to illustrate how and why terracotta figurines and other miniatures were used in the everyday lives of the people of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris.

AUTHORS

STEPHANIE M. LANGIN-HOOPER Southern Methodist University [email protected]

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Les terres cuites à la une Terracottas in the News

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Au musée de l'archéologie, on peut adopter des figurines ! Le Parisien (17 Janv. 2015, Vendeuil-Caply)

Patrick Caffin

Adrien Bossard, directeur du musée, présente une des figurines « adoptables ». L’argent récolté servira notamment à financer leur restauration. Devenir le parrain d'une figurine gallo- romaine pour avoir son nom sur le cartel d'explication lors des expositions de « votre » figurine et assister aux diverses étapes de sa restauration. C'est le principe proposé par Adrien Bossard, directeur du musée archéologique de Vendeuil-Caply. Quasiment en sommeil depuis son ouverture, en 2011, le musée va changer de dimension cette année. Depuis son arrivée, en juillet 2013, le directeur s'est lancé dans une grande opération de dépoussiérage. Au menu, une exposition ( voir par ailleurs), un dossier de dix pages dans le prochain numéro de la revue Archéologia et un parrainage innovant pour récolter des fonds afin de restaurer des figurines gallo-romaines. Une de ses premières décisions a été de sortir 80 des 200 figurines de la réserve où elles étaient stockées depuis juillet 2013. « C'est vrai que j'aurais pu choisir de les laisser accessibles aux seuls chercheurs, mais il fallait les montrer au public le plus rapidement possible », déclare-t-il. En effet, ces fameuses figurines se sont révélées être une découverte archéologique majeure. « Ce sont des figurines en terre cuite gallo-romaine datant du IIe siècle après Jésus- Christ, explique-t-il. Elles sont exceptionnelles car elles sont polychromes. Jusqu'à cette découverte, toutes les figurines de cette époque étaient blanches. Là, les archéologues ont trouvé des animaux en couleur. En fait, nous avons découvert qu'il y avait eu un grand incendie entre 170 et 180 après Jésus-Christ. Les figurines ont dû être recuites à cette occasion, ce qui a fixé les pigments de couleur ».

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Ce sont ces figurines qui sont proposées à « l'adoption ». « L'idée m'est venue d'une opération similaire réalisée à Versailles, précise Adrien Bossard. Une souscription publique a été lancée pour restaurer les bancs du parc du château et il était proposé aux donateurs d'adopter un banc. Une figurine, c'est plus poétique quand même. Pour parrainer, le tarif est de 100 € par figurine. Cette somme est déductible à 66 % des impôts. Une trentaine de figurines sont encore disponibles à l'adoption. » L'argent récolté servira à financer les analyses et la restauration des figurines. « Ce sont des restaurateurs spécialisés qui réaliseront l'opération en collaboration avec le centre de recherche des musées de France, précise Adrien Bossard. S'il reste des fonds, il servira à poursuivre les recherches autour du théâtre gallo-romain de Caply. Il faut savoir que sur notre parcelle de 100 ha, seule un quart a été fouillé. Nous aurons bientôt de nouvelles belles découvertes ».

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A Unique Shrine From the Late Iron Age in Jordan As reported in Nieuws-Suriname, December 2014

Jaimee Uhlenbrock

1 In and around the shrine building were found terracotta figurines of horses and women, along with other imported and local material that testifies to wide-ranging cultural contacts. The figurines were handmade and still preserve much of their painted details, such as horse trappings.

A characteristic terracotta horse from Tell Damiyah with painted details.

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2 This shrine may have been frequented by merchants and travelers since it is located at the intersection of principal trade routes close to a Jordan river crossing. The entire area of the village, including its shrine, was destroyed by a massive fire around 700 B.C.E.

ABSTRACTS

In October and November of 2014 an archaeological team lead by Lucas Petit of the University of Leiden and Zeidan Kafafi of Yarmouk University uncovered a 2,700-year-old shrine at Tell Damiyah in Jordan. This had been in the center of a small village that had been closely allied with the Neo-Assyrian capital, as is attested by written sources and ceramics. The shrine was in the form of a rectangular building with a platform measuring eight by six metres. The discovery of this shrine is of considerable importance since this is the first late Iron Age shrine to have been brought to light in the region.

AUTHOR

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK Department of Art History, State University of New York, New Paltz

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Reported in Japan Realtime, Aug 22, 2014: Arts and Culture Jomon Terracotta Figurine Designated a National Treasure

Jaimee Uhlenbrock

1 Four terracotta figurines, or dogū, of the middle or late Jomon period have received this designation, the latest being the so-called Masked Goddess of ca. 2000 to 1000 B.C.E. (Fig. 1). This hollow figurine was discovered on August 23, 2000, during archaeological exploration of the Nakappara site in the Kohigashi district of Chino City, and it was officially declared a National Treasure on August 21, 2014.

2 While at least some 18,000 dogū are known in Japan, most were recovered from rubbish heaps and were extensively broken. By contrast, the 34-centimeter Masked Goddess was brought to light in a burial pit in several large fragments that had been carefully assembled and placed inside its hollow body. It is believed that this reflects an act of ritual breakage. Only nine other dogū have been brought to light from funerary contexts and all underwent minimal breakage, unlike the condition of most of the dogū from rubbish heaps.

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Fig. 1. Dogu from Nakappara site, Nagano Prefecture, Jomon period, 2000 BC - 1000 BC (Togariishi Museum of Jomon Archeology, Chino city, Nagano)

Photo: Japan Realtime, Aug 22, 2014: Arts and Culture.

3 For more on dogū see CSIG News, Winter 2011, p. 9 for the exhibition The Power of Dogū: Ceramic Figurines from Ancient Japan.

ABSTRACTS

In Japan, great reverence is paid to significant cultural forms of expression, such as important works of art or architecture. They are awarded the title of kokuhō, or National Treasure, by the Agency for Cultural Affairs, an office of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology.

AUTHOR

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK Department of Art History, State University of New York, New Paltz

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Récentes conférences Recent Conferences

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March 7, 2015, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University Organized by Angela Bellia and Clemente Marconi Representations of Musicians in the Coroplastic Art of the Ancient World: Iconography, Ritual Contexts, and Functions

Institute of Fine Arts, New York University European Commission Research Executive Agency Seventh Framework Programme, Marie Curie Actions Department of Cultural Heritage, University of Bologna Center for Ancient Studies at New York University The Association for Coroplastic Studies

Abstracts

Choral Songs of Girls in Preclassical Sparta: Poetic Performance, Rhythmical Rituals, Musical Arts, Gendered Identities

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1 Claude Calame, Emeritus Director of Studies at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Centre AnHiMA

The culture of song and dance in ancient Greece, particularly in preclassical Sparta, offers many melic poems that correspond to choral songs ritually performed on the occasion of the different stages of an educational cursus—be it erotic, religious and social—of an initiatory function. To the various rhythms of a performance sung and danced (vocal rhythm, rhythm within the musical melody, metrical rhythm corresponding to a choreography and a set of gestures), one must add the rhythm of the annual religious and civic calendar. This rhythm is composed of the cultic festivals into which are inserted the rituals associated with the different stages leading young men and girls from an instable adolescence to mature adulthood. This rhythm, both in song and ritual cursus, can be highlighted in the reading of a partheneion song composed by the poet Alcman in Sparta for musical and ritual performance by a chorus of young women.

Musician Dwarves in Ancient Mesopotamia and Elam

2 Annie Caubet, Honorary Curator, Louvre Museum

A number of terracotta plaques of the early second millennium B.C.E. in Babylonia and Elam depict craftsmen engaged in their activity, among them a number of lyre, lute and harp players. These images provide excellent information concerning the shape and construction technique of these instruments. Their archaeological contexts are unknown and their function and meaning unclear: they may have been dedicated to the gods by musician votaries wishing to leave their mark; or by non-musicians in order to perpetuate the celebration of rituals accompanied by such musical instruments.

Most of these plaques, created from a single mold pressed into fresh clay, depict the figures in profile, conforming to standard Mesopotamian iconography. A smaller group, however, show a figure seen frontally, a common visual device for the depiction of supra human and magical figures. Not only is the head presented in frontal view, but the whole body is as well, each leg extending outwards with flexed knees, boldly displaying the sexual parts. The proportions of the different components of the body—the overlarge head and the shortened, distorted legs are diagnostic traits of nanism, or dwarves, who were rumored in popular belief to possess extra-natural sexual power. In the later visual arts of the ancient world, these traits would be borrowed for the depiction of such fantastic figures as the wild man Humbaba in Mesopotamia, Bes in Egypt and the Levant, and the Gorgon in Greece. A significant number of these terracotta dwarf figures of Mesopotamia and Elam are musicians: they are engaged in playing a lute, while their bent legs are shown in the movement of dance, an illustration of the Biblical passage where David danced before the Ark, flexing his knees (II Samuel 6, 15).

These representations of dwarves are early illustrations of the ambiguous status— both positive and repulsiveenjoyed by music and musicians in the ancient world,

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examples of which are to be found in later grotesque representations of musicians from the Greco-Roman world.

The Terracotta Figurines with Stringed Instruments from the Sanctuary of Apollo Clarios

3 Elçin Doğan Gürbüzer, Assistant Professor, Ege University, Izmir, Turkey

The sanctuary of Apollo Clarios is located in Turkey, within the borders of modern Ahmetbeyli in the province of Izmir, in what was known in antiquity as Ionia. The establishment of the sanctuary is dated to the 13th century B.C.E., and it was in continuous use to the late Roman period. The sanctuary, which was dedicated to Apollo, the god of the oracular arts, received large quantities of figurines as votive offerings from the sub-Mycenean period until the Hellenistic period. Among those figurines, the representations of musicians carrying stringed instruments in their left hands have a special importance. The instruments carried include the lyra, the kithara, and the barbitos. The figurine corpus, which was mass-produced, reflects an internal stylistic progression. It is believed that the figurines played an important role in the cultic activities of the sanctuary from the second half of the sixth century B.C.E. to the Hellenistic period. The three instruments represented differ from each other by means of their function and physical structure. In this study, the iconographic and stylistic meanings of the figurines will be discussed, the differences of the instruments will be illustrated, and the functions of the figurines in the context of the sanctuary will be examined.

Performing Music in Phoenician and Punic Rituals: A Coroplastic Approach

4 Agnès Garcia-Ventura, Beatriu de Pinós Fellow, La Sapienza University in Rome

5 Mireia López-Bertran, Beatriu de Pinós/Marie Curie Fellow, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona

The aim of the paper is to present and analyze a sample of Phoenician and Punic (seventh-second centuries B.C.E.) terracotta representations of musicians from selected areas of the western Mediterranean (Iberia, Ibiza, and Carthage). The analysis of these depictions consists of three steps. The first step is a description of the instruments represented and the bodily gestures that accompany the practice of performing music with certain instruments. Second, the contextualization of these images within their chronological and geographical framework will be considered in order to shed some light into both the presence of music in rituals and its possible use in association with ritual performances. Finally, the issue of gender will be considered, as these representations are mostly of female figures. The paper will argue that playing music was an empowering activity for certain Phoenician and Punic women.

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Rethinking Female Figurines from Rabbath-Ammon and Beyond

6 Regine Hunziker-Rodewald, Professor, University of Strasbourg

Among the small finds from the Iron Age II that have been discovered on the citadel of Rabbath-Ammon are fragments of more than 60 female terracotta figurines (Database Franco-German Figurines Project). Twenty-five percent of these mass-produced figurines are represented playing a decorated frame drum. These female musicians, with their large, almond-shaped eyes, are nude or half- nude, have long, curled hair, and most often wear jewelry. When the lower body and the legs are preserved, the figurines’ decorated girdles, as well as their multiple anklets, are visible, the latter supposedly accentuating the rhythm of the drums by a dancing gesture. The pubic region is also strongly emphasized. The female musicians are typologically identical, but their physical appearance and the quality of the clay differ. To the south of the Rabbath-Ammon region (Wadi ath- Thamad, Karak) similar or identical female musicians have been found that were attached on both sides of the entrance of ceramic shrine models. This fact proves the cultic function of these figurines. Their significance is still to be explained, yet it is highly probable that they were linked to the cult of the god El.

Eros Mousikos

7 Kyriaki Karoglou Assistant Curator of Greek and Roman Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Departing from two terracotta statuettes in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art that represent Eros playing the kithara and the tambourine (MMA 17.230.46 and 06.1069 respectively), this paper will explore the iconography of Eros playing instruments and its possible meanings and ritual functions. Although flying Nikai and Erotes are among the most popular terracottas in the late Classical and Hellenistic period, this particular class of statuettes has not received closer attention. Since most are found in tombs, the paper will examine how the figure of Eros as a musician operates within the general framework of depictions of musical performance and dance in a funerary context.

The Social Roles of Musicians in the Moche World: An Iconographic Analysis of Their Attributes in the Middle Moche Period’s Ritual Pottery

8 Daniela La Chioma Silvestre Villalva, doctoral candidate, Department of Archaeology of the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University of São Paulo, Brazil

The Moche inhabited the north coast of Peru during the Andean Early Intermediate period (0–700 C.E.). One of the most distinctive features of Moche ritual pottery is the depiction of highly ranked individuals usually described as priests, warriors, deities, and supernatural beings. They are mainly present on Middle Moche-period vessels (100–400 C.E.), which were probably produced within

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the context of deep social and political transformation. Supposedly, this was a time marked by the rise in social standing of some of the southern Moche valley’s elites. It was precisely during this period that a large number of musicians, playing a great variety of sound instruments, were recurrently depicted in artifacts such as figurines, whistles, stirrup spout bottles, and jars. Interestingly, in many cases, they appear carrying similar attributes of high status individuals or garments of important supernatural beings. The similarity of the attributes carried by musicians and empowered individuals are easily recognized in the iconography of the ceramic archaeological vessels or in funerary contexts.

Detailed iconographic analysis shows us that the musicians are present in most of the important ritual and political thematic scenes of the Moche iconography. They seem to maintain a very close relationship with the protagonists of the Moche world’s visual narratives, such as the Presentation Theme, the Bicephalus Arch Theme, the Burial Theme, and others. The focus of this presentation is depictions of musicians who play panpipes, drums, and rattles. These images are compared with high-ranking characters depicted in Moche art, in order to identify the instrument players’ respective social roles in Moche society.

The Representation of Musicians in the Archaic Architectural Terracottas from Etruria and Central Italy

9 Sara Marandola, independent researcher Donata Sarracino, La Sapienza University, Rome

This paper will consider the representation of musicians in Etruscan architectural terracottas from sacred buildings, and in particular those of Poggio Civitate (Murlo 580–575 B.C.E.), Tuscania (Ara del Tufo 560–550 B.C.E. and Aquarossa 570–560 B.C.E.), and Tarquinia (560–550 B.C.E.), and further comparisons will be made to those of the Rome-Veio-Velletri decorative system. All these architectural terracottas present a similar iconography: a banquet of reclining banqueters entertained by standing musicians and dancers who face those being entertained. These motifs are associated with clay representations of military themes, such as soldiers standing or on horseback, an iconography that finds its origins in Greek and Near Eastern terracottas from the Orientalizing period (720–580 B.C.E.). These were widely disseminated in the Mediterranean and found fertile ground in Etruria, which became the main recipient of Greek culture in all its different forms in Italy.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the forms and the loci where these representations appeared in Etruscan culture. Through comparisons with paintings found in the associated necropoleis, the prevalent forms in which the theme was diffused will be shown, along with the role of musicians in Etruscan culture, identifying the continuity and the differences in respect to the Greek models. Ultimately, this highlights how the representations of musicians were absorbed by Etruscans in the late Orientalizing period and affirmed in the Archaic period. Yet this will also show how the Etruscans, even with their propensity for

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the imitation of Greek models, unconsciously made changes to the theme of the musician due to their different cultural background.

Gods, Men, Turtles: Terracotta Lyre-Players in Etruscan Votive Deposits

10 Daniele Federico Maras, Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America, Columbia University

This paper discusses terracotta figurines of the Hellenistic period representing lyre-players in southern Etruria, with special regard given to the sacred contexts where they were found. At Caere, lyre-players alone or with accompanying auloi- players are at times represented in connection with scenes of sacrifice and goddesses; in these cases the musicians are presumably to be interpreted as human assistants taking part in a ritual context. It is worth noting that according to the classical literary sources the Etruscans accompanied every such activity with music. In other cases, single figures of lyre-players have been interpreted as representations of Apollo. The variant representing a nude youth holding a lyre in his left hand and a pick in his right is widespread in Veii, Falerii (a seated version appears at Santa Marinella), and a less common type wearing a mantle on his hips and a bulla is known at Caere and Vulci. One might wonder whether these figurines always represent the god, or at times show worshippers as musicians, possibly assimilated to Apollo himself. Moreover, other visual sources show that the lyre was also considered a tool for divination in Etruria, fit for mythological prophets. It is therefore possible that in votive contexts such figurines allude to local divinatory practices. Finally, the paper will briefly address the occurrence of terracotta figurines representing turtles in Etruria, often in connection with cults of Apollo, as at Pyrgi and Veii. Scholars usually consider this animal associated with Greek female deities, and in particular Aphrodite. It is more likely, however, that the dedication of terracotta turtles in Etruria alluded to the myth of the invention of the lyre which involved Apollo and Hermes, considering the finding of turtle-shells among votive offerings in Etruscan tombs and sacred places.

Musical Performance, Society and Politics in Early First Millennium BCE Cyprus: Coroplastic and other Visual Evidence

11 Manolis Mikrakis, lecturer, National Technical University, Athens

Cyprus is an eastern Mediterranean island with a very distinct historical trajectory between insularity and connectivity, self-sufficiency and cosmopolitanism, continuity and change. Towards the end of the second millennium B.C.E., Cyprus seems to have suffered less from the crisis that swept most other regions in the eastern Mediterranean. Thus, the island retained its centrality in sea-routes and cultural exchange networks, particularly with the West, as well as a high degree of continuity in institutions, economy, and religion. Cypriot musical culture also remained prosperous; coroplastic products dating to the Early Iron Age, in particular, provide rare insights into an early horizon of musical activity in a

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period when other Mediterranean cultures were experiencing a “Dark Age,” or the initial recovery from it.

The present paper provides an overview of Cypro-Geometric and Cypro-Archaic coroplastic (and other) representations of musical performance, exploring the different types of musicians, musical instruments, playing techniques and contexts of music making. A special focus is placed on the continuities and discontinuities from the Bronze Age, the connections to the contemporary East and West, and the intertwining of musical practices with war, the human body and the supernatural. Overall, Cypriot musical practices are placed in the wider context of strategies for the construction of social identities and the legitimation of political authority in the formative period of the historical kingdoms of Cyprus.

Tympanon and Syrinx: A Musical Metaphor within the System of Ritual Practice and Belief at Metaponto

12 Rebecca Miller Ammerman, Professor of The Classics, Colgate University, Hamilton, New York

Nestled in an arbor between clusters of grapes hang a tympanon and a syrinx. Beneath this arc of fruit and musical instruments, a female figure and the goat-god Pan prance together over rocky ground. She holds a cornucopia laden with cakes and produce of the earth. He clasps a volute crater of impressive dimension laden, no doubt, with wine. Why did the artisan include the musical instruments in an image that was to be cast in clay, mechanically, over and over again, in order to provide the residents of Metaponto with affordable terracotta reliefs to serve as votive gifts to the deities whose shrines punctuated the urban and rural landscape of this Italiote city-state in late fourth and early third centuries B.C.E.?

In formulating a response to this question, attention focuses first on the possible significance of the musical instruments within the pictorial narrative of the dancing couple represented in the terracotta plaques and then moves on to an examination of the varied contexts of public and private rite where the plaques were employed by the local population. Consideration is given not only to how the reliefs themselves served as instruments in the performance of a ritual act, but also how their imagery may allude to (1) the performance of other rites and (2) associated mythic narratives within the context of the cults where the plaques served a religious purpose. An investigation of the larger system of ritual acts and underlying myths casts penetrating light on the deeper meaning of the tympanon and syrinx at Metaponto and may better illuminate the local artisan’s motives for fashioning the musical instruments in the midst of a grape arbor that shades a mythic dancing floor.

The Masks of the Dead: Music, Theater, and Burial Customs at Lipara in the Fourth to Third Centuries B.C.E.

13 Alessandro Pagliara, Professor, La Sapienza University, Rome

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Lipara, the largest of the Aeolian islands, was settled ca. 580 B.C.E. by colonists from Cyprus and Rhodes, and was the last among the Sicilian apoikiai to be founded. Thanks to the work of Luigi Bernabò Brea and Madeleine Cavalier, who extensively surveyed and excavated the island after World War II, this polis has become one of the most studied among the Western Greek colonies, and one of the most important sites for Mediterranean prehistory and protohistory. In addition to significant examples of figured pottery, important findings from the Liparean necropolis at contrada Diana include miniature clay theatrical masks and statuettes directly inspired by theatrical performances. These are unique in the ancient world for their quantity and quality. Among the burial goods from Lipara, the subject matter of the theatrical votive coroplastic objects can often be identified, and in some cases, especially for the tragic masks, linked to a specific drama. This raises important questions about the nature of the theatrical performances that took place in Lipari in the fourth to third centuries B.C.E. Furthermore, the excavations by Bernabò Brea and Cavalier near contrada Diana uncovered the remains of a suburban sanctuary, which they tentatively attributed to Demeter and Kore. The votive pits found there revealed a large number of terracottas related to theater, as well as a large quantity of pottery bearing religious subjects. Among these are many thousands of votive pinakes depicting female figures holding or playing both aulos and tympanon. These pinakes, together with the other terracottas and figured pottery with musical subject from contrada Diana, raise the question of what type of music was performed in the small, but thriving, Doric colony of Lipara, which, as a firm ally of Syracuse and strategically located for control of the straits of Messina, twice resisted attack by the Athenian fleet during the Peloponnesian War.

Musicians and Monkeys: Ancient Near Eastern Clay Plaques Displaying Musicians and their Socio-Cultural Role

14 Regine Pruzsinszky, Professor in Assyriology, Albert-Ludwigs-University, Freiburg

Considering the importance of music in the ancient Near East, archaeological and textual remains help to visualize the manifold aspects of musical life in both private and public domains, as well as in the secular and religious-cultural realms. Musicians and singers (Sumerian NAR, Akkadian nâru) were in the service of the palace or temple and played an important role in the oral transmission of literary texts, including epics, hymns, or prayers. This paper will address the wide range of the musicians’ social status, including the privileged royal singers, as well as the less privileged musicians of temple households and those living at the fringes of society.

Observations made based on the rich textual evidence of the ancient Near East from the third to the first millennium B.C.E. that will be compared with, and linked to, the information drawn from the archaeological artifacts themselves. This paper will specifically focus on the numerous ancient Near Eastern clay plaques, some of which show musicians together with animals that have been interpreted as an allegory for unprofitable art. Special emphasis will be given to

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musicians represented as, and together with, monkeys, a topos with a long literary tradition in Mesopotamia that has provoked a number of modern interpretations. The image of the “poor musician” is also reflected in the cuneiform sources drawn from different literary genres, which provide a fascinating insight into the lives of less privileged musicians and singers. Apart from their functional properties in everyday life, this paper will address more closely the social positions of singers in ancient Near Eastern society including their organization and relationship to other professional groups.

The Sistrum on Terracottas: Human Instrument or Divine Attribute?

15 Arnaud Saura-Ziegelmeyer, doctoral candidate,, University of Toulouse Jean Jaurès

While many Classical terracotta figurines represent musicians playing idiophones, such as crotals or castanets, the presence of the Greco-Roman sistrum seems very specific. It appears in the coroplastic repertoire as an exclusively divine attribute, never played by a human being, unlike other instruments such as the harp or the aulos. However, archeological data (about 200 objects or amulets) has confirmed that the sistrum, derived from a Pharaonic prototype, was a real and audible item used by individuals in Isiac ceremonies during the Hellenistic and Roman periods.

It is of interest to note that no word in ancient Greek or Latin refers to a “sistrum player” as a musician. The latter is more often named as a “sistrum holder.” Yet, is this individual a musician, a priest, or a simple devotee? The coroplastic corpus only presents a specific vision of it in the domestic context—a part of Isis’ image— but it is not sufficient to understand the sistrum as a musical instrument in ancient society.

An exploration of other types of sources is clearly necessary to understand the status of the sistrum player and his perception by Greco-Roman society. Without being a musical instrument per se, the sistrum embodies a dimension of sound that exceeds the simple reproduction of the Goddess’s image. According to iconographic and literary sources, the object seems rather to be understood more as a marker of identity than as a normal instrument.

Poster Session

Terracotta Figurines of Musicians in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens

16 Maria Chidiroglou, archaeologist, National Archaeological Museum, Athens

In the National Archaeological Museum in Athens are housed terracotta figurines of musicians from Attica, Euboea, Boeotia, the Aegean islands and various regions in Greece, as well as from sites in western Asia Minor, modern Turkey, such as Myrina and Smyrna. Examples include figurines of Eros and youths with lyres, flutes and cymbals, of Pan with pipes, female figurines with kitharas, tympana and

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other. They are dated in the late Classical and Hellenistic periods. These figurines can be studied in a number of ways. Their connection to graves or sanctuaries underscores popular religious beliefs and occasionally illustrates stories from myth. Their study also helps us gain insights into the standard types of string, wind, and percussion musical instruments used in all regions in these periods, as well as of garment types often worn by figures of divine musicians, such as Apollo, or mortal ones.

In this poster a first presentation of some figurine types found in central Greece and Asia Minor grouped per site contexts and musical instruments will be attempted with the purpose of gaining information on aspects of music as performed and enjoyed by the ancients, especially as part of cultic and communal activities. Excavation and site information will be supplied, where available, to help distinguish types of figurines found in graves, sanctuaries or domestic spaces. A final part of the presentation will focus on aspects of music education in antiquity. This subject is illustrated, among other instances, by a number of terracotta figurine groups of the National Archaeological Museum that were found in graves in Euboea and other Greek sites. As a whole this presentation aims at a first selective examination of terracotta figurine types of musicians found in central Greece and parts of Asia Minor that are dated from the late fourth to the first century B.C.E.

Tortoise Shell Lyres from Gordion: The Domestic Context of Music and Ritual in Seventh-Century Phrygia

17 Sam Holzman, doctoral candidate, University of Pennsylvania

The Phrygians, a people who flourished in central Anatolia during the first millennium B.C.E. had one of the richest and most influential musical cultures in antiquity. Despite the significance of Phrygian music, it is known almost entirely through Greek and Roman texts and iconography, which give the impression that the aulos was preferred to such an extent that stringed instruments were excluded. The archaeological discovery of tortoise shell lyres in a house from the first quarter of the seventh century B.C.E. at the Phrygian capital Gordion clarifies the sound and instrumentation of music in Phrygia. Stone figurines in related contexts prompt the further conclusion that lyres accompanied domestic worship of the goddess Matar, the Phrygian predecessor of Cybele. More finds of lyre fragments in residential zones of the site suggest that the household was a key environment for musical development in Phrygia. In comparison to the common mold-made figurine type of Cybele with a tympanum, which is known from a house at Gordion during the Hellenistic period, we may infer some continuity of domestic music ritual for Cybele at Gordion despite changes in instrumentation and the materiality of figurines over a 500-year period.

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Terracottas with Representations of Musicians from Adranon (Sicily)

18 Gioconda Lamagna, Director of the Regional Archaeological Museum Paolo Orsi at Syracuse

Within the rich and diversified coroplastic production of Adranon (the ancient city in the Simeto valley founded by Dionysius the Elder from Syracuse, according to the historical tradition), are a number of figurines with representations of musicians dating to between the fourth and the beginning of the third centuries B.C.E., now housed in the local regional museum. These are statuettes featuring a woman playing the aulos or tympanon, as well as small pinakes with three standing figures, often interpreted as nymphs, also portrayed in the act of playing an instrument. The circumstances of the discovery of a number of these terracottas remain unknown. Their assumed origin from the ancient town of Adranon is likely but not certain. There is only one pinax coming from a sufficiently documented context. It was part of a votive deposit related to the cult of Demeter and Kore found, between December 1913 and January 1914, in the courtyard of the former Monastery of Jesus and Mary near the main square of the modern town. This pinax is now in the Paolo Orsi Regional Archaeological Museum in Syracuse. Finally, another related group of terracottas comes from excavations carried out in recent decades in the area of the ancient settlement itself. This set of materials provides the most interesting information towards a proper contextualization of the terracottas as a whole.

This poster is therefore aimed at updating scholarship on the Adranon terracotta corpus, presenting some unpublished samples coming from the excavations of 1995. At the same time, analyzing the known and supposed contexts of discovery, one can establish the possible relationships between this class of terracotta figurines and the cults practiced at ancient Adranon.

Grotesque, Burlesque and Obscene Features in Greek Clay: Figurines of Musicians and Dancers

19 Lucia Lepore, Former Senior Research Fellow and Aggregate Professor at the University of Florence

During the archaeological campaigns conducted by the University of Florence at the site of the Achaean colony of Kaulonia, a terracotta mold was found under a collapsed house of the Classical period. It depicts a nude, bald, and rather grotesque character with a slender figure, highly emphasized genitalia, and a semi-open mouth. The figure holds a plectrum in his right hand and a kithara in his left. The subject finds interesting comparison in a few examples dating between the fifth and the fourth centuries B.C.E. from the Kabirion of Thebes, but also from Attica, as well as Locris and other Boeotian centers. These figures, which have strong magical and propitiatory connotations, have significant links to

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Hellenistic representations of similar caricatured grotesques with obscene features of a broader and more complex meaning.

Cybele, Dionysus and the Tympanum: The Role of Musicians in Ecstasy

20 Aura Piccioni, doctoral candidate, Institute of Classical Archaeology, Regensburg University

A type of clay figurine from Taranto represents a standing woman who holds a tympanum in her hand. This iconography may be interpreted as a female musician, similar to those who, playing the tympanum, the aulos, or the cymbals, took part in the rites honoring the goddess Cybele that were widespread in ancient Italy. According to the myth, it was Dionysus himself who invented this musical instrument, in order to produce ecstasy in those who danced at its rhythm. The tympanum was used along with the cymbals in the cult of the Magna Mater. Important attestations come from the sanctuary of Bitalemi at Gela, from that of Malophoros, at Selinunte, and from the Palatine. The cult of Cybele was likely present also at Elea. To understand the importance of the tympanum in these rites, the ancient literary sources are helpful, as is Catullus (Carmina docta, 63). It appears that both tympanum and cymbals were instrumental in giving a Dionysian character to these rites. In particular, the Hellenistic clay figurines attest that the words of ancient authors are correct in stating that the tympanum was the “instrument of ecstasy” par excellence.

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University of Haifa, Israel, March 23–25, 2015 Organized by Adi Erlich Terracottas in the Mediterranean through Time

Keynote Address

2015. The Year of Coroplastic Studies. Jaimee Uhlenbrock, Professor Emerita, State University of New York at New Paltz; President, Association for Coroplastic Studies.

Abstracts

Countenances of Clay: Isolated Heads and Terracottas in Pre-Roman Italy

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1 Keely Heuer, Associate Professor, State University of New York at New Paltz

Terracotta shoulder busts and protomai were produced throughout the Italian peninsula and Sicily starting in the mid- seventh century B.C.E. The busts, which stand independently, have their beginnings in Etruria. Protomai, which originated in Ionia in the mid-sixth century and soon after appeared in Sicily, are not self-supporting and therefore leaned against something, were laid flat, or hung on a wall, probably that of a temple or temenos. Overwhelmingly female, these truncated human figures were frequently dedicated to chthonic goddesses in southern Italy and Sicily until the end of the third century B.C.E., such as at the Malophoros sanctuary at Selinus and the Mannella sanctuary at Locri Epizephyrii. Over time, attributes were included such as lotus flowers, pomegranates, cross-bar torches, and piglets, all items associated with Demeter and Persephone. Other female busts have a small winged-figure, presumably Eros, seated in the area of the collarbones, suggesting a connection with Aphrodite, whose chthonic aspect was venerated in Magna Graecia. Busts and protomes are also uncovered in tombs, further underscoring the connection between these objects and the underworld.

Representing the head apart from the body was of particular significance to the indigenous peoples of pre-Roman Italy, unlike their Greek counterparts who tended to conceptualize the human form holistically. The manufacture of busts and protomai are part of a larger phenomenon of utilizing the isolated head in a wide variety of media, especially in the late Classical period, including other types of molded terracottas, such as arulae, pinakes, and thymiateria. This paper explores the consistent use of the isolated head for sacral and funerary terracottas and the connection to the motif’s most prolific application as a decorative element on over one third of the red-figure vases produced in southern Italy and Sicily between ca. 440 and the early third century B.C.E.

The Gestures and Symbology of the Terracotta Hands from the Cave of the Nymph Koroneia, Boeotia, Greece

2 Stavros Oikonomidis, Professor of Archaeology, Arcadia University, College for Global Studies, Glenside, U.S.A; Arcadia Center, Athens, Greece Nelli Skumi, Archaeologist, Ephorate of Paleoanthropology and Speleology, Athens, Greece

A collection of terracotta hands discovered during the archaeological investigation of the Cave of the Nymph Koroneia in Boeotia is presented in this paper. This study focuses on the gesticulation of the hands and on the symbology of the gestures on a diachronic basis, throughout a typological paraphrasis from other archaeological contexts of the eastern Mediterranean. This is the study of the hand as a medium of specific types, of a non-verbal form of expression, as a guide, or as the prototype of every immediate way of communication connected with the archetypical mimesis of the silent, though powerful exposure of the human soul. The terracotta

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hands from the Cave of the Nymph Koroneia, coming from the context of a huge deposit of ex votos, describe the symbology of the gestures themselves and reveal the character of the offerings in a center of cult and adoration in early Classical, central Greece.

Votive Terracotta Protomai in Greek Sanctuaries and their Settings

3 Sanne Hoffmann, PhD Fellow, The National Museum of Denmark & Aarhus University

The purpose of the paper is to study the use of votive terracotta protomai in Greek sanctuaries and the connection between the protomai as votive offerings, the deities to whom they were offered and their aspects, and their relations to the surrounding landscape of the sanctuaries. Greek sanctuaries often connect with the landscape, but certain elements of the setting, such as water, caves, rocks and cliffs may have had a specific impact on how the deities were worshipped – and thus which gifts were more suitable – such as the terracotta protomai. As symbolic, bodiless depictions of females, goddesses or worshippers, the protomai might have had a closer connection with deities shaped by the natural setting, as there were no limitations in gesture and attributes, but rather a more flowing and open symbolic value. The Athana Lindia sanctuary in Lindos, Rhodes, will be the starting point of the study, where, in the period between 525 and 330 B.C.E., more than 700 protomai out of around 2600 votive terracottas were dedicated. The sanctuary is placed on top of an acropolis next to the sea, with the temple itself situated directly above a natural cave in the rock. While considering the relevance and connections of these characteristics of the sanctuary and the aspects of the goddess, the study will seek similarities in other sanctuaries where offerings of protomai are prominent.

Though the symbolic value of votive terracotta protomai has been widely explored, there are still many unanswered questions, whose investigation might bring us closer to an answer, especially when viewed within a broader picture.

Fragments of Identities: The Goddess Parthenos, her Cult, and Worshippers in the light of Terracotta Votives of her Sanctuary in Neapolis (Greece, Modern Kavala)

4 Alexandra Prokova, PhD in Classical Archaeology, University of Cologne

The optimistic expectation that one could detect direct and substantial information on the identity of a deity and her cult through the study of the terracotta offerings of a sanctuary seems at first glance not to be confirmed in the case of the goddess of Neapolis. Among hundreds of clay figurines that have been found during the limited exploration of the sanctuary of Parthenos, there are not identifiable representations either of the deity herself or of specific ritual attributes indicating her particularity or her identification with a major Olympic goddess.

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However, Parthenos was undoubtedly the poliadic deity of Neapolis, a city on the Thracian coast, founded in the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E. by Thasian settlers. The abundance and the high quality of the excavated votive offerings in her sanctuary, mainly vessels and clay figurines dating from the Archaic to the Hellenistic periods, as well as the erection of a monumental, Ionic temple at the beginning of the fifth century B.C.E., suggest a vivid ritual practice.

The fact that the vast majority of the coroplastic offerings reproduce the prevalent, standardized typology of their time, without any alteration, obfuscates the efforts of interpretation. Then again, commonalities can be significant. The predominance of specific female representations of the “Ionic koiné” of the sixth century B.C.E. indicates the affinity between the Parthenos’ cult and the cults of major goddesses in Ionia and the Aegean. The iconological analysis of these common coroplastic types suggests that a main aspect of Parthenos in Neapolis can be recognized in her role as patroness of parthenoi and women during the crucial transitions to new phases of their lives.

Figurative Terracottas from a Cave Sanctuary at Paliambela Vonitsas, (Akarnania), West Greece

5 Evangelia-Miranda Chatziotou, Ephoreia of Speleology and Palaioanthropology of South Greece, Athens

This paper will present a preliminary report of the results of a rescue excavation conducted between 1993 and 2000 at a cult cave, located approximately 10 km east of Vonitsa, at the south side of the Ambrakikos gulf, in west Greece.

This popular Akarnanian cave shrine, as the abundant archaeological material confirms, was founded at the end of the sixth century B.C.E. and functioned until the late second century B.C.E. Emphasis will be placed on the hundreds of figurative terracottas, mainly figurines, that belonged to circular nymph dances, along with protomai (busts) and figurative clay plaques. What makes this assemblage unique is the significant typological and iconographic variety that provides valuable information about the religious life of the ancient Acarnanians. Additionally, an attempt is made to identify the gods worshipped in the cavern, which will serve as a convenient point of reference in ascertaining the social meanings and religious beliefs demonstrated by these dedications.

The artefacts presented are the product of various coroplastic workshops, so an examination of the iconography and style of this material will enable a recognition of direct or indirect influence. Possible centers of manufacture represented by coroplastic material at the cave site include those from Sicily and south Italy, along with those from Akarnania and its neighboring areas. This indicates a much more complex pattern of distribution, one that may shed light on issues of political influence and lanes of commercial activity.

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Terracotta Finds from the Demeter and Kore Sanctuary at ancient Corinth

6 Sonia Klinger, Senior lecturer, Department of Art History, University of Haifa

The small finds recovered from the Demeter and Kore Sanctuary at ancient Corinth comprise over 1500 unpublished artifacts connected with cult practice and daily life in a variety of materials including gold, silver and copper, iron, lead, stone, ivory and bone, glass and terracotta, with a chronological span from the Geometric to the late Roman periods. The terracotta artifacts are among the most interesting and significant because they include both finds such as masks and small altars connected with cult practice, as well as loomweights, toys and models of jewelry and food deriving from daily life. The study of these objects is of importance because it may help to identify not only the objects themselves, their date, and place of manufacture, but also their role in daily life and their use by the worshipers and the concerns that brought them to the sanctuary.

My work toward the publication of the sanctuary's small finds allows me the opportunity to present in this paper some of these unpublished terracotta artifacts and discuss their underlying meaning within the sanctuary.

A Glimpse of Large-Scale Terracottas Figures from Gela Workshops in Late-Archaic and Classical Periods

7 Marina Albertocchi, Associated researcher, CNR-IBAM, National Research Council of Italy

This paper will focus on large-scale terracotta sculpture from the Bitalemi sanctuary at Gela, in Sicily. This extra-urban sacred area is well known to scholars because of the number and characteristics of its finds, but the freestanding sculpture has not been considered to date. From the sacred area come approximately 20 fragments of terracotta statues belonging both to male and female figures. They were mostly brought to light from the level dating 550 through to the end of the fifth century B.C.E., the so-called strato 4.

As noted by N. Bookidis for similar finds from the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth, the trait d’union that links these statues is the technique of manufacture, more than the dimensions, that present a certain range in scale. Nearly all the statues are in fact handmade, with only some parts obtained by molds.

In the paper we will try to analyze the placement of the statues in relation to the structures of the sanctuary, the range of types represented, and their chronology. Two other issues that will be discussed are the interpretation and identification of the terracotta sculptures that conceiveably could be part of architectural decoration, as well as simple votive offerings, or even cult statues. Also to be

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explored is their relationship to other products of local coroplastic workshops, such as the large-scale arulae.

The Function and Meaning of the Large Clay Statues from Despotiko

8 Yannos Kourayos, Director, Despotiko and director of Paros' Archaeological Museum Erica Angliker, University of Zurich Kornilia Daifa, Greek Ministry of Culture

A large sanctuary dedicated to Apollo and Artemis has been uncovered on Despotiko, a small Cycladic island not mentioned in any written sources. The structure is of paramount archaeological importance because within the Cyclades, it is surpassed in size and organization only by the one on Delos. Flourishing between the Geometric and Hellenistic periods, the sanctuary revealed thirteen buildings. The excavation has also brought to light numerous marble statues, jewelry, and a small number of both common and fine coroplastic items. Amongst these latter is a large clay statuette initially believed to be a representation of Artemis that served as the sanctuary’s cult image. Recent discoveries of more fragments of similar clay statuettes, however, have raised questions about this particular one’s function and use at the sanctuary. The aim of this paper is to shed more light on the function and use of these larger clay statues by re-evaluating their use not only in this specific context, but also in the broader region of the Cyclades. In order to determine the statuette’s cultic function, the contextual archaeological deposit will be examined, including the co-finds. We will then pay particular attention to the potential similarities and differences in the use of these large clay statuettes and the more conventional female figurines found on Despotiko.

The second half of the paper focuses on the votive use of the statuette at Despotiko by drawing comparisons between the items discovered there and similar coroplastic items that have been found at other Cycladic sanctuaries on Sifnos, Kea, and even Thasos, where the dedication of larger clay statuettes also occurred.

On Sacred Ground: Interpreting Diverse Depositional Contexts at the Pantanello Sanctuary at Metaponto

9 Rebecca Miller Ammerman, Professor of the Classics, Colgate University, Hamilton NY

In southern Italy and Sicily, a terracotta figurine or relief plaque served frequently as a votive gift in sanctuaries from archaic to Hellenistic times. An archaeologist may uncover dozens, or even thousands, of such artifacts during the course of an excavation. It is rare, however, to find a terracotta in the original location where a worshipper once placed it as an offering within a sacred precinct. Instead, the archaeologist usually encounters a mass of fragmentary objects in secondary or tertiary deposits. Such an assemblage often displays a wide range of imagery, format, and date.

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The proposed paper considers the archaeological context of an assemblage of some 500 votive terracottas excavated at a rural spring sanctuary at Pantanello at the Greek city-state of Metaponto in southern Italy. The terracottas range in date from the sixth to the third century B.C.E. Analysis of the findspots of the individual terracottas reveals patterns in terms of “horizontal” stratigraphy. Variation in the imagery presented by the terracottas in different areas of the shrine requires explanation. Do these differences point to the propitiation of different divinities within the sanctuary? Or do they reflect the performance of different rites? To what extent are social distinctions in terms of age, gender, or ethnic identity at play? Exploration of these questions offers varying vistas from which to appreciate the role that terracottas played in the lives of the individual members of the community.

Hellenistic Grotesque Figurines: Societal Functions on Mainland Greece

10 Heather Bowyer, PhD candidate, Arizona State University: The Herberger School for Design and the Arts

The Hellenistic period was rife with cultural change due to the expansion of the Greek world into Asia Minor and Anatolia, the Near East, and Egypt. During this time, there was a growth in popularity of what scholars have termed grotesques. The definition given by Nicholas Himmelmann in his Realistische Themen in der griechischen Kunst der archaischen und klassischen Zeit of 1994, p. 98 will be used to define what figurines come under the title of grotesque. He states that they are, “figures characterized by laughable and monstrous distortions.” During the Hellenistic period the figurines were crafted in both terracotta and bronze and depicted human bodily dysmorphia. While produced throughout the Hellenistic world, their popularity at Athens has yet to be thoroughly analyzed.

This paper will present the specific grotesque types found in Athens during the Hellenistic period and explore two of the multiple functions that grotesque figurines had in Athenian society, in funerary ritual, and in their association with the theater and Dionysius. The funerary role will be demonstrated through excavation results from the Kerameikos. Their use relative to the theater will be supported by finds from the theater of Dionysius at Athens. A discussion of New Comedy and its stock character types will lend credence to the popularity of grotesque figurines. The utilization of these miniatures in both contexts shows a cultural shift during the Hellenistic period towards small scale art that people bought for both apotropaic and entertainment purposes. Here, the grotesques serve functions that reflect the needs of those who lived in Athens during the Hellenistic period.

Hellenistic and Roman Imperial Terracottas from Secondary and Primary Contexts in Pergamon and its Region: a Confrontation

11 Sven Kielau, Independent Researcher

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The majority of the terracottas found on the acropolis of Pergamon since the start of archaeological exploration there in the 19th century were found in secondary contexts. Very little is known about the function and circumstances of their use. The 5,500 terracotta fragments found in secondary contexts on the southern slope of the Pergamon acropolis in the "Stadtgrabung" (city excavation) project can at first glance only be defined as non-sepulchral terracottas. But within the residential area they could have functioned as parts of household inventories, votives, or part of the inventories of a cult association or shop.

To gain more information about these terracottas, I want to compare certain types found in the secondary contexts with earlier published terracottas from primary contexts in and around Pergamon, namely from its sanctuaries (Mamurt Kale, Kapıkaya) and graves (Gambrion/Poyracık, Dündarli, Ketios valley). In addition, comparisons with terracottas from the graves of Myrina prove to be particularly useful. The aim of this project is to outline the important aspects of this corpus and in consequence to draw conclusions regarding the use and meaning of these terracottas, while taking into account existing interpretations. There are numerous images of the Mother of Gods (Cybele), who did not play a role in the grave rituals, but who did appear in rural sanctuaries and in the residential area. Figurines of the "state goddess" Athena were surprisingly rare among the residential area finds from the Stadtgrabung and even less numerous in the already noted primary contexts. The pan-Hellenic "seated dolls" by contrast were recorded in all the noted contexts. Nike and sirene figurines were almost restricted to grave use and are rare in other contexts. Again by contrast, figurines of Eros were very common in all of the noted contexts. A regional type of a boy in a short garment appears both in two Pergamene graves and in the residential area.

Terracotta Figurines and Fertility Cult in Ashqelon in the Byzantine Period

12 Fanny Vitto, Field and Research Archaeologist, Israel Antiquities Authority

In the course of excavations at Barnea, the northern suburb of Ashqelon, three terracotta figurines were discovered on the mosaic floor of a building dating to the Late Byzantine–Umayyad period. They are hand-shaped, made of a coarse red fabric fired at low temperature, and covered with a layer of white slip. They represent naked standing females with a high, triangular head, a large breast, and a circular depression in place of belly. We will examine if the Ashqelon figurines may be connected with a fertility cult and if there is evidence for fertility rites at Ashqelon.

Female figurines with large breasts, holding a baby, or with a pregnant belly, are usually attributed to fertility cults. Though unparalleled, the crudely modeled figurines found at Barnea present obvious features that point to a fertility cult. Ancient written sources and various archaeological finds indicate that fertility cults existed in Ashqelon at least from the Persian period onward. In the Roman period, coins minted in Ashqelon and sculptures adorning public buildings

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represent deities who had, among other functions, the role of protecting childbirth and maternity. In the Byzantine period, fertility rites are attested at several sites in the Eastern Mediterranean. In Ashqelon, a number of finds dating to the Byzantine period suggest the existence of a fertility cult. The three terracotta figurines discovered at Barnea provide yet more evidence for such a cult in Byzantine Ashqelon.

From Production to Consumption: Life Histories of Figurines from Cretan Bronze Age Peak Sanctuaries

13 Christine Morris, Andrew A. David Senior Lecturer in Greek Archaeology and History, Trinity College Dublin Alan Peatfield, College Lecturer In Greek Archaeology, University College Dublin

This paper explores the ‘life history’ of the terracotta figurines from the Cretan Bronze Age (or Minoan) mountain shrines known as ‘peak sanctuaries,’ which are found throughout Crete. It uses examples of figurines from the fully excavated site of Atsipadhes in western Crete, and from recent museum-based work on east Cretan sites. Thousands of these handmade figurines—anthropomorphic, animal, and ‘votive limbs’ or body parts—were carried up the mountain to these ritual sites, and there deposited as offerings.

We consider the life history of the figurines from the perspective of both the producers or figurine makers and the consumers. In relation to production, we consider the technology of manufacture, making use of the combined evidence from traditional artefact study, experimental work and 3-D scanning data. Relatively few of the thousands of known figurines have been published, leading to the assumption that peak sanctuary figurines are uniform in types and style across Crete. However, the large body of material from many sites offers the opportunity to explore regional and even site-by-site preferences of figurine forms and styles. In common with many figurine traditions, the Minoan peak sanctuary figurine makers combined miniaturisation with simplification or distillation of the human or animal form. Choices made of what to emphasise or omit are important for exploring Minoan self-representation, from gender and gesture to aspects of bodily adornment, and are expressive of the concerns of the users, which clearly included health and healing.

Understanding the Choices of Artisans in the Production of the Base-Ring Female Figurines from Cyprus

14 Constantina Alexandrou, PhD candidate, Department of Classics, Trinity College, Dublin

One of the main categories of figurines produced in Late Bronze Age Cyprus (ca. 1600-1050 B.C.E.), belongs to the family of Base-Ring Ware. This category includes both anthropomorphic (male and female) and zoomorphic figurines, all of a hand- made manufacture. The female figurines of this category constitute the predominant type of anthropomorphic figurines produced in Cyprus during the

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ca. 15th-12th centuries B.C.E. Broadly speaking, the handmade female terracottas can be stylistically separated into two groups, each comprising both hollow and solid examples: the so-called ‘bird-headed’ (Type A) and ‘flat-headed’ (Type B) figurines. This group of figurines has been found all over Cyprus in domestic, burial and cultic contexts.

This paper focuses on these female figurines, in an attempt to investigate the choices of the artisans in their formation. Such an examination could shed light on the figurines’ character, role and use in the society. Elements that might complicate the manufacturing procedure, adding to the time consumed and levels of difficulty are considered to represent deliberate choices of the figurine-makers. The decision of the figurine-makers to produce both solid and hollow figurines, their persistence in hand-made, rather than -made manufacture, and the production of figurines in multiple parts (adding to their fragility) are some of the aspects explored in this paper. Repeated, omitted or emphasised elements are also considered as ‘choices of the artisans.’ The recording of these features provided the groundwork for reconstructing the technological expertise related to the production of these figurines. In the context of the present paper however, I wish to emphasize how the figurine-makers’ choices may indicate the role and function of these figurines as meaningfully constituted objects, identifying at the same time characteristics possibly related with specific practices and different social groups. Consequently, the choices made by the craftsmen during the construction of Base- Ring female figurines form a significant aspect one should take into consideration while studying and interpreting them.

Judean Pillar Figurines and the Organization of Production: Evidence from Jerusalem and Beyond

15 Erin Darby, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies, University of Tennessee, Knoxville

Judean Pillar Figurines (JPFs), miniature terracotta females from southern Israel, have received a great deal of attention over the past century. While some interpreters have speculated about the producers of these objects in the eighth through sixth centuries B.C.E., scholarship has largely ignored lines of evidence that might shed light on production organization.

When scholars do comment on JPF production, they most frequently note the “crude” make and manufacture of the figurines and the gender of the objects, concluding that JPFs were made by women or in households on an ad hoc basis. On the other end of the spectrum, a few scholars have hypothesized that JPF production was governed by a central authority. These scholars highlight the large numbers of figurines from the capital city, Jerusalem, and the correspondence between JPF distribution and the political borders of Judah.

Unfortunately, neither of these hypotheses has been exposed to close scrutiny, contextualized within ancient Near Eastern ceramics production, or tested by data analysis. In contrast, this paper will examine JPF production in light of ethno- archaeological ceramics studies, ancient Near Eastern descriptions of craftsmen

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and potters, known pottery production sites, and a recent petrographic study of figurines from Jerusalem. When combined, these sources call into question both of the dominant paradigms outlined above and suggest a far more nuanced development in the organization of JPF production.

Sculpture in Clay: The Techniques of the Ancient Coroplast

16 Nancy Serwint, Associate Professor of Art History, School of Art, Herberger Institute for Design and the Arts, Arizona State University

The ubiquitous presence of clay allowed for that material to emerge as the most common medium for sculpture in the Mediterranean world during antiquity. With objects ranging from miniature to colossal, the results spanned the spectrum from the sublime to the banal with figurines and statues reflecting a breadth of aesthetic appeal. The artisans who were responsible for such a disparate corpus certainly varied in their artistic capacities, but what proved to be a commonality was a range of technical strategies that could be employed with varied results. This paper will focus on the variety of production techniques that were employed by coroplasts working in the eastern Mediterranean during the first millennium B.C.E. The gamut of manufacturing processes that included hand fashioning, the use of the potter’s wheel, and the implementation of the mold will be discussed from the point of view of tactics and stratagems that responded to the demands of an enthusiastic market. Emphasis will be placed on the evidence that has emerged from excavation of the ancient cities of Marion and Arsinoe on the island of Cyprus where an unprecedented number of terracotta sculpture has been recovered. The material is particularly valuable because it not only emanates from an area where local production has been confirmed but also allows for tracking production over time from the Archaic through the Hellenistic periods.

“Made in Akragas,” Molded Figurines, an Archaeological Experiment

17 Gerrie van Rooijen, PhD candidate, Leiden University, the Netherlands

One of the main subjects of this conference that is particularly well suited to my own research is that of manufacture. In cooperation with the Material Culture Studies and the Ceramics Laboratory, I recently carried out an archaeological experiment in order to reconstruct and understand the practices and techniques applied in the production of terracotta figurines. The experiment focused on female figurines from Akragas (Agrigento, Sicily) dated from the sixth–fifth century B.C.E.

The experiment focuses on two aspects of the local production of terracotta figurines at Akragas. The first is the material itself. Questions concerning the availability and workability of clay found nearby could be answered. It was tested for its suitability for local production, since the quantity of figurines found at Akragas clearly indicated local manufacture.

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The second focus is on the large-scale manufacture of figurines. This part involves questions on the molds and the effect of a mechanical ‘production line.’ Traces ofmolds, tool marks, and even fingerprints made it possible to reconstruct the multiple steps in the production process. Different workshops could not only be recognised by their iconographic preferences, but also by the applied techniques. Some features of the manufacture could be seen as typical for the production in Akragas. Contact with coroplasts from nearby Selinus is evident in the production methods. The development of an additional iconographic scheme in the second half of the fifth century B.C.E. is marked by altered techniques as well.

A Technological and Compositional Study of the Hellenistic and Roman Terracotta Figurines from the House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos, Cyprus

18 Maria Dikomitou-Eliadou, Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus Giorgos Papantoniou, The University of Dublin, Trinity College. Eleni Aloupi-Siotis, THETIS Authentics Ltd. Vassilis Kilikoglou, National Centre for Scientific Research “Demokritos.” Demetrios Michaelides, Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus.

The terracottas from the House of Orpheus in Nea Paphos, Cyprus, form a significant collection of high-quality ceramic artefacts, all recovered in a well- stratified, domestic environment. They provide an important opportunity to study the technology of their production and assess technological variability though time, within an assemblage coming from one single household. Portable X-ray Fluorescence (pXRF) and Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) were both used for the chemical characterisation of the terracotta figurines, in order to address compositional variability within the assemblage. The initial analysis of the entire terracotta figurine assemblage by pXRF and their fast sorting into chemical clusters was followed by the selection of a representative sample for NAA. Beyond the testing of the correlation between the two elemental datasets, as well as the identified morphological groupings, the two analytical methods offered the opportunity to assess fabric variability and develop further arguments regarding the production and distribution of various types represented in the assemblage. In correlation with macroscopic observations and 3-dimensional reconstructions of the terracotta figurines, a holistic approach was employed, one that aims at an enhanced understanding of the various stages of the production of the terracotta figurines, from the selection of the raw materials, the shaping of the clay body, to firing and the application of pigments and slips for the decoration, and how these differ in time and/or among contemporary workshops.

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Relatives in Province: Sepulchral Appliqué from the First–Second Centuries C.E. Bosporus: A Phenomenon of Terracotta Reliefs Reissued in Plaster

19 Nadia C. Jijina, Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg

The State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg holds a fascinating collection of small relief items made of white painted plaster (gypsum or gesso) that once were used for decorating wooden sarcophagi. They date back to the first–second centuries C.E., and originate from the Greek necropoleis excavated in the area around modern city of Kertch in the eastern Crimea, the territory of the ancient Bosporan Kingdom.

The repertoire of images is vast and includes tragic and animal masks, gorgon masks, floral and architectural ornaments, Erotes riding geese or dolphins, and Niobid figures, as well as many more that call to mind images found on marble and terracotta sepulchral decorations in various centers of Mediterranean world. Compared to examples made of clay, some of these plaster appliqués show a striking resemblance to one another that may prove that they come from the same workshop. Undoubtedly based upon traditional Classical or Hellenistic models, some of them demonstrate an amazing adaptation to provincial taste and skill, which makes them a unique phenomenon of provincial art to be found nowhere else. It should be specified that despite their clumsy appearance, their symbolism remained the same as it was in earlier periods, although at times as clichés. It seems likely that terracotta appliqués of similar types point to a higher social position of a deceased person than those whose coffins and sarcophagi were decorated with plaster casts.

The Hermitage holds plaster appliqués excavated from the 1820s to 1991. Those found during the 19th to early 20th century were brought to light under the supervision of the Imperial Archaeological Commission, the official institution that gave permission for this kind of scholarly activity. However, other examples were illegally dug by the so-called “lucky devils,” who used to sell their plunder to private collectors. It is especially important to determine whether it is possible to distinguish restorations or additional details that might have been before the sale.

Gendering Figurines: Sex, Gender, and Ideology in Figurine Studies

20 Erin Averett, Assistant Professor, Department of Fine and Performing Arts; Classical & Near Eastern Studies, Creighton University, Omaha Erin Darby, Assistant Professor, Religious Studies, University of Tennessee, Knoxville

Although studies of figurines often treat “male” and “female” determiners as straight-forward formal attributes, the reality is far more complex. The criteria used to determine the physical sex of a figurine must be examined in light of our own modern presuppositions and the ancient contexts from which figurines come. The interpreter also has to decide how closely physical sex and social gender roles

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overlap in the figurine iconography and in the figurine’s original social context. Furthermore, when ambiguous or contradictory attributes are observed, analysis must take into account whether the ambiguity is due to poor preservation, our own ignorance of artistic convention, or whether it is an intentional aspect of figurine design.

Although complicated, none of these steps comes close to the difficulties arising when these criteria are enlisted to reconstruct the gender identity of the humans who produced, used, or discarded these artifacts. Clearly, then, the study of figurines and gender is a multi-faceted and potentially fraught enterprise. Despite this fact, figurines are also one of the most important sources of information about the embodiment of ancient gender norms and the ritual life of humans at all levels of society. In order to appreciate the complexity of gender in figurine studies, this paper reviews the basic processes of interpretation and outlines the theoretical pitfalls that often accompany each interpretive step, with the goal of generating a more cautious and productive theoretical orientation for future studies.

Mycenaean Figures and Figurines as Gendered Bodies

21 Ann-Louise Schallin, Senior lecturer, Department of Historical Studies, University of Gothenburg

Mycenaean female figurines are seemingly stereotype and schematic in appearance and may not at a first glace reveal any characteristic features, which could be used for a closer analysis. Yet, this group of objects show a certain amount of variability. Moreover, their features can be compared with the more elaborate Mycenaean female figures, which display a number of individual traits. Furthermore, there also exist Mycenaean figurines, which in their elaboration could be characterized as something in between a stereotype figurine and an elaborate figure.

In analysing the features of Mycenaean figures and figurines several layers of feminine identity can be determined, which may mirror a real difference in identity and status between women in the Mycenaean society. Some features also signal ambiguous gendered qualities. The figures and figurines from Mastos in the Berbati Valley are used as a material basis for the analysis, which also involves other Mycenaean female images.

Who Used the Judean Pillar Figurines?

22 Raz Kletter, University of Helsinki

We know much about Judean Pillar Figurines (JPF); their date, distribution, contexts, and typology are quite clear, as well as their relation to the Kingdom of Judah. While their meaning is debated, most scholars see JPFs as representing either a goddess, most likely Asherah, or mortal women, perhaps worshippers. Thus, their female gender is agreed upon too.

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However, we know very little about how these figurines were used, mainly because we hardly have complete items that reflect patterns of use. The vast majority of the figurines are found broken, often in “mass” loci (pits, pools, streets), where the contexts may suggest patterns of disposal rather than “frozen moments of use.”

As for who used (or did not use) JPFs, there is hardly any evidence. Many scholars jump to the conclusion that the ‘femaleness’ of the figurines indicates use by women. The aim is noble—to rediscover life of women in ‘ancient Israel’ (and Judah). Yet, by assuming female users, they tie JPFs to ‘all things female:’ the household, the domestic sphere, family religion, fertility, etc. Perhaps such a stereotypic view of female life is expected for a ‘traditional’ society like Iron Age Judah; but where is the evidence that the JPFs belonged to women, or were used solely by women?

In my talk I will suggest that JPFs were owned and used by both women and men, based on written sources and archaeological clues. Female goddesses were worshipped by men too; men were not divorced from fertility, sexuality, the household, etc. Such a view helps us to avoid a too rigid women-men dichotomy for ancient Judean society.

Motifs Defining Male and Female Images on Chalcolithic Ossuaries

23 Dina Shalem, Kinneret Institute for Galilean Archaeology, Israel

The Peqi‛in ossuary assemblage revealed for the first time a small group of male images, along with the majority of female images. As no genitals are depicted on ossuaries the male images were identified on the basis of a painted or sculpted beard, while female images were recognized by their modeled breasts, or their typological classifications. Subsequently, it was possible to define other motifs as typical of either male or female images, or both. When these male and female characteristics are compared to other artifacts, both Neolithic and Chalcolithic, it is possible to suggest certain motifs as male attributes and other as female attributes.

New Figurines from Tell Jemmeh: Assessment of a Border Site

24 David Ben-Shlomo, Ariel University, Israel

The paper will discuss an assemblage of figurines and figurative terracottas from the Smithsonian Institution excavation at the site of Tell Jemmeh, Israel. The assemblage includes a diverse group of terracottas dating mostly from the Late Bronze Age through to the Persian period, including human plaque and other figurines, zoomorphic figurines and vessels and mask fragments (127 items altogether). The main types of terracottas will be discussed and their chronological and geographical distribution presented. An additional large assemblage of figurines from the Petrie excavations was published in 1928, but these will only be briefly discussed. The site is located near the Mediterranean

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coast, on the Besor River, which was the ancient border between Canaan and Egypt. In addition during the Iron Age the settlement was geographically part of Philistia, while during the end of the Iron Age II the site probably accommodated a Neo-Assyrian administrative center. Hence, this class of finds will be assessed, and the various influences coming from Canaanite, Egyptian, Philistine and possibly Assyrian cultural traditions will be examined.

Putting Together the Pieces: A New Look at the Anthropomorphic and Zoomorphic Figurines and Vessels from Samaria

25 Daphna Tsoran, Curator, Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

The corpus of some two hundred anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines and vessels, some of them unique, uncovered in the excavations at Samaria in the first half of the 20th century, comprise one of the most important assemblages of such items in the north of Israel. However, due to the circumstances and time-period of the excavation, which dictated the contingencies of its publication, these items were never comprehensively studied. Several studies on figurines, such as that of Holland, have provided brief descriptions and mainly summaries of how the Samaria corpus is representative of a northern Israelite coroplastic tradition. However, for the most part, this assemblage has fallen into oblivion and a renewed study is imperative.

The present research entails the application of current methodology to the Samaria figurines and vessels, including quantification, provenience study, examination of modes of production, style, iconography and context, in order to understand their function and significance, both as a discrete group and in comparison to other such assemblages in the north and in Judah. Particular attention is paid to the context in which the majority of the items were found— Locus E207, a unique hewn canal dated to the eighth century B.C.E., located outside the tell and possibly of a cultic nature. Access to a large portion of this important group and its study are facilitated by their present location in the collections of the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

The Samaria corpus has great potential for furthering our understanding of social, cultural and geo-political aspects of the northern Kingdom of Israel prior to the Assyrian conquest at the end of the eighth century B.C.E.

Iron Age Female Terracotta Figurines from Jordan

26 Regine Hunziker-Rodewald, Professor of Old Testament Studies, History of Israel and the Ancient Near East, University of Strasbourg, Faculty of Protestant Theology, Strasbourg

The database of the Franco-German Figurines Project (FGFP 2012-2016) currently contains over 400 open-molded female terracotta figurines from the Iron Age II (eighth– seventh century B.C.E.) which were found in Transjordan. Most of the

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figurines are of naked women. Very little of the data of the archaeological find context has survived, remaining available only for a small number of the artefacts. Thus, for the classification of the figurines, the “phenotype” remains the major indicator of identification and comparison, in both the Jordanian and the Levantine context. With regard to a systematic registration of the typological details, the refinement of criteria for the determination of the function and meaning of these figurines (cultic, magic, representative, decorative) must be treated as the highest priority. The Megiddo-Ta‘anach Figurines Revisited.

27 Laura A. Peri, Curator of Western Asiatic antiquities, the Israel Museum, Jerusalem

The "Megiddo-Ta‘anach" figurines are a group of clay, mold-made figurines, distinctive to Israel-Palestine, that depict a woman holding her breasts and are characterized by such additional features as a high headdress decorated with vertical grooves, a necklace of multiple strands, a vertical line running from the area between the breasts to the navel, a pudendum delineated by an incised triangle with a central groove, and a rear element – a plait or, in some cases, a necklace counterweight.

The paper deals mainly with examples found in or attributed to Megiddo. It revisits several earlier theories, while adding some new observations concerning the manufacture, date of production, and origin of this figurine-type. It is argued that, contrary to previous studies that have defined these figurines as "double- molded" or, recently, "twice-molded," the figurines were produced using a single, frontal mold, while the back was lightly modeled by hand and by means of a sharp tool. It is further claimed that even though their archaeological contexts range from the late Middle Bronze Age to Iron Age II, the figurines are most probably mid-second millennium B.C.E. products, which, when present in later contexts, should be seen as intrusive or as heirlooms. Finally, it is maintained that this figurine-type is rooted in a northern Mesopotamian coroplastic tradition dating as far back as the late third millennium B.C.E., and as such, it may reflect, along with other contemporary artifacts and cultural practices, the infiltration and eventually settlement of elements of a northern population in the southern Levant toward the end of the Middle Bronze and the beginning of the Late Bronze Age.

The Effects of Miniaturization: Figurines and Social Change in Hellenistic Babylonia

28 Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper, Assistant Professor and Karl Kilinski II Endowed Chair in Hellenic Visual Culture, Southern Methodist University, Dallas

The tremendous diversity and variety of miniature objects in Hellenistic Babylonia reflects a social environment of intensive cross-cultural interaction and widespread change. Figurines were commonly owned, easily consumed, and quickly discarded and replaced, making them ideally responsive to social shifts and trends. Considering the aspect of miniaturization itself reveals how tiny things participated in this social transformation. Through their appealing and non-

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threatening materiality, miniatures established an intimate connection with their users that encouraged identity sharing and illusions of power over the outside world. Such lived experiences of miniatures are largely private encounters, yet they are also inherently social; indeed, it is through their reference to the larger- scale world that miniatures have much of their power to captivate and to comfort. Miniatures of performing bodies, such as musicians and theatrical masks, induced users to experiment with new enactments of Greek cultural identities. Soldiers, deities, and other powerful bodies in miniature enabled fantasies of control over the wars and political upheavals endemic to Hellenistic Babylonia. Display- oriented figurines depicting interpersonal relationships encouraged self- identification and shaped new ideals of social behaviour. The miniature objects of Hellenistic Babylonia were more than just witnesses to social change; they were also participants in the processes of negotiating new identity norms for this multicultural society.

The Reclining Figurines from Seleucia on the Tigris: Transformation of Iconographies and Cultural Complexity in Seleucid and Parthian Mesopotamia

29 Roberta Menegazzi, PhD archaeologist, Centro Ricerche Archeologiche e Scavi di Torino per il Medio Oriente e l’Asia, Torino

Reclining figures are among the most interesting subjects in the coroplastic repertoire from Seleucia on the Tigris. Completely unknown in pre-Hellenistic Mesopotamia, they enjoyed a great popularity at Seleucia, becoming a distinguishing feature of the terracotta production of the city and spreading throughout the main centers of central and southern Mesopotamia. From an iconographic perspective, they are highly revealing of the freedom of local craftsmen in approaching and re-elaborating Western models: if the reclining types from the Mediterranean world usually depict male figures, the ones from Seleucia mostly portray semi-nude or draped women. Aim of this paper is to investigate the reasons of such a reinterpretation, trying to shed some light on the possible functions and meaning of the Seleucian reclining figurines.

Ritual Gestures and Bodily Communication: Exploring Religious Transformation in Cyprus during the First Millennium B.C.E.

30 Giorgos Papantoniou, Irish Research Council/Marie Curie Postdoctoral Fellow,

31 The University of Dublin, Trinity College

There has been considerable discussion about the provenance, techniques, workshops, typologies, chronological groupings and significance of Cypriot terracottas, but only in a few circumstances has an effort been made to interpret patterns of continuity and change of the local cultural and religious tradition in relation to the so-called Hellenistic artistic and religious koine. The discovery and publication of a great number of terracottas from the Cypro-Archaic to the

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Hellenistic/early Roman period (ca. eighth–first centuries B.C.E.) found in funerary and ritual contexts at Amathous provides a good opportunity to examine the levels at which foreign influences in types and styles were transmitted and transformed. Moving from artistic to religious influence and transformation, however, is a particularly complex and multifaceted issue.

In this study of Cypriot terracottas, the mode of inquiry is shifted from stylistic change towards social dynamics, religious change and politico-religious agency and ideology. By “reading” the terracotta figurines found in Amathous, I attempt to explore how aspects of the broader “Hellenistic religion” affected Cypriot tradition. Does this suggest a passive acceptance of standard forms? Can we trace uniformity with other Mediterranean areas in the artistic repertoire, and if so, are artistic and religious uniformity equal? How are cultural and religious meanings and identities expressed through this artistic production? Finally, could any changes in the figurines repertoire be associated with socio-political change? This paper will focus on the study of gesture in this group of terracottas in order to trace ritual and bodily communication, both embedded within long established cultural norms and mentalités. As revealed from the study of the Amathousian terracottas, the religious transformations from the Cypriot city-kingdoms to the Hellenistic period, resulted first from the transformation of the political structures and relations, and secondly from the interaction between various “active” and “passive” aspects of personal religious identities.

“The Gesture of Blessing” on Near Eastern Clay Figurines of the Roman Period

32 Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom, PhD. Independent scholar, retired

The gesture of the raised right hand with the palm outward can traced in the ancient Orient over a long period of time. In the Roman period male and female divinities, their worshipers, priests, royal and high ranking personalities, as well as the deceased, are represented within diverse ethnic and religious groups in sacred, funerary, and domestic contexts. The paper will focus on two aspects of Nabatean and Syro-Phoenician clay figurines that present this gesture. The first is the matter of interaction with the stone sculpture and reliefs from Hatra, Palmyra, Dura Europos, Phoenicia, and southern Arabia; the second is the question of meaning. Over the years, scholars have made different though partly related interpretations: gesture of omnipotence, blessing, prayer, reverence, plea, and wish for protection. Different interpretations will arise from the archaeological contexts with regard to ethnicity, religion and cult, social status, and target group.

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The Role of Greco-Roman Egyptian Terracotta Figurines as Representatives of the Notion of "Divine Reflexivity:" A Case Study of Figurines from the Collection of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem

33 Rachel Caine Kreinin, Associate Curator of Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Archeology, the Israel Museum, Jerusalem

In her book Religion of the Gods, Ritual, Paradox and Reflexivity, Oxford University Press, 2009, Kimberly Christine Patton explores a fascinating notion, that of "divine reflexivity," which in essence she defines as the “ritual performance by a deity of an action known as belonging to the sphere of that deity's human cultic worship.” Images of divine reflexivity are quite common in Greek, as well as Roman, art, and it would appear that they mirror a strong religious concept. This concept, Patton proposes, views the divine being not only as a recipient of cult, or the origin of it, as Mircea Eliade proposes, but as a practicant in its own right. Patton has shown that this concept existed not only in the Greco-Roman world view, but also in the Semitic religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, as well as in Vedic and Norse traditions of thought. While prevalent and perhaps even universal, this concept is virtually unknown in the visual culture of the Near East until the Greco-Roman period.

A small group of Egyptian Greco-Roman terracotta figurines from the Israel Museum’s collection portray deities either holding cultic statues of other divinities, or presented alongside cultic objects. These iconographic features could perhaps be understood as representing the notion of divine reflexivity as Patton defined it.

In this paper I would like to explore the possibility of viewing these iconographic features as examples of the influx of new theological notions and the syncretic change that Egypt underwent in the first centuries B.C.E., following the conquest of Alexander the Great.

Graeco-Egyptian Coroplastic Art: Interpreting Formal Consistency and Changes of Meaning

34 Veit Vaelske, Post doc at Humboldt-Universität Berlin, Germany

The research on terracottas in Egypt is momentarily undergoing a certain paradigm shift. The progress of ongoing excavations does not only produce an increase of material, it also offers the opportunity to overcome the ambiguous studying of iconographies of uncontextualized objects, and to examine historical configurations of coroplastic production and terracotta usage. It has become possible to identify workshops because of the development of series or of local preferences, as well as for the implications of a longue durée of Egyptian terracotta art respectively for aspects of cross-fertilization with other areas of coroplastic production outside Egypt. Among the many variables that have to be determined, the question for polyvalence is still open. Terracotta types, or series, can have

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endured different constructions of meaning during their life span. The significance that was applied to one replica might not have been valid for the other.

Using specific examples this presentation will measure the extent of this phenomenon and point out hermeneutic ramifications.

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Compte-rendu du colloque international 25-26 juin 2015, Université de Strasbourg Figurines féminines nues. Proche- Orient, Égypte, Nubie, Méditerranée, Asie centrale (Néolithique - IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.)

Sylvie Donnat

RÉFÉRENCE

Sylvie Donnat, Régine Hunziker-Rodewald, Isabelle Weygand, Figurines féminines nues. Proche-Orient, Égypte, Nubie, Méditerranée, Asie centrale (Néolithique - IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.), Colloque de Strasbourg des 25-26 juin 2015.

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1 Les « figurines féminines nues », artefacts communs dans le Proche-Orient et en Égypte pendant l’Antiquité, suscitent en effet, depuis longtemps, divers questionnements qui relèvent de plusieurs champs de la recherche : archéologie régionale, archéologie du rite, gender studies, ou encore archéologie des interactions culturelles. Après une série de séminaires exploratoires sur le même thème (fin 2012-2014), l’objectif du colloque était de réunir, dans une perspective transdisciplinaire et comparative, des chercheurs spécialistes du monde nilotique (Égypte et Nubie), du Proche-Orient ancien, de la Méditerranée orientale et de l’Asie centrale, travaillant sur les « figurines féminines nues ou semi- nues », des objets portatifs, majoritairement en terre cuite, mais aussi façonnés dans d’autres matériaux (bois, pierre, faïence), et présents dans toute cette vaste région de sociétés en contact au néolithique et pendant l’Antiquité. Vingt- trois communications ont été présentées au cours des deux journées. Elles étaient réparties en cinq sessions : Session 1 : Le domaine nilotique du IVe millénaire à l’époque gréco-romaine ; Session 2 : Le Proche-Orient et l’Asie centrale du VIIe au IIe millénaire ; Session 4 : le Levant sud et nord au Ier millénaire ; Session 5 : la Méditerranée orientale et le monde grec. La session 3 était, quant à elle, consacrée au motif de la femme nue dans l’iconographie du Proche-Orient ancien. Du matériel provenant de différents sites (depuis le site méridional d’Aniba en Basse Nubie, jusqu’à Ulug-Dépé en Asie centrale, en passant, entre autres, par la Crète et Thasos) a été présenté et analysé. À chaque fois, les assemblages ont été décrits dans leur contexte archéologique, mais aussi, quand cela était possible, historique et social. L’aspect technique de la réalisation des objets a aussi été abordé.

2 Les différentes contributions ont ainsi, dans un premier temps, permis de dresser un panorama du matériel en présence pour la zone géographique et la période considérées, permettant à chacun de confronter son corpus et ses réflexions à ceux de spécialistes d’autres zones géographiques. Les présentations ont en outre donné matière à des questionnements transversaux, explorés au cours des discussions générales. Les questions méthodologiques notamment ont retenu l’attention des participants. Diverses méthodes d’approche sont mises en œuvre pour comprendre les « figurines féminines nues » dans leur contexte culturel et archéologique propre. L’approche iconographique est régulièrement mobilisée quand il s’agit de répondre à la question de l’identité des personnages féminins représentés (divinité féminine, personnage humain féminin, image idéale de la féminité, représentation d’officiantes particulières…), mais, s’agissant de figurines représentant le corps humain féminin, il est important de faire porter l’analyse sur des détails significatifs, tels que : la

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récurrence de combinaison de motifs particuliers dans un corpus donné, la gestuelles des figurines, la nature des ornements, etc. Les indices archéologiques sont en revanche privilégiés quand il s’agit de tenter de répondre à la question de la fonction de ces objets. La position du mobilier est une donnée centrale (notamment la nature de la provenance : domestique, cultuelle, funéraire), mais, comme l’ont noté diverses contributions, il s’agit rarement de contextes primaires, un paramètre à prendre en compte dans les analyses. La nécessité d’intégrer dans la réflexion le matériel associé a par ailleurs été soulignée par plusieurs communications, qui ont mis l’accent sur des combinaisons récurrentes particulièrement intéressantes. Les indices textuels, enfin, ont aussi été évoqués dans plusieurs contributions. Le constat qui s’impose est qu’il est extrêmement délicat d’établir un lien direct entre les objets « figurines féminines nues » et d’éventuels témoignages sur leur utilisation dans les textes. Néanmoins ceux- ci restent des sources précieuses pour connaître le contexte social et religieux des vestiges de la culture matérielle à interpréter. Un point saillant de certaines communications, repris dans les discussions, a d’ailleurs porté sur un élément de définition de ce corpus d’objets : la nudité du corps humain féminin. Quelles sont les valeurs respectivement associées à la nudité dans les sociétés considérées ? La nudité est-elle réellement le dénominateur iconographique commun de ces figurines féminines, sachant que, d’un ensemble de figurines à un autre, où à l’intérieur d’un même corpus, la nudité du corps représenté est en fait de degrés parfois variables ? Des propositions, particulièrement stimulantes, de redéfinition du motif de la « nudité » du corps dans ces objets ont été formulées dans certaines communications. Enfin, la question des transferts culturels et de leur assimilation par la société réceptrice a pu être abordée dans certains cas précis.

3 À l’issue de ces deux journées, les questions posées par cette catégorie archéologique d’objets n’ont évidemment pas toutes trouvé réponses, mais la mise en commun des divers matériaux, questionnements et méthodes a permis d’élargir la perspective. La publication future du colloque, en présentant données archéologiques, propositions d’interprétations et essai de synthèse, permettra de poursuivre la réflexion collective engagée. Rédaction : Sylvie Donnat avec l’équipe des organisatrices du colloque.

RÉSUMÉS

Le colloque « Figurines féminines nues. Proche-Orient, Égypte, Nubie, Méditerranée, Asie centrale (Néolithique - IIIe siècle apr. J.-C.). Approche contextuelle et comparative », organisé par Sylvie Donnat (UMR 7044-Archimède, université de Strasbourg), Régine Hunziker-Rodewald (EA 4378-Théologie protestante, université de Strasbourg), Isabelle Weygand (UMR 7044) qui s’est tenu à Strasbourg les 25 et 26 juin 2015, portait sur une catégorie particulière d’objets archéologiques : « les figurines féminines nues » (nude female figurines). Il était accompagné d’une exposition surle même thème, intitulée « De la Haute-Égypte à Suse. Figurines féminines antiques », présentant des figurines conservées dans les collections patrimoniales de l’université de Strasbourg, des photographies d’objets conservés dans le département des Antiquités orientales du Louvre, des productions d’un atelier d’archéologie expérimentale (avril-mai 2015,

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Strasbourg) et deux expositions virtuelles (objets de Jordanie étudiés dans le cadre du Franco- German Figurines Project – FGFP – et de la collection d’égyptologie de Strasbourg dont les commissaires furent Frédéric Colin (UMR 7044, université de Strasbourg), Sylvie Donnat (UMR 7044, université de Strasbourg), Régine Hunziker-Rodewald (EA 4378, université de Strasbourg) et Isabelle Weygand (UMR 7044).

AUTEURS

SYLVIE DONNAT UMR 7044-Archimède, université de Strasbourg

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Other Recent Conference Presentations and Public Lectures on Coroplastic Topics

Jaimee Uhlenbrock

1 Annabelle Amory (Université Sciences Humaines et Sociales–Lille 3) “Les figurines/ex-voto en Grèce ancienne, le cas des animaux chez Demeter,”. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerrannée durant l'Antiquité Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

2 Erica Angliker (University of Zurich) “Reinterpreting the Function of The Delion on Paros as a Filial Sanctuary of Delos through an Analysis of Archaeological Materials,” Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) Annual Meeting, New Orleans, January 9, 2015.

3 Monique Arntz, (Leiden University) “Refiguring categories:Interpreting the Figurines at Late Neolithic at Tell Sabi Abyad, Syria (c. 6,400-5,800),” British Association of Near Eastern Archaeology (BANEA) 2015.

4 Monique Arntz, (Leiden University) “De Moedergodin voorbij: Figurine onderzoek in de 21ste eeuw. De prehistorische figurines van Tell Sabi Abyad in nieuw perspectief,” Friends of Tell Sabi Abyad, March 14, 2014.

5 Rachel DeLozier (University of Arizona, Tucson) and Eleni Hasaki (University of Arizona, Tucson) “Bronze Age Terracotta Statues of Ayia Irini, Kea: An Experimental Reconstruction and Technical Examination,” Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) Annual Meeting, New Orleans, January 9, 2015.

6 Matthew Fittock (University of Reading) “Broken Deities: The Pipeclay Figurines from Roman London,” Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference (TRAC), University of Reading, March 30, 2014.

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7 Matthew Fittock (University of Reading) “The Pipeclay Figurines from South Shields in their Wider Setting,” The Roman Finds Group Conference, Newcastle, March 15, 2015.

8 Marie-Laurence Haac (University of Picardie Jules Verne) “Les terres cuites votives d’Etrurie,” La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerranée durant l'Antiquité. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

9 Stephanie Huysecom-Haxhi (CNRS, Université Sciences Humaines et Sociales–Lille 3) “Images et Cultes: À propos des figurines de femmes assises dans le sanctuaire d’Artémis à Thasos à l’époque archaïque,” Espaces sacrés, pratiques religieuses et communautés nouvelles dans le monde grec, University of Grenoble 2014.

10 Stephanie Huysecom-Haxhi (CNRS, Université Sciences Humaines et Sociales–Lille 3) “Approche méthodologique des terres cuites figurées archaïques de l’Artémision thasien,”. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerrannée durant l'Antiquité Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

11 Susan Langdon (University of Missouri, Columbia) “Archaic Terracotta Figurines from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth,” AIA Central Missouri Society, University of Missouri, Columbus, MissouriJanuary 29, 2015.

12 Nicolas de Larquier (Arles Museum of Antiquity) “Les figurines en terre cuite gallo-romaines du muse de l’Arles Antique,”. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerrannée durant l'Antiquité Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

13 Christian Mühlenbock (Medelhavsmuseet) “Terracotta figurines from Ayia Irini, results from the extended provenance study,” Ancient Cyprus today: Museum Collections and new Research Approaches to the Archaeology of Cyprus, Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm, April 27, 2015.

14 Arthur Muller (Université Sciences Humaines et Sociales–Lille 3/ IUF) “De la parthenos à la gynè : représentations conventionnelles du statut social et familial des femmes dans la petite plastique,” Générations, âges et successions, AnHiMA, Paris, February 9, 2015.

15 Helen Ili Nagy (University of Puget Sound) “Votive Terracottas in their Archaeological Context: the Case of Cerveteri,” San Diego State University, March 13, 2015.

16 Eustathios Raptou (Department of Antiquities, Cyprus) Exchange of Terracottas between Cyprus and the Aegean during the 6th and 5th c. B.C., Ancient Cyprus today: Museum Collections and new Research Approaches to the Archaeology of Cyprus, Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm, April 27, 2015.

17 Gina Salapata (Massey University) “Heroic Plaques at Messene and Laconia,” Sanctuaries and Kults of Ancient Messene from the Pre-Classical to the Byzantine Period, Hellenic Ministry of Athens, Athens October 25, 2014.

18 Kasia Szpakowska (Swansea University) “Snake Busters: Experiments in Making and Breaking Ritual Figurines,” Egypt Centre, Swansea University, Feb. 3, 2015.

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19 Sandrine Talvas (University of Toulouse II, Le Mirail) “Le corpus de figurines découvert à Vendeuil-Caply en 2013,” La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerranée durant l'Antiquité. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

20 Mathieu Thivet “Découverte inédite de moules et de figurines en terre cuite blanche lors de la fouille d'un quartier artisanal situé en périphérie du complexe cultuel de la Genetoye à Autun,”. Actes de la Journée d'étude du 22 avril 2015, La figurine en terre cuite dans le bassin méditerrannée durant l'Antiquité Musée de Vendeuil-Caply.

21 Caroline Thurston (University of Oxford) Destruction and Deposition: the Mycenaean Figurines from the Ritual Zone at Xeropolis-Lefkandi, Beyond the Polis: ritual practices and the Construction of social Identity in Early Greece (12th-6th centuries B.C.) Brussels ULB, September 24, 2015.

22 Fredrik G. Tobin (Uppsala University) “Forgotten Terracottas: Free Standing Spouted Funnels from Poggio Civitate (Murlo),” Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) Annual Meeting, New Orleans, January 9, 2015.

23 Darby Vickers (University of California, Irvine) “Perpetual Lament: Anthrpopmorphic Mycenaean Figures in Funerary Context,” Archaeological Institute of America (AIA) Annual Meeting, New Orleans, January 9, 2015.

24 Katarzyna Zeman-Wisniewska (Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University) “Personal deity and the privacy of the ritual. What the form of a figurine tells us about the type of cult?” 20th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (EAA), Istanbul, September 10-14, 2014.

AUTHOR

JAIMEE UHLENBROCK Department of Art History State University of New York, New Paltz

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Annonces Announcements

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A Terracotta Treasure at Assos

Tuna Şare Ağtürk and Nurettin Arslan

REFERENCES

Tuna Şare Ağtürk, Nurettin Arslan, A Terracotta Treasure at Assos, Ege Yayinlari, Istanbul, 2015, 129 p.

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1 The variety of the coroplastic group is especially striking. The types include seated female musicians and a poet, an oklasma-dancer, comic actors, goddesses, a horse-rider, a warrior, female mask protomes, miniature furniture, various animals, and a fıgurine vase. The main purpose of this publication is to examine the finds from Tomb 4 and to shed light on characteristics of coroplastic production and socio-cultural life at Assos during its "Golden Age" through a contextual, typological, and iconographical analysis of the terracotta figurines. The variety of the figurines not only gives clues about the identity of the tomb-owners, but also hints at the many aspects of the "Golden Age" of Assos, such as the fertility cults active in the city, the increasing importance of the theatre, the place of women in socio-religious life, and the commercial and cultural relations of Assos with the neighbouring cities, especially Athens.

ABSTRACTS

During the summer of 1995, Turkish archaeologists discovered a unique Late Classical tomb in the Western Necropolis of Assos. A modestly designed cist grave, Tomb 4 surprised excavators with the richest cache of grave goods ever found at the ancient city. The 62 well-preserved artifacts, which date from the 4th century BCE, when Aristotle's school of philosophy was active at Assos, consist of terracotta figurines, gold and bronze jewelry, and vases.

AUTHORS

TUNA ŞARE AĞTÜRK Çanakkale Archaeology

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Bibliographie Bibliography

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Recent Bibliography on Coroplastic Topics

2014

• ACHEILARA, L.: Tα νέα ευρήματα κoρoπλαστικής από τη βόρεια νεκρόπoλη της Mυτιλήνης. -in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 1. (Aθήνα 2014) 261–274. • ADAM-VELENE, P.: Πήλινες πρoτoμές από τo Σέδες Θεσσαλoνίκης. -in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 1. (Aθήνα 2014) 361–375. • ALBERTOCCHI, M.: Musica e danza nell'Occidente greco. Figurine fittili di danzatrici di epoca arcaica e classica. - in: Musica, culti e riti nell'Occidente greco. (Roma 2014) 237–248. • ANDRIOTI, M.: Catalogue of finds. Figurines. -in: Pyla-Koutsopetria, 1. Archaeological survey of an ancient coastal town. (Boston 2014) 151–155. • ANDREOU, A. Πήλινη κεφαλή γεροντικής μορφής από τις ανασ καφές, Ι. Μηλιάδη στη νότια κλιτύ. Ένα πορτρέτο φιλοσόφου. - in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 2. (Aθήνα 2014), 81–89. • ARAVANTINOS, V.; BONANNO-AΡΑΒΑΝΤΙΝOΥ, M.; KALLIGA, K. et al.: Eιδώλια, στέφανoι, μικκύλα αγγεία και λύχνoι. Πήλινα αναθήματα σε αγρoτικό ιερό στoν Oρχoμενό. in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακό χώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς χρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθνες συνεδριo στη μηημη της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακε. Πόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 2. (Aθήνα 2014) 45–68. • BARAKARI-GLENI, K.: Koρoπλαστική αρχαϊκών χρόνων από τo Aργoς. -in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 1. (Aθήνα 2014) 107–124. • BECKER V.: Ways of contextualisation for anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, Anthropomorphism and symbolic behaviour in the Neolithic and Copper Age communities

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of South-Eastern Europe, C.-E. Ursu and S. Țerna (eds.), Studies into South-East European Prehistory I, Suceava, 2014, 29–46. • BENNETT, J.E.: A troupe of six terracotta acrobat figurines found in a votive pit at Thmuis. - ZÄS 141 (2014) 105–111. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2014-0009] • BILOUKA, A.; GRAIKOS, I.: Υστερoαχαϊκές πήλινες πρoτoμές από τη Nέα Kαλλικράτεια Χαλκιδικής. – in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 1. (Aθήνα 2014) 307–316. • BIONDI, G.: Autentici falsi. La Collezione Libertini tra pitture ritoccate, falsificazioni e protagonisti non ufficiali dell'archeologia di Centuripe, Il Museo di Archeologia dell’Universita’ di Catania. Collezione Libertini, Acireale-Roma 2014, 51–83. • BÎRZESCU, I.: Some remarks on hellenistic terracotta offerings in the western Pontic sanctuaries. -in: Interconnectivity in the Mediterranean and Pontic World During the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. [Proceedings of the International Symposium, Constanţa, July 8–12, 2013] (Cluj 2014) 269–280. • BANAKA, A.: Μήτρες ειδωλίων ελληνιστικών χρόνων από το Άργος, Phd. diss., National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, 2014. • BARAKARI-GLENI, K.: Κοροπλαστική αρχαϊκών χρόνων από το Άργος, -in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009,2. (Aθήνα 2014), 107–124. • BOGHIAN, D., ENEA, S.-C., LAZANU, C.-C.: The anthropomorphic plastic of Cucuteni A3 site from Tăcuta (Vaslui county), Anthropomorphism and symbolic behaviour in the Neolithic and Copper Age communities of South-Eastern Europe, C.-E. URSU and S. TERNA (eds.), Studies into South-East European Prehistory I, Suceava, 2014, 415–434. • BOSNAKES, D.: Συμβoλή στη μελέτη της ύστερης ελληνιστικής κoρoπλαστικής της Kω. Tαφική τελετoυργία και εικoνoγραφία (η τoπική παραλλαγή της γυμνής καθιστής υναικείας μoρφής με περιστέρι). - in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 1. (Aθήνα 2014) 149-176. • BRIFFA, J. M.: Review: M. Press, 2012. Ashkelon 4. The Iron Age Figurines of Ashkelon and Philistia. Eisenbrauns 2012, in Strata: Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society, vol. 32 (2014), 121–123. • BURDO, N.: Anthropomorphic plastic art of Trypillia culture: dialectic of similarities and differences, Anthropomorphism and symbolic behaviour in the Neolithic and Copper Age communities of South-Eastern Europe, C.-E. URSU and S. TERNA (eds.), Studies into South-East European Prehistory I, Suceava, 2014, 303–364. • CAPUTO, C.: Catalogo delle terrecotte figurate, in M. Capasso and P. Davoli (eds.), Soknopaiou Nesos Project I (2003–2009), Pisa-Roma 2012. • ΧΑΤΖΕΔΕΜΕΤΡΙΟΥ, Α.: Νεότερα στοιχεία για το κοροπλαστικό εργαστήριο της Καρύστου 9. –in: Koρoπλαστική και μικρoτεχνία στoν αιγαιακόχώρo από τoυς γεωμετρικoύς ρόνoυς έως και τη ρωμαϊκή περίoδo. Διεθηες συνεδριo στη μνημή της Ηoυς Ζερβoυδακή. Ρόδoς, 26-29 νoεμβρίoυ 2009, 2 (Αθήνα 2014), 9–28. • CHERNOVOL, D., SHIANOVA, A., SHEVCHENKO, N., EFIMENKO L.: A special anthropomorphic figurine from the tripolian site of Bernaševka: context, X-ray examination and technology, Anthropomorphism and symbolic behaviour in the Neolithic and Copper Age communities

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2015

• AVERETT, E. W.: Masks and Ritual Performance on the Island of Cyprus, AJA 119- 1 (January 2015), 3–45. • BOSSARD, A.: Figurines gallo-romaines. Des couleurs sur l'argile. - ArcheologiaParis 529 (2015) 1–49. • BUDIN, S.: The Nude Female in the Southern Levant: a mixing of Syro-Mesopotamian and Egyptian Iconographies, Cult and Ritual on the Levantine Coast, and its impact on the Eastern Mediterranean Realm. Baal Hors-Série X, 2015, 315–336. • ÇEKILMEZ, M.: Hyllarima'dan Bir Grup Figürin, (A Group Figurine From Hyllarima), OLBA 23, 2015, 371–395. • ERLICH, A.: Terracottas. -in: The Oxford handbook of Roman sculpture. (Oxford 2015) 155–172.

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• FILGES, A.: Ein Felsenheiligtum im Stadtgebiet von Priene. Privater Kult im öffentlichen Raum. in: Natur, Kult, Raum. Akten des internationalen Kolloquiums, Paris-Lodron- Universität Salzburg, 20. - 22. Jänner 2012. (Wien 2015) 81–109. • LANGIN-HOOPER, S. M.: Fascination with the tiny: social negotiation through miniatures in Hellenistic Babylonia, World Archaeology, January 2015, p. 1-20. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2014.991803] • NEYKOVA, S.: Scientifix and ethical approaches to the restoration of terracotta finds from Heraclea Sintica, Heraclea Sintica: From Hellenistic Polis to Roman Civitas (4th C. BC ‒ 6th C. AD), Proceedings of a Conference at Petrich, Bulgaria, September 19-21, 2013, Sofia, February 2015 (L. VAGALINSKI, E.l NANKOV. eds.), 156–167. • OGGIANO, I.: The question of “plasticity” of ethnic and cultural identity: the case study of Kharayeb, Cult and Ritual on the Levantine Coast, and its impact on the Eastern Mediterranean Realm BAAL Hors-Série X , 2015, 507–528. • PIRSON, F.; ATEŞ, G.; ENGELS, B.: Die neu entdeckten Felsheiligtümer am Osthang von Pergamon. Ein innerstädtisches Kultzentrum für Meter-Kybele? -in: Natur, Kult, Raum. Akten des internationalen Kolloquiums, Paris-Lodron-Universität Salzburg, 20. - 22. Jänner 2012. - (Wien 2015) 281–301.

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