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David Hardiman . Submitted for the Degree of Doctor 'ý cv (Ti 1 ýýýý +ý e " :` -10ý e ýý tS; " iii, ' ýýI Vý u, I, ' 'ý l `r .ý 3 ." ?ý j Peasant Agitations in Kheda Disttiýt, Gujarat, 1917 -1934. David Hardiman . Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Sussex, September 1975. Copy number: i2 AHMEDABAD Kap-advani KathIaI " Mehmedabad "" Thasra Mahuda " Kheda Dakor Matar " " Nadiad Umreth "cis "Vadta Anand " So*itrci"/ Kdaramsa " Pet Dharmj Borsad " Virs p dran BARODA " -CAMBAY Mahi Kheda District during the period of British -Rule. Taluka Headquarter Other Places "Anand Town Vaso of Importance Cambay State Parts of Baroda State CO;I" E YYTS Page No . List of Maps i List of Abbreviations used in footnotes ii Introduction iii-ix CHAPTER Oi;E: THL G'U^rRJPHY Ji''D PEOPLE OF NIN2TEENTH CLNTURY YJ D;ý I CHAPTER Tv;O: THE STRUCTUREOF LOCi:L DO}.'INAI C 23 1. The Traditional Village Structure 23 2. The Rise cf some Leading :tianbis within the Traditional Bureaucratic Syste: 29 -i 3. The Impact of British Rule on the Traditional Structure 34 4.. Standing within the Caste 40 c::I1APTFR THREE :I 'GOLDEN AGE' FOR THE K0 BI S 44 1. The Aristocratic Kanbis 44 2. The Superior Kandis 4-9 3. The Lesser Kanbis 55 4. From Kanbi to Patidar 61 5. The Tradition of the bhakti sect 63 6. Peasant Impressions of the British 68 CHAPTER FOUR: THE YEARS OF DISASTER 73 1. The Famine 73 2. The Growth of Discontent 80 C1L&PIER FIVE: THE DES :LO?, ', TT OF A NtiTIO?«. LIST LEADERSHIP FOR :LiEDA £9 1. The Emergence of a Nationalist Ideology 89 2. The Nationalist Challenge to the Nadiad Desais 97 3. The Small Town 'Awakening' of 1917 104. CHAPTER SIX: THE NATIOTLALISATI01; OF P&-.SANT AGITATION 112 1. Patidar Grievances 1917-18 112 2. The Erergence of Village :, ationali sra 116 3. The Nationalisation of Patidar Agitation 123 4. The Kheda No-revenue Campaign of 1918 137 5. The other Agitations 150 6. The Lesser Patidar response to Gandhi 155 (continued) ? CG:,TE TS Pam '-o . CIiiPT R SEVEN: THE POLITICS OF PiSSIti RESISTANCE 1919-'192+ 163 1. The Doctrine of Passive Resistance 163 2. The Rowlatt Satyagraha 168 3. lion-cooperation 1920-1923 181 The boycott of the legislatures 182 Municipal non-cooperation 185 The organisation and leadership of the Kheda Congress 191 The 'Religious Debate 197 Towards Civil Disobedience 200 Passive Resistance in the balance 203 4. The 'Porsad SatyaGrara 201D CHAPTER EIGHT: THE COI S'LRUCTIVE PI IOD 217 1. The Constructive Programme 218 2. The Superior PLtidar reaction to Gandhian. Agitation 232 3. The failure of Constitutionalism and Vallabhbhai's Vindication 239 C.: 'PTER NINE: CIVIL DISOBEDIE11CE 251 1. Civil Disobedience 1930-31 251 The Salt Satyagraha 251 Resignation of Officials 261 The No-revenue Campaign and hi rat 265 2. The Gandhi-Irwin Pact 286 3. Civil Disobedience 1932-3tß. 293 CHAPTER ThN: CONCLUSIO14 300 1. The Decline of Lesser Patidar militancy 300 2. Vallabhbhai and Gandhi 301 3. The Nature of the Kheda Agitations 309 4. The 'eider Relevance 320 GLOSSARY 322 BIBLIOGRAPHY 325 i MAPS Pa.Qe No Frontispiece Khed.a District during the period of British rule I British Districts of Gujarat and tract Kheda District agricultural s of ... 3 2 Areas dominance of ... 13 3 Home Rule 1917 meetings ... 109 4 The spread of the nationalist movement 1917-18 ... 118 5 The Kheda 1918 no-reven ue campaign of ... 139 6 Civil disobedience (1) 1930-31 ... 273 7 Civil disobedience (2) 1930-31 ... 274 8 Civil (3) disobedience 1930-31 ... 275 ii Abbreviations used in footnotes BA Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay Bombay FRI Fortnightly report for the first half of the month for Bombay Presidenoy Bombay FR2 Fortnightly report for the second half of the month for Bombay Presidency BRO Baroda Records Office CTVG Collected. Works of Mahatma Gandhi H. D. BA, Home Department IOL India Office Library J. D. BA, Judicial Department NAI, H-Poll National Archives of India, Home Political Department VAL., AICC Nehru Memorial Library, All India Congress Committee papers R. D. BA, Revenue Department. 111 INTRODUCTI011 In recent years a new orthodoxy has arisen in the study of Indian nationalism. Increasingly, historians have turned from the study of all-India politics to the minutia of local politics. The Indian nationalist movement has come to be seen as a messy alliance of disparate interest groups struggling for position in the new political systems which the British Raj gave birth to. Personal ambitions and factional conflicts, rather than ideology and class solidarity, appear to have been the motivating, force behind the 1 nationalist movement. This new orthodoxy can only be challenged by detailed studies of areas in which the nationalist movement was strong. Kheda District in Gujarat was such an area. In this thesis, an attempt will be made to find out why nationalism became a popular ideology in the area, which social groups, or perhaps factions, supported the movement, and how such support was mobilised. The conclusions will, I hope, help to refute some of the assumptions of the new orthodoxy. An explanation is needed as to why I chose this particular subject. Choice of topic is, of course, always somewhat arbitrary, a leaping from one related subject to another, until one's choice comes to rest on an appealing and significant subject. My initial fascination with India stemmed, I suppose, from an Indian heritage found often in middle class 'English families. The family fortune rested on Bengali jute, and I myself had been born in Rawalpindi during the holocaust of partition. My first return to India was on my grand tour to Kathmandu after leaving school, and although I had already decided to study English and European history at the London 1 See Anil Seal, 'Imperialism and Nationalism in India', in Gallagher, Johnson 8: Seal, Locality- Province Nation, .nd (Cambridge University Press 19'73),, pp. 1-27. iv School of Economics, i chose Indian nationalism at S. O. A. S. as my special subject. As a postgraduate at Sussex University, I took up the full-time study of India for the first time. My primary interest remained in Indian nationalism, and I soon realised that without good local level histories of the nationalist movement, the subject could not hope to progress far beyond the cliches of nationalist historio- graphy. Anthony Low suggested several provinces on which he felt work was needed. When he mentioned Gujarat, I felt instinctively that this had to be my field of study, for it was an area central to the nationalist movement as a whole, it was a self-contained linguistic region, and it had a strong indigenous culture. I soon discovered that the production of a history of the nationalist movement in Gujarat would be no easy task. The best histories in English had been written by the nationalists, Vahadev Desai and Narhari Parikh, and although there was much interesting and suggestive detail in these studies, they failed to explain convincingly why so many Gujaratis should have given such fervent support to Congress in the years after 1917. K. L. Gillion's otherwise admirable work on Ahmedabad was not concerned with answering this question. However, a piece he had written on the Rowlatt Satyagraha incorporated the useful concept that during this period :moral authority in Ahmedabad was transferred fror the British 2 to the Indian National Congress. But what exactly did this mean? The only study to go beyond such generalisations was an article by Anil Phatt on Bardoli TalW: a which showed that the force behind the nationalist move- 3 ment in Bardoli was a Patidar caste association, the Patidar Yuvak Vandal. 2 K. L. Gillion, 'Gujarat in 1919', in R. Ku.^.. ar, Essays on Gandhian Politics, (Oxford University Press 1971), p. 11+3. 3 Anil Bhatt, 'Caste and Political Mobilisation in a Gujarat District' in Rajni Kothari, Caste in Indian Politics, (Orient Lonnans, Delhi 1970), pp. 299-339. V The article was concerned primarily with showing how a caste association could be used to mobilise political support. Although the question of motivation was left unanswered, it was possible to use the article to suggest a theory. My first tentative conclusion v4as that the national- ist movement in rural Gujarat was supported by a class which was 'rising', the Patidars, and that the movement provided a vehicle for their aspira- tions. But as Anthony Low pointed out, I had not yet demonstrated thl-. t the Patidars needed to use the movement to compete against any particular social group in Gujarat. My tentative suggestion was that they were not competing with any particular social group in Gujarat, but that this was perhaps typical behaviour of a class of capitalistic peasants. It was in this state of uncertainty that I left for India in October 1971. I started my search for material at the National Archives of India in Delhi. The lack of solid information was somewhat disheartening. In Delhi, I met Rana.jit Guha, who opened my eyes to many of the realities of modern India. He told inc to go straight to Gujarat, and iimerse myself in the culture and history of the region. The archival material' could wait. This somewhat anthropological approach appealed to me, and within days I was on the train to Ahmedabad. I settled in Ahmedabad at the Gujarat Vidyapith and began to learn Gujarati. I discovered that there were some very goo& secondary works in Gujarati on the nationalist movement in Gujarat, and these I went through with the help of a retired Brah: -ian schoolteacher, Bhaskerhhai Dave.
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