Mohit KAPOOR

STORY OF TWO VILLAGES: PHYSICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE LANDSCAPE OF DARKOT AND SHARMOLI (Uttarakhand, Himalayan India)

Thèse présentée et soutenue publiquement le 16/05/2018 en vue de l’obtention du doctorat de Géographie humaine, économique et régionale de l’Université Paris Nanterre sous la direction de M. Frédéric LANDY (Université Paris Nanterre)

Jury :

Mme. Joëlle SMADJA Rapporteur: directrice de recherche au CNRS/CEH

M. Pierre DERIOZ Rapporteur : Maître de Conférences HDR à l’Université

d’Avignon/Espace -Dev M. Jean -Louis CHALÉARD Professeur émérite Université de Paris 1 Membre du jury : Panthéon-Sorbonne, UMR PRODIG

Mme. Evelyne GAUCHÉ Membre du jury : maître de conférences à l’université François

Rabelais de Tours/CITERES

M. Frédéric LANDY Directeur de thèse : professeur à l’Université de Paris

Nanterre/LAVUE/Institut Français de Pondichéry

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DECLARATION

I, Mohit Kapoor, hereby declare that this dissertation, entitled “Story of two villages – Physical, economic and social analysis of the landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli”, is the outcome of my own study undertaken under the guidance of Prof. Landy, University of Paris, Nanterre (France). This study has not formed the basis for the award of any degree / diploma of this or any other institute previously. I have duly acknowledged all the sources used by me in the preparation of this dissertation.

Mohit Kapoor

CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the dissertation entitled “Story of two villages – Physical, economic and social analysis of the landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli” is the record of original work done by Mohit Kapoor under my guidance and supervision. The results of the research presented in this dissertation have not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree / diploma of this or any other institute.

Prof. F. Landy

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This study has been completed under the guidance of Prof. Frederic Landy. He provided overwhelming support (monetary and moral) and motivation from the beginning till the completion of this study. Without his guidance, this dissertation would not have been completed. I have always been a slow learner but he always took time to listen to my concerns and answer my queries , and I can only hope that I have been able to stand up to his expectations. He is the best mentor and guide that one can have to learn and understand geography while recognizing to maintain the ‘space’ between academic knowledge and actual reality to descry the truthness of the society and culture of a particular place.

I am thankful to so many people in my life who helped me during my doctoral work in numerous ways but as the list may go on and fill infinite number of pages, here I would like to thank a few important ones. I appreciate the efforts of Late Dr. R.S. Tolia, Late Dr. S.S. Pangti, Mr. Gokaran S. Pangti, Mr. Laxman Pangti and Ms. Mallika Virdi in Munsiyari along with Dr. Raghubir Chand in Nainital, to supply academic and general information about the Johar valley and Bhotias and to provide their valuable time for hours of discussion. I am indebted to my village guides Mrs. Geeta Pangti and Mrs. Beena Nitwal who were the real heroes behind the data collection as they spent their valuable time from their daily routine to travel with me in the whole village and introduced me to the inhabitants of the villages. My gratitude to Mr. Birendera Brijwal ( Beeru Da) who allowed me to stay in his hotel for months in Munsiyari at the cheapest rate possible and supported my travel by providing his vehicle (almost free of cost) , and special thanks to his wife who cooked food for me every night. They treated me as a family member rather than a guest.

I would like to thank my mother whose support (in the last three years) has made it possible to complete my Ph.D. and to my ‘God’ whose virtual presence made my life easy and better at every difficult step. I am obliged to my uncle, Prof. V.K. Khanna, who gave his valuable time to review, check and correct my grammar and language in the thesis.

Lastly, my special acknowledgment to Prof. Abdul Shaban (Deputy Director, TISS) for being a mentor and guide in my life for the last eight years.

MOHIT KAPOOR

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER No. SECTION / SUB- NAME OF THE CHAPTER / PAGE No. SECTION No. SECTION

1 INTRODUCTION 8 - 23

1.1 Area of Research 9

1.2 Aim and hypothesis of the 10 study 1.3 Objectives of the study 11 1.4 Research approach and 11 methodology 1.5 Brief Introduction about the 14 state of Uttarakhand, division of Kumaon, and the district Pitthoragarh 1.6 Organisation of the chapters 23

2 THE CORE - MUNSIYARI 24 - 54

TIMELINE AND 3 ECONOMIC HISTORY OF 55 - 84 THE RESEARCH AREA – ANALYSIS OF CASTE AND CLASS

3.1 Time line History of Johar 56 valley 3.2 Economic History of Johar 64 valley 3.2.1 Economy of Johar region till 65 the 1960s

3.2.2 The difficult decades of the 72 1960s-1970s 3.2.3 Successful economic 79 diversification after the 1980s

CHANGING 4 85 - 128 LANDSCAPES AND CULTURE

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4.1 Landscape of the villages of 87 Darkot and Sharmoli 4.1.1 Nomenclature 87

4.1.2 Area and population 88

4.1.3 Landscape of Darkot and 92 Sharmoli

4.1.4 Conclusion 127

COMPONENTS OF 129 - 185 5 LANDSCAPE AND THEIR RELATION WITH CULTURE 5.1 Analysis of private space – 129 House pattern in Darkot and Sharmoli 5.1.1 Basic elements of an old– 133 design house and their nomenclature 5.1.2 Description of size and use of 134 rooms of old-design house 5.1.3 History of construction and 135 material used in old-design houses 5.1.4 Contemporary situation of 138 house (structure and features) among old and modern-design in Darkot and Sharmoli 5.1.5 Conclusion 155

5.2 Analysis of public spaces – 159 temples and community ground

6 LAND, AGRICULTURE 186 - 225 AND ANIMAL HUSBANDRY – CHANGING VALUES AND

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USES

6.1 A Brief history of land 187 and agriculture in the Bhotia

6.1.1 Land 187

6.1.2 Agriculture 188

6.2 Contemporary caste-based 189 statistics of land in Darkot and Sharmoli 6.2.1 Land among Bhotias 192

6.2.2 Land among scheduled 195 castes 6.2.3 Land among Thakurs 197

6.3 Analysis of land use and 199 agriculture of the two villages 6.3.1 Land use in Darkot by 200 various castes 6.3.2 Land use in Sharmoli by 203 various castes 6.4 Animal Husbandry in 219 contemporary times

7 ECONOMY OF TWO VILLAGES – LOW 226 - 285 INCOME AND UNSKILLED WORKERS

7.1 Economy of Darkot and 226 Sharmoli – Based on per- capita 7.1.1 Trends in the occupational 227 structure 7.1.2 Statistical interpretation 231 of the occupational

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structure of Darkot and Sharmoli 7.2 Economy at the level of 277 family

8 SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE – 286 - 323 ANALYSIS OF HOME STAYS, HANDICRAFTS AND UNDERSTANDING OUT-MIGRATION

8.1 Home stays and the situation 286 of women – A boon to an oppressed class 8.2 Handicrafts – Carrying on 304 the tradition with low income 8.3 Out-migration in Darkot 315 and Sharmoli 9 CONCLUSION 324 - 338

BIBLIOGRAPHY 349 - 340

GLOSSARY 341 - 343

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CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Developing countries of Asia especially south Asia have a distinct characteristic of rurality, i.e. almost 70% of the population lives in rural area. Rurality also marks a social construct, reflecting a world of social, moral and cultural values [ Matless et al, 1994 ]. In India and everywhere else in the world, there is a sharp contrast in the physical and human characteristics of rural and urban spaces. There are differences with regard to land use, patterns of spatial organization, type of working class, occupations and market conditions, environment, kind of technology, infrastructure, administration, and institutions etc. Besides that, there is a huge difference between the life of a ‘country man’ and a ‘town man’, i.e. differences in the culture of two spaces which is marked by factors such as religion, beliefs, social customs, caste, identities, and many more. In the general Indian opinion, the culture of the town or city man is usually believed to be more modern and liberal, i.e. less governed by religious beliefs and social customs, and to have a more materialistic and scientific outlook. On the other hand, a village person in India is supposed to be orthodox, more rigid in his religious beliefs and caste-based identities.

‘Story of two villages – physical, economic and social analysis of the landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli’ is the title of my thesis, in which I have tried to encompass the elements of the theories of ‘location analysis’ and ‘diffusion of innovation’, which are widely used in the geography, especially economic geography. The research is carried out in the Central Himalayan region of India. Two villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli are chosen which are situated in the Munsiyari Tehsil 1 of Pitthoragarh district 2 of Uttarakhand state. The very first question that arises in the mind of a reader is what is location analysis and diffusion of innovation process? The main idea behind the location theories is to explain the importance of distance. The distance from a certain core centre, i.e. market, administrative centre etc., is used to interpret the location of various kinds of activities such as agriculture, industry, housing etc. based on different types of factors which include use of land, rent and cost analysis, production, supply, labour, transport, technology and many more. Thus, distance (from the core) also plays an important role in determining the existence of territory of a village, town, or city and helps us in understanding the process of urbanization and market. In my thesis, I have investigated the importance of the distance and elevation factor (from a rural core) in explaining the economic, social and cultural life of the two chosen villages. On the other hand, diffusion of innovation process is based on an idea that most distant areas (away from

1 Administrative area (formed by conglomeration of villages) 2 Administrative area formed by conglomeration of Tehsils, sub-divisions.

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the core) innovate last and least, i.e. areas which are near to core are more developed and modern in terms of economy, society and culture. In my thesis, I have tried to inspect whether a village which is situated far away from the core is ‘less developed and less modernized’ than the nearest one or not.

The distance and height are one of the important factors for the exclusion of the developmental process. The farther the area is from city center or if the area is located at a high altitude, there is less probability that technological innovation and other modern amenities will reach the area. The situation is further worsened by the presence of physical barriers such as high mountains and cold climate. As both of my chosen villages are situated in the high Himalayas and are near the border, i.e. at the periphery, it is interesting to note how the cultural elements of the inhabitants of the peripheral mountain villages change with the time and with upcoming of modern services and economy, and vice versa, i.e. how modern amenities impact the culture of the village people.

1.1 Area of research -

The two mountain villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, situated in the valley of Johar in Pitthoragarh district of Kumaon division of Uttarakhand state have been chosen and are analysed physically, socially and economically with reference to the “core”, the small town of Munsiyari. Sharmoli shares its boundary with the core while Darkot is situated at a distance of 7 Km from Munsiyari and it takes almost 30 minutes to reach by car (from Munsiyari to Darkot) while driving through under–constructed road. Yet, the altitude of Sharmoli (2,250m) is higher in comparison to the Darkot village (1,800m). Both the villages (and in fact, the whole Johar valley) are inhabited by the tribal group known as Bhotias (scheduled tribe), followed by other caste people which include scheduled castes, general caste (Thakur / Rajput / warrior caste) and Brahmins (priest caste). Bhotias used to practice Tibetan trade along with transhumance before and after the independence of India till the 1960s while the scheduled castes were their immediate servants and Thakurs act as a kashtkars, i.e. tillers to the land of Bhotias. After the Indo- China war of 1962, the trade stopped and there has been a substantial change in the life, economy, society, and politics of the dominant and subordinate castes. The details about the core and research areas along with their inhabitants will be explained in the first initial chapter of the thesis, but let me first explain the reason for choosing these villages as an area of research . India is the land of villages. There are more than 6, 40, 000 villages in India and 69% of the total 1.2 billion people live in the rural area [ Census of India, 2011 ]. These statistics were enough to validate the point once made by M.K. Gandhi that ‘real India lives in the villages’. As I belong to the neighbouring mountainous state of Himachal Pradesh (India) where 89.9% of the population lives in villages [ Census of India, 2011] and

9 which is the least urbanized state of the country, my fascination towards understanding village and its habitants (esp. hilly landscapes) is clearly decipherable. This is the very first reason for me choosing the rural space as an area of research which leads me to the state of Uttrakhand where a project (named as AQAPA) related to the environment, ecology, landscape, agriculture, tourism etc. had already been undertaken by my guide and other French researchers. The other point is that village studies in India are generally equated with the subjects of sociology and anthropology and little with geography. By means of my thesis, I have tried to invoke the concept of Rurality and try to cover society, economy, environment, and culture in the countryside in case of developing societies. Numerous distinctive scholars from various academic fields across the whole world have carried out social investigation and provided a bulk of information about the research area chosen by me, and their focus is on the whole Johar valley and mostly about the dominant group i.e. Bhotias who inhabit the place. On the other hand, I have tried to delimit my research area to the two villages and attempt to focus on all the social groups from Bhotias to scheduled castes. Moreover, my focus will be on the village studies from the geographic point of view, besides concentrating on the lifestyle of particular dominant social caste.

1.2 Aim and Hypothesis of the study -

The main aim of the thesis is to understand the relation between physical space, economy and society of two villages (Darkot and Sharmoli) with reference to the core (Munsiyari) and to assess the impact of culture 3 over the space-society and vice versa.

The hypothesis of the study is – ‘The village Sharmoli, which is near to the core Munsiyari, is more progressive and modern 4 (less traditional) in terms of physical, economic and social space than the Darkot, which is situated far away from the core’.

3 The sum of all learned behavior of people reflected in the way of life. Culture is a set of traits (norms and values, technologies, apparel, diet, language, beliefs) and their means of transmission [ Modern Dictionary of Geography, 2003 ]. 4 Modernisation in our context is synonymous with Development which is related to better quality of human life (economically, socially) and availability and accessibility of modern means such as technology, communications etc. along with change in orthodox beliefs (regard to religion, caste system) of the societies. Modernization is defined as transformation from a traditional, rural, agrarian society to a secular, industrial, urban society (https://www.britannica.com/topic/modernization ). Modernization theory tries to explain the reason why some societies failed to develop and what cultural and economic conditions act as a barrier to the progress. Culture barriers seem to be internal to the society (beliefs, religion, simple division of labour etc.) while economic barrier includes lack of infrastructure, capital, technolog y and political instability, etc. Rostow describes various stages in development such as pre and post take-off stages, drive to maturity and finally, age of mass consumption characterized by levels of investments in science, education,

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1.3 Objectives of the study -

1. To understand the past economic and social structure of the society of the two villages and compare it with that in contemporary times to find out the reason for the change. 2. To understand the process of emergence of the core and its impact on the two villages. 3. To understand the physical space of the two villages and try to depict the components that build the landscape of the two villages along with the (cultural) factors that are responsible for it. 4. To understand the role, uses and utilization of land and agriculture in the life of the inhabitants along with changing housing patterns in both the villages. 5. To analyse the current situation of various castes and class groups in the villages in terms of the level of education, income and other occupational details, migration etc. 6. To understand the role of home-stays and handicrafts in the present economy and in the life of women. 7. To understand the changing beliefs, values and practices of various caste groups in the villages. 8. Overall, to understand the contemporary society of the villages by analyzing the social, economic, and physical patterns of the village and to access the level of development with regard to distance from the core.

1.4 Research Approach and Methodology -

I have never considered myself as a geographer because of my little understanding of Physical geography and especially because of lack of any degree courses in the concerned subject. I had a Bachelor’s degree in engineering which has nothing to do with the social and human sciences. But, after joining the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai, in 2011 as a Master’s degree student in Development Studies, I have developed a fair understanding of various social science subjects such as sociology, economy, environment etc. I spent my two years of Master’s degree in learning various courses offered in geography, particularly human geography such as urbanization, the political economy of space, sustainable development and climate change, rural development etc. I also did my research work on climate change which further helps me to understand the physical and human geography in a wider perspective. Thus, though I am quite new to the subject with very little experience, last three years of my Ph.D. project provide me dexterity to understand the subject and I have tried my best to become a ‘human geographer’. population control, etc. that led to the emergence of economic growth and production at western levels. Urbanization is one of the important elements of the process of modernization and development. [ Siddhartha, 2003 ].

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The field research has been carried out over the span of three years, i.e. 2015 – 2017 and three-four months per year have generally been spent on field visits. I visited Munsiyari in February–June (mid) 2015, March–June 2016 and in November 2017. Thus, there have been alomost ten months of field survey followed by a couple of 10–15 days short visits in between to correlate my collected data and analyzed information. My first visit to Munsiyari (i.e. Feb–June, 2015) helped me to understand the villages and people by means of informal discussions with the locals and hours of academic discourse with the scholars like Late Dr. R.S. Tolia, Late Dr. S.S. Pangti, and Ms. Mallika Virdi. I also spend some time in Nainital, the headquarter of Kumaon division (almost three weeks), and meet people from Kumaon University and other fields of life such as NGO’s, environment, tourism, art, media etc. that boost my further knowledge. My next visits were meant for collecting thesis-related data and I deal with the villagers by means of questionnaire and group discussions. I usually spend 40–45 minutes per household and sometimes less as the respondent gets frustrated and bored by my compulsion of putting one question after the other (my questionnaire contains more than 50 questions).

The field study has been conducted by means of questionnaire and interviews at the individual and family level within each village. I took the service of a local village woman, Ms. Beena Nitwal in Sharmoli and Ms. Geeta Pangti in Darkot, both belonging to the Bhotia community, as a village guide who helps me to establish my identity as a ‘researcher’ and testify my genuine desire of acquiring information for academic purposes only. She had a job of introducing me to the villagers and I would take care of the rest of the meeting time by making myself familiar to the respondents and asking them questions. The knowledge of Hindi language and belonging to the ‘ Pahari ’ (mountain) community (because of my association with Himachal Pradesh) make my work somewhat easy. The reasons behind choosing a Bhotia woman as a village guide is that, as both the villages are dominated by Bhotias and women in general know and talk with each and every household because of the close-knit village community, it helps me to make my work little cinch. The Bhotia women, by virtue of her high caste, can enter anyone’s house and can talk to everyone which might not be possible with the scheduled (lower) caste women. I tried my best in order to keep myself neutral (without caste bias) during interviews by not allowing my female village guide to interfere during questionnaire and interviews with the respondents, and on the other hand, my village guide did her best not to come in between me and respondents during the time of interview by making herself sit at a certain distance from the conversation and try to show herself busy by engaging in knitting work. But I am sure; my affiliation with Bhotia women whom I think will be depicted as a ‘guide of a village to a foreigner 5 (me / outsider of the village) for collecting the village

5 Foreigner, here, referred to anyone who is from outside the village.

12 information’ might have created some bias in the mind of other caste people (who were once subordinated to Bhotias) and thus may create a further bias in the information provided by them.

Around 173 families 6 (Darkot: 39 Bhotias, 12 scheduled castes and 11 General castes families; Sharmoli: 69 Bhotias, 8 scheduled castes, 30 General castes and 4 Brahmin families) were interviewed over the span of 3 years and raw data and information which has been collected from the respondents and written in a notebook is analyzed and given meaningful shape by means of Microsoft Excel and few other research- related softwares. The secondary data related to the villages has been collected from the local administrative offices such as Tehsil, Block etc. (which to my surprise are little generous in giving away data) and by means of websites, magazines and from various other print and media sources. My survey contains a proportional representation of families of all castes based on their numbers in the village (population data is provided in the upcoming chapters).

** As per records of the 2011 census, there are 97 households in Darkot and 260 in Sharmoli. (1971 census definition defines household as a group of persons who commonly live together and would take their meals from a common kitchen unless the exigencies of work prevented any of them from doing so). Note: many members of same family received separate ration cards 7 (by showing separate kitchens of parents, children) even though they are living at the same place and eating together, in order to avail of several benefits. In my survey, I took family as a unit of measurement instead of household. A family may have any number of dependent and independent members that are living together in a single house surveyed (Thus, two –three household in the census data may come under one family in my survey). Though I tried my best to cover each and every family in both the villages yet my survey is limited to 62 families in Darkot and 111 in Sharmoli.

There have been few hurdles in collecting data as well. The first is the financial one. As I did not receive any financial assistance from the University and have not pursuing any job in the last two years and the process of collecting data, staying and travelling requires a good amount of financial spending, I still tried my best not to compromise on the quality and time required to be spent on the research. My guide tried to help me a lot by various means such as by paying my annual fees, providing monetary assistance for data collection from time to time from his own pocket and my mother made sure to take care of rest of thing by spending more than half of her salary on my survival. The second hurdle is that I have to stay away from the guide and the university. As I can only talk and meet my guide on ‘Skype’ and could not afford

6 The details about the each caste (Bhotias, scheduled castes, general castes) will be provided in details in the third chapter. The Bhotias and Thakur represent high-caste Hindus while scheduled castes were the lower castes. 7 Official document entitling the holder to a subsidized ration of food, fuel or other goods issued by Government of India on the basis of whether the family belongs to below and above poverty line (those who earn less than $1.90 per day)

13 to travel to the University every year, I think, I have missed the ‘sense of belonging’ to a student and discussion group which is a common phenomenon if one stays in the university campus. I tried to overcome this hurdle by visiting TISS, Mumbai, and meeting professors, doctoral students and my previous guide (in Master’s degree) who were always ready to share their experience and knowledge.

1.5 Brief Introduction about the state of Uttarakhand, division of Kumaon, and the district Pitthoragarh -

Before going ahead into the main chapters, let us have a brief introduction to the state of Uttarakhand, Kumaon division and district of Pithhoragarh where our research villages are located. As shown in Picture 1.1: Map of India, Uttarakhand is situated in the Northern part of India at Latitude 28°43' N to 31°27' N and Longitude 77°34' E to 81°02' E respectively [ Govt. of U.K., 2013 ]. The state shares its border with the state of Himachal Pradesh in the west, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh in the south, Nepal in the east while Tibet (China) is in the north and north–east. It is known as the Dev-Bhoomi, i.e. abode of gods, because of the presence of many important places Hindu pilgrimages such as Badrinath, Kedarnath etc. along with the source of origin of the Ganges River. The Uttarakhand became a separate state in the year 2000 as it has been carved out from the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh after a long demand of a separate hill state. Earlier it was known as Uttaranchal but in 2007, the name was changed to Uttarakhand which means ‘northern country’.

Physiographically, Uttarakhand consists of high, middle and lesser Himalayas (i.e. central Himalayan ranges) as well as the Gangetic plains along with many rivers and passes. There are many important mountain ranges in Uttarakhand such as Nanda Devi (7, 816m), Satopanth (7, 075m), Panchachuli (6, 905m), etc. along with rivers such as the Ganga, the Yamuna, the Alaknanda, the Kali, the Gori etc. The climate of Uttarakhand is warm during summer (April–June) while monsoon begins in the month of July and stays till mid–September. The winter begins by October and offset by the March-end in high altitude regions. The climate of areas situated in plains (Dehradun, Haridwar, Haldwani etc.) is classified as Hot - Summer Mediterranean (Csa), while mountain areas such as Pitthoragarh, Karnaprayag etc. have Humid sub-tropical climate (Cfa) as per Koppean classification (https://en.climate-data.org/region/763/). The temperature may reach as high as 40° C in plains of Dehradun in summer while lowest temperature may fall well beyond -10° C in the glacier regions in winter. The average annual rainfall in the state is around 1, 600mm [ Govt. of U.K., 2013 ].

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The Uttarakhand is divided into two administrative divisions – Garhwal (Western part of Uttarakhand) and Kumaon (Eastern part). My research area, i.e. Munsiyari area (Pitthoragarh district) is situated in the Kumaon division in the north–eastern part of Uttarakhand. Kumaon is one of the five geographical zones of Himalayas and the name ‘Kumaon’ is derived from Kurmanchal which means land of Kurmavatar (the tortoise incarnation of Lord Vishnu). At present, there are five districts in Kumaon which includes Almora, Nainital, Bageshwar, Champavat, Uddham Singh Nagar and Pitthoragarh. The administrative headquarter of Kumaon division is in Nainital, which is one of the important Himalayan tourist destinations in India. The geographical area of Kumaon is 21, 034 sq. km. Pitthoragarh is the largest district of Kumaon with an area of about 7, 000 sq. Km. while Champavat is the smallest one (1, 766 sq. Km). There are 7, 259 villages in the Kumaon region in which 282 are un-inhabited while there are 166 forest villages of which 80 are un-inhabited. There are 9 census towns in Kumaon, 48 tehsils, 41 development blocks and 3, 483 gram sabhas. [ Govt. of Kumaon, 2018 ]

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Photo 1.1 : Location of Utt arakhand state in the map of India

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*Source: Obtained from the Google India photos

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Photo 1.2: Map of Uttarakhand

*Source: Obtained from the Google India photos

Kumaon is a hilly region which rises up to the height of above 7, 000m (except for Tarai –Bhabhar and Doon belts). Kumaon is divided into four geographical parallel zones: Tarai –Bhabhar –Shivalik, Lesser Himalaya, Greater Himalaya, and finally, Trans / Tethys Himalaya. A geographical faul t zone i.e. MBT (Main Boundary Thrust), passes along the outer regions of the Shivalik and Lesser Himalaya, while MCT (Main Central Thrust) passes in between the Greater and Tethys Himalaya (Photo 1.3). They are the most fragile and sensitive areas and sep arate two plates of earth’s surface – the Indian and Tibetan plate [Shekhar and Anup, 1993 ]. The extreme south of Kumaon has the thickly forested Tarai belt, 10 –25 km. wide which lies adjacent to northern Gangetic plains. Next to this is the Bhabhar belt w hich is 8–25 km broad. A little higher than the Bhabhar is the adjoining Doon region. The regions have settlements like Rudrapur, Tanakpur, Haldwani, Pantnagar, Ramnagar etc., i.e. the towns situated in the plain region of Kumaon. This part of Kumaon is hi ghly populated, industrialized and good for agriculture. These towns generally mark the end of the boundary of railway access. After the Tarai–Bhabhar belt is the comparatively lower Shivalik mountains and have few settlements [ Shekhar and Anup, 1993 ].

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Photo 1.3: Himalayan Litho -tectonic zone

*Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Himalayan_Litho -tectonic_Zone.png

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Photo 1.4: Physiography of Kumaon

*Source: Snapshot taken from [ Shekhar and Anup, 1993 ]. (The photo is slightly tilted bec ause of the hardcover nature of book and it is difficult to scan)

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The lesser Himalaya is the most populated and is watered by rivers such as Kosi, Ramganga, Gomti etc. and their banks are highly fertile. Major settlements include Pitthoragarh, Bageshwar, Gangolighat, Almora, Nainital etc. The Greater Himalaya zone is one in which major portion is under permanent snow cover. Most of the snow-fed rivers originates from this region of the glaciers such as Pindari, Milam, Panchachuli etc and have mountain peaks like Nanda Devi, Nanda Kot, Panchaculi etc. On the one side are rivers like the Kail, the Pindar, the Kafni, the Ramganga etc. while on other side are those like the Gori and its tributaries. The last zone i.e. Trans Himalaya region has Malla Johar, Darma and Byans valleys. This dry and arid region used to be inhabited by Shaukas (Bhotias). The villages situated in these valleys are mostly deserted and ruined and are mainly inhabited by security personnel. It includes passes like Lipulekh, Kungribingri, Belcha etc. These passes and the mountains connected to them form the dividing line between the watersheds of the Ganga and the Karnali/ Sutlej. The Bugyals (alpine meadows) are found in the region of convergence of Lesser and Greater Himalaya [Shekhar and Anup, 1993 ]. The Kumaon has winter season from November to March, spring season from mid–March to April, the summer season in May–June while monsoon season starts in July and is offset in September. Autumn begins in late September and continues till early November. 70% of the rainfall occurs in monsoon season while average annual rainfall varies from 90 cm to 250 cm. Lesser Himalaya receives snowfall in winter while higher reaches get snow throughout the year. The average maximum temperature of the division is around 32 degree Celsius while the average minimum is below 0 degree Celsius. [ Shekhar and Anup, 1993 ]

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Photo 1.5: Temperature and rainfall data of Munsiyari region (Precipitation data: 2009 -2014) (Temperature data: 2000-2012)

*Source: Diagnostic agraire d'une petite région agricole de la vallée de Johar, Himalaya indien (Uttarakhand) (Obtained from the thesis submitted by Ms. Marion LeBihan in University of Agro Paris Tech in 2015)

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Lastly, let us look at some of the basic statistics about the Kumaon and Pitthoragarh which are mentioned in Table 1.1 below.

Table 1.1: Basic statistical indicators comparing Kumaon division with the Pitthoragarh district

INDICATORS KUMAON DIVISION DISTRICT PITHHORAGARH Total area in sq. km. 21034 7090 Number Of Inhabited / Un- 6866 / 280 1542 / 66 inhabited villages 2015 -16 Total Population 2011 42, 28, 998 4, 83, 439 No. Of Males 2011 21, 38, 287 2, 39, 306 No. Of Females 2011 20, 90, 711 2, 44, 133 Sex Ratio 2011 978 1020 Percentage of Rural Population in 70 83 total population in % Percentage of Scheduled caste / 19 / 3.5 24 / 4 Scheduled tribe population (in %) Population density 200 68 Literacy rate (Total / male / 78 / 87 / 70 92.75 / 72.29 / 82.25 female) in % Decadal growth rate in % (2001 – 18 4.6 11) Avg. Number Of family members 5 / 5 4 / 4 in rural / urban area Cultivable land in hectares (2014 343 40.30 -15) Main crops Cereal, sugarcane, potato Cereal, Potato Production of cereals / potato in 1055 / 46.60 83.20 / 13.48 metric tonnes (2014 – 15) Percentage of agriculturalists and 40 + 11 60+1.5 agricultural labour in working population (in %) Average size of all holdings in 0.88 0.5 hectares Percentage of small and marginal 90 98 holdings (in %) Average Rainfall in mm (2015) 1283.60 1298.93 Nationalised / other (cooperative/ 524 / 429 51 / 54 RRB) bank branches (2015 -16) *Statistical handbook of Kumaon. One can look for complete statistical data about population, health, education, power, agriculture etc. at - (http://kumaon.gov.in/pages/display/107-statistical-handbook-)

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1.6 Organisation of the Chapters -

The chapters of my thesis are based on various themes defined by the analysis of physical, economic and social spaces of the villages. The hypothesis is tested in the analysis of each chapter/theme and the opinion about its ‘degree of truth’, i.e. whether the hypothesis is correct or not, is provided towards the end of each chapter. The general conclusion is given in the last chapter of the thesis (Chapter 9), while a brief idea about each chapter is provided below -

Chapter 2 deals with the introduction about the core Munsiyari and the process of its emergence.

Chapter 3 deals with the general time-line and economic history of the research area along with introduction to the inhabitants and their caste-based society.

Chapter 4 provides a general analysis of the landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli along with its socio- cultural analysis.

Chapter 5 deals with the public and private components of the landscape and analyses the changing housing pattern of both the villages.

Chapter 6 deals with changing role and use of land as well as decreasing significance of primary activities such as agriculture and animal husbandry.

Chapter 7 deals with the economy of Darkot and Sharmoli at the levels of per-capita (individual) and family, while explaining the important indicators related to the type of occupations, income, working population, its age and educational qualifications etc.

Chapter 8 deals with the analysis of society, economy and culture with regard to home stays, handicrafts and throws light on the situation of women and migration in the researched villages.

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CHAPTER 2

THE CORE - MUNSIYARI

This chapter of the thesis deals with the basic understanding of the chosen core area, which is the focal point of the study and around which our hypothesis will be tested. The ‘Munsiyari’ 8 village is considered as a core while the two other villages, i.e. Sharmoli and Darkot, are analysed with reference to this central area and are examined physically, economically and socially in subsequent chapters. A brief idea about Munsiyari and its location has already provided in the Introduction chapter of the thesis, and here, we will focus on the process of emergence of the core. Munsiyari is located at height of around 2,250 m above means sea level (amsl) and is situated at a distance of about 130 km. from the district headquarter of Pitthoragarh, 300 km. from the main town centres such as Nainital (Headquarter of Kumaon division), Haldwani and more than 600 km. from the state capital Dehradun and national capital New Delhi. Thus, it is not inappropriate to say that our core area is itself situated at a periphery which is closer to the military occupied international border (with China) than the nearby main town centres. The village Sharmoli is located at the same height as Munsiyari i.e. 2,150-2,250 m amsl, and is situated adjacent to the core, i.e. same boundary line separates the core from the village Sharmoli. On the other hand, Darkot is located at a lower height, i.e. around 1,740–1,800 m amsl, at a distance of 7 km. from the core and it takes almost 30 minutes to reach by car through an under-construction motor able road.

Before going further, one must know that the core, Munsiyari, is not a city centre where high rise buildings are situated or a big market area where billions of transactions and trade take place. It is neither an industrial area nor an agricultural hub. It is also not a capital of any state from where whole administration can be run. Munsiyari is a community development block 9 and a Sub–division 10 / Tehsil 11 of Pitthoragarh district and is administered by a sub–divisional officer and a Tehsildar (junior level administrative officer) as the top administrative officer. We can consider Munsiyari as akin to ‘CBD 12 ’ where different types of services (market, business, public and consumer) are available. Munsiyari serves the nearby villages whose range extends till the border of Tibet (China). The sphere of Munsiyari core extends at least up to 70 km. in all directions, esp. towards north (Malla Johar) as motor able road ceases

8 In state records, Munsiyari is not a name of any village but is a combination of villages i.e. Tehsil. We will find in the latter half of the chapter that Munsiyari is an area whose boundaries are defined by local perception where different services are available. 9 combination of villages (usually, a centre from where various developmental works of the block take place) 10 Group of Tehsils 11 Group of revenue villages 12 Central Business District – The part of city where various types of services are easily attracted because of its accessibility. It is also the focal point of the region’s transportation network.

24 to exist and inhabitants and army personnel have to depend on Munsiyari for all their needs. But for the high end services and goods (quality college education, high–end medical facilities, luxury goods e.g. cars, etc.), people have to make their way to a nearby town centre such as Haldwani, Almora or to far places like Delhi etc. One can also mark Munsiyari as an upward transitional area (in the view of Friedmann’s Core–Periphery model) as it is the closest area (in Munsiyari block) to the nearby (so called) urban nucleus of district headquarter and major towns / cities.

Before understanding Munsiyari, let us have a brief idea about Johar valley which is drained by Gori river and is divided into two parts i.e. Malla (upper) Johar which is close to Tibetan border and Talla (lower) Johar situated towards Indian side. The total area of Johar valley is around 887 sq. km. [ Pangti, 2006 ] which spreads to the whole block of Munsiyari and beyond it. Johar valley is inhabited by Bhotias 13 (dominant caste group) who used to practice trade with the Tibetans near the present Indo–China border and with Indian businessmen in the valleys and plains of India, and thus, lead a transhumant mode of life throughout the year. The Malla Johar has 13 high mountain summer villages such as Milam, Tola, Bilju, Martoli etc. where Bhotias stay during May–October and carry out trade with their Tibetan counterparts. These villages are situated at high altitude ranging from 2,500 m–5,500 m amsl. The villages of Talla Johar such as Tejam, Nachni, Thal etc. which are situated below 2,000 m amsl are used as a winter halt (November–March) during the trade time and from here they commence their journey towards plains of Uttarakhand and other parts of India. Besides these summer and winter locations, there are villages such as Darkot, Jalath, Darati, Ghorpatta etc. (present Munsiyari tract) which are used as intermediate halts during the upward and downward movement of people and animals during the trade. The detail about the transhumant movement of Bhotias will be dealt with in next chapters, but let us at present focus on the Munsiyari region (Tehsil / Block).

13 Will describe the caste and people in detail in the next chapter

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Photo 2 .1: Map of Munsiyari Tehsil / District Pitthoragarh

*Source: District Census Handbook Pitthoragarh 2011

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Photo 2.2: Trekking map of Munsiyari region (showing villages of Malla Johar)

Source: Photo provided by Late Dr. S.S. Pangti at Bhotia museum in Munsiyari

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Munsiyari is situated in the central Himalayas of India and lies between 30° N and 80° E in the Trans– Himalayan zone. Munsiyari Tehsil is bounded by Dharchula Tehsil on the east, Berinag and Didihat Tehsils in the south, Chamoli district in the west, and shares international border with China (Tibet) in the north (see Photo 2.1). Three main rivers of the Munsiyari Tehsil are the Gori, the Namik and the Ralam. The valley drained by the Gori River is the major and central valley system and is known as ‘Johar valley’. The Ralam valley is the eastern tributary of the Gori Ganga, while the Namik valley lies to the south–west [ Pangti, 2006 ]. The Gori Ganga valley has wide grassless slopes and terraces in the upper section ( Malla Johar), separated from the steeper forested slopes of the lower section (Talla Johar) by a deep narrow gorge 35 km. long. The important mountain peaks of Munsiyari region are Panchachuli (6, 904m), Trishuli (6,893m), Hardeol (6,967m), Nanda Devi (7,820m), etc. while the main mountain passes include Jayanti (5,467m), Trail (5,176m), Unta Dhura (5,377m), Kungri Bingri (5,123m) etc. Besides these, there are various glaciers such as Milam, Poting, Shalang, Namik, Laspa, Suraj Kund, Sungalpa, Panchachuli, Shipu etc. Malla Johar is also famous for its alpine pastures, i.e. Bugyals, and various herbs and medicinal plants. The climate of Munsiyari region is warm and temperate. Rainfall mostly occurs in the monsoon season following the short summer season. The winter season experiences light to heavy snowfall depending upon the altitude of a village. Munsiyari has Cwb climate (Koppean-Geiger classification). The average temperature is around 13.7°C while annual precipitation is about 1,400mm. [Source: https://en.climate-data.org/location/175585/ ]. The interesting thing about Munsiyari Tehsil is that there is not a single city or even a town in the block, but a conglomeration of over 200 villages.

**The basic statistics about Munsiyari block are provided in the reference below 14 .

14 The total area of Munsiyari is about 388 sq. km. or 38, 877 hectares and has a total rural population of about 46, 520. The Munsiyari block has about 223 villages and there are about 11, 282 households. Males form 49.2% of the total population. 15% of the population belongs to scheduled tribe while 21.5% of the population belongs to scheduled caste category. The decadal growth rate of Munsiyari is – 0.08, i.e. negative growth rate, which depicts the decrease in population mainly because of the out–migration of inhabitants for jobs, education and other purposes. The majority (more than 90%) of population is Hindu. The literacy rate of Munsiyari is around 75%, in which literacy rate of males is 88.5% while literacy rate of females is 62.6%. Munsiyari block has population density of about 18 persons per sq. km. More than 60% of the villages of Munsiyari (135 out of 223) are labelled as small, i.e. villages having less than 200 inhabitants, while only 5 villages have more than 1000 population. The working population is about 32% of the total population while 65% of the working population is engaged in agriculture and related activities. [ Revenue Record, 2011 ].

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So far, we have mentioned Munsiyari as a region as it is not a particular village but a collection of villages (i.e. block) in the revenue records of the Government. The first question that arises is which village / villages formed the core of Munsiyari? The villages of Bunga and Ghorpatta (earlier together known as Tiksain 15 ) where the bus stand, administrative offices, hotels are positioned along with shops of all kinds, i.e. market, schools and hospital are located are considered as a ‘Munsiyari’ (2,250 m) among local peoples. Thus, Munsiyari has a physical identity whose boundaries are marked by the perception of local people rather than the actual limits specified by the state authorities. It is interesting to note that two villages, Bunga and Ghorpatta (Tiksain), are considered Munsiyari (among locals) as all the public (various administrative offices, schools, and colleges), consumer (shops and market) and business (banks and other financial institutions), leisure and tourism (hotels and restaurants) services are available here. All other villages beyond Munsiyari (Tiksain) are generally called by their own names and are considered out of the Munsiyari, e.g. Sharmoli (known for its home stays), Darkot (known for handicrafts) etc. Thus, it is not erroneous to say that the identity of Tiksain (Bunga and Ghorpatta) village is absorbed within the identity of Munsiyari.

Let us go into little details as to ‘why Tiksain, i.e. Munsiyari, forms a core area’. Munsiyari is famous for its snow–covered mountain peak ‘Panchachuli’ (i.e. mountain with five peaks) which are covered under snow for the whole year and present a picturesque view to the spectator. Many domestic and foreign tourists visit the place to see the snow–covered mountains and to gaze at the beauty of nature and the Himalayas. Besides that, there are many other sports activities such as trekking (to nearby places such as Kalamuni and Khaliya top or up to far places such as Milam in Malla Johar), paragliding, skiing etc. in nearby places whose base camp is located in the Munsiyari. That is why many hotels and home stays have come up in the Munsiyari and its adjacent villages which cater to the lodging and the need of adventure activities of the tourists. As Munsiyari is also famous for its handicrafts, many people come here to see and buy the products made by local artisans. Thus, it is not wrong to say that Munsiyari is a core which is marked by the function of tourism market. Besides that it is also has an element of administrative core, as people from all villages (of Munsiyari block) have to come to Munsiyari for government related works or in other words, the government discharge their executive functions for the whole block from Munsiyari. Besides above mentioned features, Munsiyari has a general hospital, government departments such as veterinary hospital, forest department, public works department etc. along with various private schools which are meant to provide better education in comparison to the government aided schools. It also performs a trade / mart function, as goods and services of all kinds, e.g. banking, post offices, and items such as hardware goods, electrical goods, cement and other important items of daily use are easily and

15 The earlier name of villages of Bunga and Ghorpatta (both are Gram Sabha) is Tiksain. Thus, Tiksain is also an unofficial name of the area that makes the present Munsiyari.

29 only available in the Munsiyari. To conclude, Munsiyari (Ti ksain) is chosen as a core as it is the only location in the whole block which has a town/city like characteristics and performs all important functions of market and administration. Rest of the villages are predominantly marked by houses of inhabitants (i .e. residential purpose only), while if we go beyond a certain distance (i.e. 15 km) towards Malla Johar, the road, electric and telephone connectivity ceases to operate and most of the houses are abandoned (esp. during winters).

Photo 2.3 : Map of Munsiyari (core) -1

*Source: Google maps

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Photo 2.4: Map of Munsiyari (core) – 2

*Source: Google maps

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Photo 2.5: Trekking map of Munsiyari (core)

*Source: Map obtained from Tribal Heritage Museum, Munsiyari

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Photo 2.6: Sketch of the Munsiyari (core area)

*Based on capacity of the writer to gaze the landscape and draw a map

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The other question is ‘how the Munsiyari came into formation’ or ‘how the core area came into existence’ 16 In the opinion of local scholars and the residents of Munsiyari, till the time of independence of India, the term ‘Johar’ is more common in use to signify the area than the location Munsiyari. The present area that depicts the place of Munsiyari, i.e. Tiksain, used to be an agricultural land and forested area till the late 1950s. At the time of British rule, the main centre of Munsiyari was in the village of Rathi which is located at distance of about 3–4 km. south and at a lower height from the present Munsiyari. The tangible space that testifies to this argument is the presence of ‘Dak Bangla’ (Bungalow as a rest house) and a private junior high school opened at the time of British rule. Britishers used to control every activity of the area from the Dak Bungalow, i.e. it acted as a site of executive control17 . After the independence of India in 1947, government formed the five–year plan in every block (comprising hundreds of villages) to carry out developmental work related to various fields such as agriculture, construction, jobs, housing, food etc. In 1954, block office was opened in the Bunga area of Munsiyari in a rented private home, and at the same time service of animal husbandry department was also commenced from a location not very far from the block office. In 1954, these two departments bear a significant importance to the people of Johar, esp. dominant Bhotias. By means of Block office, inhabitants or more precisely community can carry out a variety of works esp. related to construction and maintenance of non–motor able roads which are required for trade purposes. As Bhotias are transhumant and used to have huge herds of animals such as sheep, goats and milch cattle such as cows, the department of animal husbandry proves to be a boon to the locals which is used for crossbreeding, immunization of animals etc. In the meanwhile, high school was also opened in the vicinity of these departments. But, till 1954, there were no market, shops and hotels in and around Munsiyari.

In early 1960s, government demarcated the border area of the then state of Uttar Pradesh and carved out new districts from the existing one in the name of border development. Pitthoragarh was carved out of the Almora, and Munsiyari was made Tehsil (smallest administrative area) besides being a block. Tehsil office was also started in present Munsiyari area in a rented private house. As the administrative officers started to reside in Munsiyari, construction of road begins and motor able road reached Thal (70 km south of Munsiyari) by 1960 and later on till Munsiyari by mid–1960s. Administrative officers after their arrival and settlement in (present) Munsiyari, found the place better than village Rathi, because of its high altitude and supremely because of better and quality view of snow-covered mountain peaks, i.e.

16 The analysis in this section does not hold any document or written validity but are based on the views of locals and scholars like Late Dr. S.S. Pangti, Late Dr. R.S. Tolia. 17 In my opinion, Munsiyari is not a permanent settlement of the British officials and they govern the area from the British Headquarter i.e. Almora. They stay in Dak Bungalow during their visit to the Munsiyari for a short period.

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Panchachuli. Besides, at that time, there was lot of ‘free land’, i.e. most of the land in revenue record did not have any private owner and thus belonged to the state.

In the early days of the opening of block and Tehsil office, a few shops which sell tea, daily food items such as vegetables were opened to cater to the needs of officials and employees posted in the administrative offices. As the trade got stopped after the Indo–China war of 1962 and dominant Bhotias were forced to lead a settled and permanent life, a few rich traders sold their land and property in their native (nearby) villages and shifted to present Munsiyari and opened shops and other enterprises in order to survive. Many among them were Janpangi of Rathi village; Rawat, Pangti and Dharamsaktu of Jalath and Darkot; and a few others big landlords from the nearby villages such as Dumar. Later on many other departments such as hospital, forest department, telephone department, schools were opened. Hence the present Munsiyari had become the important administrative and market centre for the whole Tehsil by the late 1960s.

The tourism market which evolves as the mainstay of the economy of the Munsiyari in recent times was established around the same time period of 1960s. Tourism as such was never an occupation of the inhabitants of Johar. Before independence, very few foreigners (usually British and other officials) used to come for adventurous activities such as mountaineering, visiting bugyals (meadows) and glaciers or for periodic official visit to the area. But after 1960, with the establishment of administration and construction of road, the volume of mountaineers and trekkers keeps on increasing. Zara hotel, the very first hotel of Munsiyari, was constructed by a Muslim entrepreneur after purchasing land from the local people. After seeing the successful operation of the hotel and tourism industry by the outsider, many local people constructed their own lodges and hotels. ‘Wayfarer’ was the first hotel run by a local and later on many followed the same path. When the Uttarakhand was created, the government started many tourism schemes for the locals which provide subsidy for construction of hotel rooms and other tourism purposes, e.g. Veer Chander Singh Gharwali scheme in which the government provide 35% subsidy for the hotel construction. As a result, at present, there are more than thirty hotels and lodges alone in the vicinity area (2-3 km. range) of Munsiyari. Later on, in 2005, home stays were started in the adjacent villages of Munsiyari, i.e. Shankhdhura, Sharmoli and Nanasem, in order to provide the glimpse of village life and view of natural beauty to the outsiders. This further led to the increase of foreign and national tourists esp. those who want to spend some time away from the hectic city and town life. Increase in number of tourists led to the development of the handicrafts related industry and other local products and, thus, also boosts the secondary sectors of tourist based economy. Tourism further leads to the establishment of strong infrastructure and institutions by augmenting the process of construction of roads, connectivity, electricity, and finance such as emergence of banks. To conclude, the establishment of authority and

35 various administrative offices, and construction of road along with stoppage of trade that forced Bhotias to look for secondary occupations resulted in the establishment of Munsiyari as a market and administrative core. Availability of motor able roads and presence of snow-clad mountains along with picturesque beauty of nature allow many tourists to visit the place and help the location to convert it into a tourism market. On the entrance gate of the Munsiyari also has been inscribed ‘Himnagari’, i.e. land of snow, and is surrounded by hotels on both the sides, which shows the touristic and adventurous characteristics of the core. Yet, there is hardly any public transport available to and from Munsiyari as only two buses ply to and from Pitthoragarh and Haldwani in the morning (from and to Munsiyari) while majority of tourists have to depend upon taxis (many local taxi operators run their 10-seater maxi cabs to places like Thal, Nainital, Haldwani, Almora etc.) or their own personal vehicles to reach the place; this automatically increases the fare to reach the destination 18 . The element of lack of public transportation is compensated by a number of private taxi operators, which in the opinion of locals is seen as a creation of employment for the youths of Munsiyari, but in my view, it is based on the increased hidden cost (of travel) that has to be borne by the tourists. This is the reason why local population of Munsiyari never raise their voice about the lack of public transportation in the region. If one has to go beyond Munsiyari, than he/she is totally dependent on the plight of local taxi operators. Around 4-5 jeeps (10-12 seater vehicles) ply daily on a long route (around 300kms.) to Haldwani from Munsiyari and come back next day, while there is a taxi at regular interval of at least 60 minutes if one has to go beyond Munsiyari in either direction on a short distance route, i.e. to places like Darkot, Madkot (ahead of Munsiyari) or to Thal, Nachni (before Munsiyari) etc. The transport facility is only available in the day time while there is a complete absence of any medium of travel after the evening time. Thus, my opinion about the peripheral nature of the core Munsiyari is also true, esp. with regard to availability of transport and time of travel.

Now, let us understand the settlement pattern of the core . Photo 2.3 – 2.6 provide a brief idea about the Munsiyari and its settlement pattern. The very first element of the settlement geography is the theory behind nomenclature of an area i.e. how Munsiyari got its name. There are various theories related to the name which are based on mythology or are surmised by locals / scholars. According to Rig-Veda (Hindu scripture), Manu Vavasvat (saint) and his followers on their way (by means of boat) to see God Matasya reached Uttar Giri near the banks of Saraswati river, and tied their boat to the tree in a place known as ‘Manoram Sarpnam’ (in order to keep the boat safe) which at present is known as Munsiyari. In the opinion of a few, Munsiyari draws its name from the Hindi word ‘Manohari ’ which means the one that is pleasing / soothing to mind. As Munsiyari is bounded by snow–covered peaks and natural beauty

18 In the opinion of the locals and the tourists, and with regard to my personal experience, one-way fare (Munsiyari- Haldwani) in a public taxi is around Rs. 500 per person, while for an individual private taxi it may cost around Rs. 5,000-Rs. 8000 for a single journey.

36 from all sides that have tranquillity effect on the living beings, it might be possible that it got its name from the word Manohari . This is also a reason why at present, Munsiyari is known as Himnagri i.e. snowy area. [ Smarika, 2014 ]. The entry to the Munsiyari is marked by an entrance gate (see Photo 2.7) and outsiders are usually welcomed by the hotels and lodges that are situated on the left and right side of the main road. The main centre of the Munsiyari is bus stand where hotels and Dhabas (a kind of restaurants) along with administrative Tehsil and sub-division offices are situated. All the taxis and buses to places like Thal, Haldwani, Pitthoragarh and Delhi etc. ply from this particular location. The road from the bus stand that leads towards south direction (see Photo 2.6, south is on Left side) have an ITBP (Indo– Tibet Border Police) camp, a helipad, along with a school and various hotels and lodges. The road beyond bus stand (towards east direction) leads to block office, hospital, market, banks, schools etc. This whole area is known as Tiksain or in present time as Munsiyari, the core. The old and new buildings of the area can be identified by seeing the structure and shape of the architecture. Administrative buildings, i.e. block office and Tehsil office (Photo 2.10 - 2.12), and veterinary hospital have stone / brick walls and slanting tin roof and represent the old–style building structure (modified from the old wooden framework) while all the hotels and market area are constructed with modern material (cement etc.) and shape (Photo 2.9 and 2.14). Majority of the buildings in the core area have been constructed in last 30-40 odd years and a few have been renovated to modern structure in the last two decades after the presence of modern construction material which is easily available after the accessibility of roads. The market and the tourism sector of the core area are dominated by the Bhotia caste people. In my survey, 60% of the hotels in and around Munsiyari (in a radius of 2 km.) belong to Bhotias while 70% of the shops in the market area are owned by them [ Benz, 2014 ]. Besides that, lion’s share of the home stay and handicraft work is carried out by Bhotia women and thus, one can say that the economy of the core area is in the hands of the dominant caste group.

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Photo 2.7: Entrance gate of Munsiyari situated at a distance of 1 km. from the main centre

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Photo 2.8: Munsiyari village

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Photo 2.9A & B: Bus stand of Munsiyari

2.9 A

2.9 B

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Photo 2.10: Block office Munsiyari

Photo 2.11: Sub divisional magistrate office in Munsiyari

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Photo 2.12: Office of Tehsildar Munsiyari

Photo 2.13: View of Panchachuli mountain peaks from the Munsiyari

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Photo 2.14 A & B: Munsiyari bazaar (market)

2.14 A

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2.14 B

Photo 2.15: School in Munsiyari

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Photo 2.16: Distance of Munsiyari from various places

As Bunga and Malla Ghorpatta form the core area, the population statistics about the core are provided in the Table 2.1 below. The combined population of the core is around 3,300 and it is one of the most populated regions within the whole block, which in turn is the basic characteristic of a core area i.e. highly populated 19 . The scheduled caste and others (general caste) form the majority of population of

19 As only five villages of Munsiyari have population beyond 1000 as per 2011 census, it is clear from Table 2.1 that the two villages which form the core are one among the very few to have more than 1,500 population.

45 core i.e. 70%, while the Bhotias (scheduled tribes) are 28% of the total population. The Bhotias form the majority in the nearby villages, i.e. Sharmoli, Suring, Nanasem, etc 20 .

Table 2.1: Population census of the village Bunga and Malla Ghorpatta i.e. core Munsiyari

Name of Total SC ST OBC Others Male Female Total Village Populatio Pouplatio Populatio Populatio Populatio Populatio Populatio household n n n n n n n s / SC household s / ST household s Bunga 1566 697 455 78 377 804 762 427 / 141/ 119 Malla 1726 517 462 16 740 974 752 420 / 47 / Ghorpatt 78 a Total 3292 1214 917 94 1117 1778 1514 847 / 188 / (Core 197 area) % age of 100 36.8 27.8 2.8 33.8 54 45.9 Total *Source: Village census 2011 obtained from local Block office, Munsiyari

** SC – Scheduled Caste, ST – Scheduled Tribe (Bhotias), OBC – Other Backward Castes

The land area within the core is utilised by means of commercial plots such as hotels and restaurants, public plots such as administrative and other offices, residential plots and agricultural plots. About 60 hectare of land area makes the core (in which majority is owned by transitional holders). The details are provided in Figure 2.1 to Figure 2.4.

20 As the core has come up in last four–five decades, so people of all castes i.e. Bhotias (who have land from the very beginning), scheduled castes and Thakurs (who were the immediate servants of Bhotias and got their land after the land to tiller act.) were present in the newly constructed villages. But, if we look at population statistics of old Bhotia villages, i.e. villages which are more than 100 years old e.g. Darkot, Jalath etc., Bhotias are in majority in comparison to other castes. This trend is explained once we compare Sharmoli and Darkot in the upcoming chapters.

The other reason is that many Bhotias (esp. rich class) migrated to other towns and cities for work and education, while people of other castes (who are economically and educationally weak) migrated to core area from nearby villages in search of work.

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Figure 2.1: The land record website of Uttarakhan d showing ‘area wise (hectare) – number of account (1 account may have several holders)’ of the Malla Ghorpatta village of Munsiyari as on date Feb. 11, 20 18 (51 accounts = 258 holders)

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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Figure 2.2: The land record website of Uttarakhand showing ‘area wise (hectare) – number of account ( 1 account may have several holders )’ of the Bunga village of Munsiyari as on date Feb. 11, 2018 (58 accounts = 682 holders)

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is stil l in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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Figure 2.3: The land record website of Uttarakhand showing type of land and its holders in Malla Ghorpatta village of Munsiyari as on date Feb. 11, 2018 (51 accounts = 258 holders)

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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Figure 2.4: The land record website of Uttarakhand showing type of land and its holders in Bunga village of Munsiyari as on date Feb. 11, 2018 (58 accounts = 682 holders)

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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Before moving on to next chapters, let us have a preliminary idea about the villages which are to be analysed with regard to the core, Munsiyari. As mentioned earlier, Darkot is at a distance of about 7km. from the core while Sharmoli is situated adjacent to Munsiyari. The distance and location of the two villages are shown in Photo 2.17-2.20.

Photo 2.17 : Distance and location of Munsiyari and Darkot

*Source: Google maps

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Photo 2.18 : Distance and location of Munsiyari and Sharmoli

*Source: Google maps

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Photo 2.19: Google view of Sharmoli

* Source: Google maps

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Photo 2.20 : Google view of Darkot (shown by red boundary marks)

*Source: Google maps

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CHAPTER 3

TIMELINE AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE RESEARCH AREA –ANALYSIS OF CASTE AND CLASS

The present chapter of the thesis deals with the history of the space that is under consideration, i.e. Munsiyari region or Johar valley. The chapter is divided into two parts and the first one is related to basic understanding of general history of Johar valley and its inhabitants, while in the latter half of the chapter we will look at the economic history of the valley. As mentioned by Srinivas ‘historic past of all the castes 21 may be related to the historical past of dominant caste’ [ Madan, 2002 ], the history of Johar valley also revolves around the historical past of the dominant Bhotias and their trade.

As our core (Munsiyari) and the selected villages (Darkot and Sharmoli) are situated in the Johar region, the history of Johar also constitutes the history of our chosen space. The basic understanding of the history of Johar valley will help us to comprehend the contemporary physical, social and economic space of the core and the villages in the later chapters. The history of a place can be demonstrated by various writers, i.e. locals or outsiders, and may vary as per the opinion and knowledge of the producer, i.e. history writer. In this chapter, I have tried to give a glimpse of the history of Johar valley from various prospective, by combining views of locals (dominant Bhotias), outsiders (other historians), and by mentioning the events of mythology and reality. It is up to the readers to actually assess the definitiveness of the events of course that defines the history. With regard to inhabitants, Johar is inhabited by Bhotias / Shaukas 22 who carried out trade with Tibet along with Thakurs 23 (Rajput Kshatriyas) and scheduled

21 Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of lifestyle which often includes an occupation, status in a hierarchy, and customary social interaction and exclusion. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caste ] Caste or Jati originates from the word ‘ Jana ’ which implies taking birth. Thus, caste is based on birth. Castes are very large in numbers and they also have sub-divisions called sub castes. [https://www.quora.com/What-is-the- difference-between-Jati-and-Varna] 22 The people of Johar are known as Shauka. The Britishers gave them the name of Bhotias because of their close proximity with the region and people of erstwhile Tibet i.e. Bhot. They have the status of a Scheduled Tribe as per the Constitution of India. While the Constitution is silent about the criteria for specification of a community as a Scheduled Tribe, the words and the phrase ‘tribes or tribal communities or part of or groups within tribes or tribal communities” in Article 342 have to be understood in terms of their historical background of backwardness. Primitiveness, geographical isolation, shyness and social, educational and economic backwardness due to these reasons are the traits that distinguish Scheduled Tribe communities of our country from other communities [Source: http://www.indiantribalheritage.org/?p=21438 ] In our context ‘Bhotia’, ‘Shauka’ and ‘scheduled tribe (ST)’ represent the same meaning, i.e. Bhotias belonging to Johar valley. 23 In our text, the term ‘Thakur’, ‘Rajput’ and ‘General’ represents the same meaning. They represent the Kshatriya (warrior) caste which is a representation of high (caste) social status.

55 castes 24 who (at the time of trade) were their immediate servants. The details about them will be provided in the next half of the chapter. The Bhotias in Uttarakhand inhabit different valleys such as Johar valley, Darma and Vyas valley (East of Johar), Niti and Mana valley (West of Johar) and thus, are known by different names, e.g. Johari (Johar valley), Tolcha (Niti valley), Byans and Chaudans (Byas and Darma valleys). The Bhotias of all these valleys are endogamous groups and differ from each other socially, religiously and culturally. As our research deals with the Bhotias of Johar, i.e. Johari Bhotias, who were amongst the richest merchants of trade area (with regard to Bhotias of different valleys), we will look into the historical settings of Johari Bhotias as described by different scholars. Let us begin with the history of Johar as mentioned by the local Bhotias scholars -

3.1 TIMELINE HISTORY OF JOHAR VALLEY

The history of Johar is divided into three important eras, i.e. from the period of Halduva–Pingluva till present modern times. This viewpoint of history is mentioned by many scholars esp. local Bhotias of the region and a few others from the state of Uttarakhand. The boundary between history and mythology is not always very clear, as shown below.

Halduva–Pingluva Period 25 – The very existence of the first society of Johar is traced from the story related to two snakes who came to the mighty Himalayas. There is no authentic timeline but the period of their existence lie till around 4 th –5th century A.D 26 . Two snakes named Halduva and Pingluva lived in the Johar. The territory of Halduva was till Mapa 27 village, while Pingluva’s terrain was from village Mapa to Laspa 28 . Scholars have defined this era as a place inhabited by Halduva and Pingluva people (belonging to the lineages of snakes). The people of Halduva–Pingluva had one important physical characteristic, i.e. their whole body is hairy. There was an eagle ( ‘garud’ in Hindi), the step–brother of snakes, who started to destroy the descendents of snakes and tried to finish their lineage (because of the

24 Lower caste people in India, i.e. scheduled castes, are also known as ‘Shilpkars’ which means craftsmen such as blacksmith, carpenter, mason, stone worker, agriculture labor, animal husbandry etc. (recognised by British Govt. in 1925). Atkinson describes them as of aboriginal, non-Aryan stock and servants of Khasia in the hilly regions of Kumaon [Himalayan Gazeteer, 1882]. In my writings, the terms ‘shilpkars’, ‘lower caste’ and ‘scheduled castes (SC)’ are used interchangeably. 25 The whole reference for this section is taken from the book written by non–professional historians but local Bhotia scholars such as Dr. R.S. Tolia (ex-Administrator who has a PhD about British administration in Uttarakhand) and Dr. S.S. Pangti (ex-Teacher and PhD in explaining lineage of inhabitants of Johar). [Tolia, 2010] & [Pangti, 1991]. **Sadly, we lost both the scholars in 2016. 26 There is no authentic proof about the time period. In Hindi text, the time period is given as “ chauthi shati Isvi ” i.e. 4th century AD. [Tolia, 2010 pg. 184] 27 A village in upper Johar and is situated near Bilju and Martoli villages 28 A village in upper Johar, close to the village of Nahar Devi

56 rivalry between step–brothers) and as a result, their number started to decrease at a very fast pace. In the further North at a place called Lapkhel, there was a saint called ‘ Shakya Lama ’ who resided in a cave and carried out meditation. When the Lama came to know about the incident of killing snakes, he sent one of his disciples to the village to kill the eagle. The disciple did his job and got settled in the village along with the few remaining inhabitants. It is said that the inhabitants of Johar got their name ‘Shauka’ from the name of Shakya Lama who protected their lineage by killing their prime enemy.

Besides it, there were a few other stories related to this era. Some of them are mentioned here–

1. Lama provides some kind of supernatural path guidance to his disciple on his journey towards villages of Halduva–Pingluva (for killing the eagle) by originating in form of different types of animals at various places. Thus, many places in Johar got their name from the type of animal that provides information related to the path to the disciple on his journey to save the descendants of snakes from an eagle e.g. Khingri (Dog), Untadhura (Camel), Samgong (Rabbit) etc. 2. In another incident, there is a description about the meeting of Lama’s disciple with an old lady in the village called Samgong. The meeting gives an illustration about the agricultural produce of the region, i.e. oova and phapahar (kind of wheat) and lack of availability of salt in Samgong village. 3. On killing the eagle, the disciple kindled the fire at that particular place (in Johar) and took a pledge that after meeting Lama he would return back to the same place to see if the fire was still burnishing clear and that would be the propitious sign that he should stay at that place. On reaching back to Lama’s place, he told Sakya Lama about everything including scarcity of salt. Lama told him about the abundance of salt in Tibet. When the disciple returned back to the former place he found that fire is still glowing brightly and, later he gathered people of Johar near Milam and made the temple devoted to Sakya Lama. There is no sign of trade in that era but there is a chance that need for salt from Tibet is a start of trade era after Halduva–Pingluva period.

As per book written by Dr.Tolia, the inhabitants of high Himalayas and Tibet (i.e. of mongoloid origin) do not have dense hair on their face and body, and thus, the people of Halduva–Pingluva might have come from outside the region. As per Dr. S.S. Pangti, in this era, the people lived in the same village throughout the year and carried out agricultural activities. There was no contact with the Tibet in the North and Kumaon in the south. [Tolia, 2010 & Pangti, 1991 ]. Besides Bhotias, there are other scholars and writers who have worked on Johar valley under different subjects and themes, and provide a brief idea about the history of the valley. The story of Halduva-Pingluva was also mentioned by the Vineeta

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Hoon 29 (non–Bhotia / Outsider) in her book ‘Living on the move’ which is based on the transhumant movement of Bhotias [ Hoon, 1996 ]. The narration of this story is also mentioned by Atkinson in Himalayan Gazetteer of 1882. In the words of Hoon ‘there is only speculation about the origin of Bhotias since they have no written history ’ [ Hoon, 1996 ]. Interestingly, Hoon did not mention the time period of Halduva–Pingluva era but marked the beginning of the two kingdoms from ‘long before the present race of men came into this world’ [Hoon, 1996 ].

Panjwari period –The period of Panjwari is around 7 th –12 th century A.D. In this period, the population of Shauka people kept on increasing and they got divided into different tribes ( Kabila in Hindi) [ Pangti, 1991 ]. At first, there were five main tribes, i.e. Lamwal, Helamba, Rahalamwal, Burfal and Nikhurpa , and hence the period is called ‘Panjwari’ (Panj = Five; Wari = Tribe). Besides them, two other tribes, Ghonrappa and Titrappa, were lost and there is no mention of their assimilation into the other five tribes. These five tribes have their dominance in the whole of Johar during the Chand dynasties rule (in Kumaon), while Rahalamwal and Lamwal were more dominant than the other tribes. In this period, they started to make contacts with the people of Munsiyari in the south and Tibet in the North. Tibetan people used to bring gold, wool and salt till Rahalhm (in upper Johar) and take back food grains with them. Panjwari people used to exchange salt with food in Munsiyari. Thus, this may be the period of beginning of actual trade with Tibet but there is no mention of transhumant mode of life among Shaukas. In the view of the local scholars, Helamaba clan rule the beginning of Panjwari era, while at the end Burfals were the rulers. Burfal tribe lives in Burfu village, Lamwal tribe lives in Lamwan village while Rahalamwals were from Ralam, all the villages belonging to upper Johar.

Evidence of trade in this period is exemplified (in various local texts) with the story of Sunpati Shauka who was considered as the renowned trader of Johar in that era. His daughter got married to Malusahi , who was the Prince of Katyuri. The love songs of Rajula (daughter of Sunpati Shauka) and Malusahi were famous in Uttarakhand and are part of the culture and folk songs. It is believed that the period of Sunpati Shauka lasted till 15th century.

Modern Period – This period begins after 15 th century A.D. With the advent of Muslim (esp. Mughal) rule in India, many Hindu Rajputs began to migrate to other places in order to protect themselves from the aggression and to save their religion. One among them was Dham Singh Rawat who came (in around 16 th century) from Dharanagar (Rajasthan) and belonged to Kshatriya (warrior) caste. He came to Badrinath (Hindu pilgrimage in Uttarakhand) and after that he commenced his journey till Gadhtok of Tibet. The ruler of Western Tibet made him chief of his army after getting inspired from his personality and warrior

29 Non–Historian (Her work is on environment, ecology and sustainable development)

58 skills, where he defeated the aggressors from Ladakh. He started to live in Tibet from where he reached Milam and found the place very attractive. The ruler of Western Tibet allowed him to stay in Milam while the place was still dominated by Panjwari at that time. Dham Singh influenced many people from Kumaon and Garhwal to come and settle here (Milam), resulting in the strained relationships with the Panjwari peoples. There are many incidents of fight and killing among Milamwals 30 and Burfals 31 . By the middle of 17 th century, the dominance of Milamwals (people of Milam) keeps on increasing while Lamwals–Rahalamwals lose their predominance over the area. With the increasing population, the new settlers got themselves located in the villages of upper Johar and thus emerged various sub-castes based on the name of a village. With the efforts of Raja Rudra Chand, the marriage relationships flourished between various sub–castes of Johar.

These three periods, i.e. from Halduva–Pingluva till present time, represent the brief, partly mythical, history of the Johar. In these years, many rulers ruled over Johar in different eras for different durations. Johar was always a kind of Free State (because of weak rule of the Chand dynasty, beginning from 7 th century A.D. till 1790) and for the first ten years of Gorkha rule in Kumaon (1790- 1801), but by 1801, Johar came under the Gorkha Administration. They imposed heavy tax on the Shauka and ruled for next 12 years till the occupation of Johar by the British colonial government. The British understood the importance of trade and of Bhotias (Shauka) in performing it and thus carried out many favourable policies for its pace and development. In my opinion, after analysing the work of local scholars, the period of British rule was benign and encouraging for the trade as well as for Shauka community. According to Dr. S.S. Pangti, it was during the Chand rule that people of Johar started becoming transhumant and began to make a temporary accommodation (and later permanent dwellings) in lower altitude villages as per climatic season. Later on, they got land from Chand, Gorkha and Britishers and became lords of the land in various villages.

Now, let us move away from the mythological point of view and look into the historical sequence of the settlement of the Bhotias in the Johar valley. Kiratas (wild–men / non–Aryan tribe) were the first inhabitants of the high Himalayas and have their mention in various religious texts and other literature written by Greeks and the Chinese. The story of Sunpati Shauka mentioned above (in Panjwari era) marks the arrival of Khasas (Aryans) as they represent them and were part of Aryan migration into India from the north–west. The Shaukas gradually displaced or assimilated the Kiratas in the early centuries of the Christian era. [ Hoon, 1996 ]. The settlement of present Bhotias and related peoples in the high valley took place in 5 th / 6 th century A.D. [ Hoon, 1996 ]. In the medieval times, many Rajputs migrated to western

30 Those who came and settled along with Dham Singh (and their descendents) in Milam are known as Milamwals 31 Panjwari are also known by the name Burfals, because they were in power in the last phase of Panjwari era.

59 foothills after the arrival of Muslim invaders between 10 th –14 th centuries AD. The Rajput unseated the ruling Khasa lineage of hills and extended their control. It is possible that some of the Rajputs found their way to Bhotia valleys. The Johar was under the control of Raja of Doti (King of Nepal) and in 1581, it came under the possession of Rudra Chand, i.e. Chand dynasty. Under Chand dynasty, Johar remained autonomous polities and their administration was control by the elders of the clan. In 1806, Gorkhas took over Johar because of the weak state of affairs under the Chand ruler, and by 1815 the British Empire establish their authority over Johar. Thus, the historical view of locals, i.e. Bhotias (esp. Dr.Pangti and Dr. Tolia) and Vineeta Hoon is almost similar and taken from various old references which are mentioned in the work of Atkinson, Badri Pandey, etc. in late 19th century.

At present, based on the above facts (esp. with regard to the story related to Dham Singh), Johari Bhotias claim to be of Rajput origin (Warrior caste) belonging to Hindu religion and deny any kind of linkage with Tibet. The physical appearances of Bhotias, i.e. their mongoloid characteristics make them appear closer to the Tibetan stock 32 [Prasad, 2016 ]. Some of the words in Bhotia dialect and a few places in the Bhotia region were of Tibetan origin which also shows the proximity of Bhotias with the Tibet [ Prasad, 2016 ]. But, Bhotias deny their Tibetan connection and claim that they are descendents of Rajput who once lived in Tibet [ Hoon, 1996 ]. Beside the story of Dham Singh, there is another view mentioned by Tibetan scholars which shows that the Bhotias were descendents of Rajput kings who once lived in Tibet and later on settled in high valleys. They give the example of Tsanpu Nyakhri , a Tibetan king who was Surajbansi Kshatriya (Hindu Rajputs) by birth and migrated to Tibet around 250 BC. The analysis about current religious practices of Bhotias and conflict of duality related to the religion (Hinduism / Buddhism) of Bhotias will be dealt in later chapters.

The caste–system 33 in Johar emerges during the end of Panjwari era when people from different areas came and started to settle in and around Johar with the coming of Dham Singh Rawat in Milam. Many people started to reside in the villages of Martoli, Bilju, Tola etc. (upper Johar). But there was lack of unity among them and they were often involved in fight and altercation with each other. In the words of S.S. Pangti “this was an era of Janshakti ”, i.e. era of manpower, the power of a tribe was determined by the numbers (of individuals). Hence, there was a race for assimilating more people into the tribe (even

32 Sherring and Weber share the same view about Tibetan origin of the Bhotias .

33 Caste system is connected with Hindu religion and philosophy. It is a type of social institution. Hindu society is divided into four main varnas (groups of castes) – Brahmin, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras on basis of division of labour and occupation. The first three varnas are high in status while the last one, Shudra is of lower status. Then there are Dalits (Scheduled castes) who are considered untouchables and are excluded from the four-fold varna system.

60 from outside). Later on, in around 16 th century, when each tribe have sufficient number of people, the Rajputs and others (new immigrants) coming to Johar were assigned lower category jobs and were not included in the Shauka community. Thus, slowly and slowly, the society of Shaukas became a closed society and the left out people were socially and economically exploited. By the 17 th century, fourteen villages of upper Johar have 22 sub-caste of Shauka community. Inhabitants of Lamwal started to live in Martoli, Burfu etc. as their village was completely destroyed, while Rahalamwal shifted permanently to Bui village. Their old villages were taken over by incoming migrants from Darma and Vyas. The physical location of Rahalhm village and the different social and cultural characteristics of Darma people (those who inhabited it) led to the break of social contact with Johar. Now, there are twelve villages of Johar having twelve main castes (derived from village name) and many sub-castes.

Hinduisation (i.e. caste consciousness) of the Johar society, thus, also begins with the advent of Dham Singh Rawat in the 15 th century. Subsequently, his son settled in Pacchoo village and in the aftermath others joined them from Garhwal and farther places like Nepal etc. Bhatt Brahmins settled at Martoli and later in Dhapa. Both Rajputs and Brahmins integrated themselves into the Shauka group. With the time, marriage relations were established among various groups settled in villages (as physical and geographical hurdles make marriages difficult with people of other areas, and by the intervention of Chand rulers who tried to solve inter-problems of villagers by the phenomenon of entering into social relationship by means of marriage). The new settlers propagated Hindu religion and invited other castes like Brahmin, shilpkars, etc. By the beginning of 18 th century, Panjwari lost their significance with the coming of these newcomers, and led to the complete Brahminization 34 of the society. This process resulted in the emergence of Hindu caste-based society (based on ‘Vedas’, the Hindu main scripture, in which people are divided into high and low castes depending upon their work and with passage of time the caste came to be linked with birth).

At present and esp. in our research, we consider Bhotias (Shaukas) as one caste group 35 while scheduled castes and Thakurs (General) were the other two castes. Thus, as per Hindu caste system, inhabitants belonging to both Bhotia and Thakur communities were Rajput (Kshatriya / warrior caste) while scheduled castes or shilpkars form the lowest strata in the caste system of Johar. One can say, Bhotias (Panjwari and descendants of Dham Singh) were present before 15 th century while other castes came by the late 17 th century. Thus, to conclude, in my research work, I will consider Bhotias as high–caste

34 Adopting Brahiminic way of life, i.e. to imitate high castes in every perspective 35 As per official records, Bhotias are scheduled tribes but here in my thesis, I will analyze them as a Rajput caste group (which characterize their social identity in the villages of Johar and establishes their dominance in the village’s social life). In my survey, every Bhotia family associate themselves with the Hindu religion and considered themselves as Hindu Rajputs (while their identity of scheduled tribe is less visible in social life of Munsiyari).

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Hindus (though they are provided with the scheduled tribe status by the government) along with Thakurs while scheduled castes have lower rank among the caste hierarchy. Let us understand the each present caste separately and briefly –

BHOTIAS – As already mentioned, the present Bhotia / Shauka society of Johar includes descendants of Panjwari, Dham Singh Rawat and all other migrants who came to settle in Johar after Dham Singh. They are divided into various clans such as Rawat, Pangti, Dharamsaktu, Sayana, Tolia, Burfal etc. The descendants of the eldest son of Dham Singh adopted the surname Rawat, while others (son/ family members) adopted Pangti, Dharamsaktu, Sayana etc. The ancestor of Pangti was born in the 13 th / 14 th generation of Dham Singh. With regard to other clans, Nikhurpa were the original inhabitants of Milam while Nitwals were late settler Rajputs who came from Garhwal and carry out work of worshipping village deities. Burha (functional post) is considered as the head of the village and is the eldest member of the village (belonging to Rawat clan) while a knowledgeable person is given the name of ‘Sayana’ who gives his judicious view on various village issues.

Thus, Bhotias are closed clans that include all caste groups such as Kshatriya, Brahmin etc. within and perform tasks and jobs as per their role in the society. But the Shaukas are considered as Rajputs by the local scholars as they all are migrants belonging to the warrior caste. On the other hand, Atkinson claims that Shaukas have two castes – Rajput and Brahmin. With regard to trade, early settlers’ and the descendents of Dham Singh esp. Rawat, Pangti, Dharamsaktu form the rich and important business class while other Bhotias clans are less dominant.

THAKURS (GENERAL CASTE) –They might be the late Rajput settlers who came to Johar either because of war, poverty or are discarded from their original clan (because of wrong doings). They used to carry out agricultural activities in the fields of Bhotias and also act as their cook.

BRAHMIN - Earlier, in the Panjwari period, the religious ceremonies were performed by Lamas (Buddhist). Later, in around the middle of 18 th century, it is said that Konchyo Burha Milamwal of Milam village brought a Brahmin (Dwivedi caste) to Munsiyari and made him a priest of four clans, i.e. Rawat, Dharamsaktu, Sayana and Pangti. Later on, many Brahmins of caste Joshi, Lohani, Pant, Pandey etc. become priests of other clans / castes within Bhotias. They have a separate identity as ‘Brahmin’ and are not included in the Bhotias.

SHILPKARS - They also came into existence during the Chand rule and were assigned the role of a servant of the Shaukas. They were considered untouchables and were practicing transhumant with their

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Shauka patron. They form the group of scheduled castes in modern post–independence era. Their caste is based on the type of work they perform –

Lohar – These are the shilpkars who make iron tools and implements. The Lohars in Johar are also the ones who make gold and silver ornaments.

Dholi – Those who carry out tailoring work and are skilled in playing various musical instruments in religious and other social functions.

Bhul – They also play musical instruments along with operating oil crushers and making combs for women’s hair.

Bajela – They make pots, baskets, mattresses etc. which are used by Bhotias for storing food and other purposes.

Audh – While the above mentioned four castes of shilpkars travel with their Bhotia patrons with regard to trade, Audhs usually settle at one place and carry out construction activities (building and repairing houses) and works of carpenter etc.

Besides them, there is another group known as ‘ Mirasi ’. They used to dance and sing songs during religious, marriage ceremonies and in other important festivals.

The social and economic conditions of shilpkars were the worst among all castes and they hardly own any land in the Bhotia villages. They used to live in small shanty huts while a shilpkar’s woman used to carry out household cleaning activities in the residence of patron Shauka. As per Dr. S.S. Pangti, they did not carry out agricultural activities and are completely dependent on Bhotias for food, clothing and living. Thus, in trade era, shilpkars, irrespective of gender, work as servants to the patron Bhotias and the survival of former is completely dependent upon the latter.

Thus, to conclude, till the Panjwari era, when the caste consciousness is negligible and the impact of Hinduization is low, various clans of Shaukas perform functions of Rajput (ruler), Brahmin (priest) etc. Later on with upcoming of outsiders and their increased population, there emerged the separation of duties and work, and priests, servants, agriculturalists were introduced as an important part of Johar society along with already present closed Bhotia society. This led to the complete Brahminization or Hinduization of the Shaukas which kept on strengthening after the end of trade era.

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3.2 ECONOMIC HISTORY OF JOHAR VALLEY

After understanding the general timeline history of the Johar valley in the previous section, here we will deal with the economic history of the region. The economy of a place influences the culture and lifestyle of the society. ‘Economics’ is defined as the sum total of practices / activities developed by the community to obtain means of livelihood [ Prasad, 2016 ]. The economic situation of a particular region/ area can be of different types, i.e. predominantly dependent on agriculture, or industry, or service, or combination of all with varying degree of contributions. But when one writes on the village economy and that too of South Asia, it is assumed as in words of Madan in introduction on economy in her edited book “The village in India”: “ Most villages are agricultural and share an agrarian hierarchy corresponding to the prevailing patterns of ownership and production relations ” [ Madan, 2002 ]. The land was always an important asset and mainstay of the village economy. In general, in a traditional village in India, economics is very much related to the social situation, i.e. caste. High or dominant caste holds the majority of land while other subordinate castes find their livelihood around them or are dependent on the dominant caste. One cannot simply deal with the economy of an Indian village without going into caste considerations. The subordinate castes provide various kinds of services to the landlord castes by working as agricultural labor, blacksmiths, tailors, barbers, servants in households, and priests etc. depending further upon their social status and situation. Thus, the livelihood of a person and his earning capacity was totally dependent on his caste in a traditional Indian village, esp. in cases where there is lack of migration. Some occupations are predefined (based on caste) and it is very difficult to move out of the particular profession. But, with the changing times, with enhanced education, with the advent of democratic institutions in villages, a decline of primary activities, rise of service sector and open jobs to all, migration, urbanization, change and introduction of new laws and acts etc. results in the changing social and economic structure in the villages. There is a belief that caste-based economy is slowly diminishing and patron-client relationship has lost his significance in the modern Indian village 36 .

In Johar valley, trade with Tibet was the main occupation of the dominant Bhotias and the actual modern history of the valley revolves around it. The livelihood of all other subordinate castes (scheduled castes and general caste) revolves around the trade while the role of land is merest in our case study 37 . It is impossible to think of Bhotias without mentioning their trade history and transhumant life which, unfortunately, lost its significance by late 1950s. After the stoppage of trade in 1962, the whole economic

36 Various authors write about diminishing class and caste structures in villages in modern times. E.g. ‘Emergence of backward castes in South Telangana: Agrarian change and grass root politics’ by A.K. Vaddiraju, published in EPW 34(7): 425- 30, 13 February, 1999, etc. 37 The role of land become important in the mid 20 th century and the brief idea about it is provided later in the chapter.

64 situation of the valley changed and inhabitants of different castes occupy diversified occupations as per their capability and capacity which are influenced by many political and social situations, resulting in the breakage of traditional relations and the emergence of (so-called) modern economy and society. In this section, we will have a brief idea about the “economy of Johar valley” in the different time periods from the past till present times

3.2.1 Economy of Johar region till the 1960s

Johar is situated in the Greater and Middle Himalayas region at a height measuring from 1,500 m up to around 6, 000m above mean sea level. The presence of mountain terrain, poor soil, steep slopes and cold climate does not permit good productivity of agriculture. Thus, environmental conditions do not provide desirable conditions for agriculture to become the dominant occupation of the people. But the geographical location of area, i.e. being situated close to Tibet, provides an immense opportunity for the inhabitants of this region to act as tradesmen between two regions of India and Tibet. Bhotias, being acclimatized to the area, are multilingual; speaking Tibetan, Kumaoni, and Hindi provides them with the best opportunity to acts as tradesmen. Thus, unlike other Indian villages, “trade” was the first most important element of Johar economy practiced exclusively by Bhotias (as a dominant caste).

Trade - The dominant sector

Trade simply means the exchange of goods between two or more parties at the rate mutually agreed. The trade by Bhotias is the oldest profession carried out for last many centuries and has its mention not only in the texts of Britishers (e.g. Himalayan gazetteer of 1882) but also in numerous other ancient manuscripts [Pangti, 1991 ]. Trade of Bhotias is one of the important factors that also dictates their social and cultural life besides being the age old occupation. The trade of Bhotias is of two types, i.e. trade with the Tibetan people, and trade with local ‘Pahari’38 people residing in the valleys (of Uttarakhand or Uttar Pradesh of that time) and with people in other parts of (plains of) India (e.g. Punjab, Bombay etc.). Thus, they have to travel in both the directions throughout the year, i.e. towards the high Himalayas to reach Tibet and towards the valley and plains to reach Indian counterparts, to keep their economy running and growing. They predominantly act as middlemen in trade between two regions rather than producers or exclusively sellers or buyers. They trade Indian goods in Tibet and Tibetan goods in India. As a result of the constant movement, they adopt the transhumant mode of life. As roads are unavailable and even till today there is

38 Pahari refers to “mountain people” (of all castes)

65 no motor able road to Milam, transportation is done by means of pack animals such as goats, sheep, mules etc. Thus, these animals become a important part of Bhotia economic and social life and travel with them everywhere they go and hence the emergence of transhumance 39 . They travel from one place to another with few halts in between for rest and storing depot. This results in emergence of three-settlement structure of Bhotias as mentioned by Prasad in his book ‘Bhotia tribes of India’ [Prasad, 2016 ]: Summer settlements situated near Tibetan frontier which are known as original Bhotia villages (e.g. Milam, Burfu etc) located at the height above 3,500m and are inhabited from July to September. Here, Bhotia women along with children and cattle would be left before male members went to Tibet for the final trade. These settlements act as store depot for export to Tibet for various Bhotia clans. Similarly, winter settlements include Thal, Tejam etc. situated at a height of 1,500m which serve the same purpose of providing shelter to Bhotia women and children during November–March when male Bhotia traders proceed their journey towards plains. Besides this two settlement, there are also middle or intermediate settlements situated at a height of around 2,000 – 3,000m and are inhabited only for a short period during the up-down movement of Bhotias. Our research villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, along with Jalath, Dummer etc. come in this type of settlement, collectively known as ‘Goriphat’ area, and today form the locality called ‘Munsiyari‘. They are used as a rest places and store depots during the commencement of trade journey.

Trade was specifically a ‘male’ occupation and practiced exclusively by the Bhotia caste people, while Non-Bhotias contributed indirectly to the trade, by means of working as servants, cattle-rearers or tillers of their land in lower villages (whose produce are sold in the market). Various rulers esp. from Chand dynasty and later Britishers established the monopoly of Bhotias over trade. In earlier times, Shah traders of Almora tried to carry out Tibetan trade on seeing the profit accumulated to Bhotias. But ignorance of language (Tibetan), lack of pack animals, and lack of endeavor to travel in cold high mountain ranges resulted in the failure of doing business [Pangti, 1991 ]. As a result, Tibetan trade in Johar region was solely occupied by Bhotias, and other castes lived as subordinate to them. Bhotias because of their trade reached the dominant position.

The journey of Bhotias towards Tibet began around the month of June (with the onset of summer in the upper Johar). The villagers belonging to same territory (i.e. village) marched together after an auspicious day for the journey was fixed by a village astrologer. The caravan consisted of hundreds of goats and sheep along with a few mules, jibus (yak) etc. They stayed in the highest settlement for few days where

39 Transhumance is the seasonal or periodic movement of pastoralists and their livestock in search of grazing, usually between two areas having distinctly different climatic and ecological conditions. Both areas have generally permanent living accommodation. [ Modern dictionary of Geography, 2003 ].

66 animals were sent to bugyals 40 for pasture and after 10-20 days they again packed to move towards Tibet. Trade was carried on in Tibet for one-two months and by the end of August, traders started to return to their summer settlements. By September or sometime in October end, the summer villages are completely left off. They then reach winter settlements where again after staying for a few days they make their journey to Bhabhar 41 and Terai 42 regions and even up to Delhi, Calcutta and Bombay till April [Prasad, 2016 ]. Thus, the location and presence of Bhotias at a particular space (Tibet / Plains of India) at a particular time (June / September) depend on the climatic situation of inhospitable coldness and warm temperature. Environmental and physical conditions of Johar valley have played an important role in determining the extent and period of trade in Bhotia regions as they have to utilize both the summer and winter time efficiently for economic benefits. Thus, “time is money” eventually becomes true in case of Bhotias.

The trade with Tibet was carried out almost uninterrupted till the late 1950s, i.e. till the Chinese aggression on India. Though a lot of political and foreign aggression had taken place in between, trade as such had never affected. In 1670, Chand ruler Baj Bahadur captureed Taklakot fort with the help of a few Bhotias. He helped to make trade more easy and affordable for Bhotias. The British got interested in these regions after Moorecraft commented on fruitful Tibetan trade of Bhotias in around 1814. The Britishers later make effort to free this region from Gorkha rule which was hampering the prosperity of trade (by levying high rate of taxes). In 1815, G.W. Trail became the first Kumaon Commissioner and took various measures to reduce taxes for Bhotias and made a constant effort for regional development, which resuled in the advent of various market centers for Tibetan products, e.g. Bageshwar. Later, various treaties took place between British India, Tibet, and China in 1904, 1913, 1914 (Shimla Agreement) etc. in which easy access to Tibet and free and unhindered trade was the main point of discussion. As a result of it, the demand for Indian goods such as clothes, utensils, grains increased in the Tibetan market while demand for Tibetan wool escalated manifold in Indian and British mills. Bhotias took advantage of this situation and accumulated huge profits [Pangti, 1991 ]. The Tibetan trade was carried on in terms of barter system. After the acquisition of Tibet by China in 1951 the trade moved towards currency economy from the traditional one. Johari Bhotias were free to do trade in all of western Tibet unlike Bhotias of other regions (because of some military help made by Bhotia’s ancestors to Tibetans in the past by saving them from robbers). They did not have to pay huge and number of different taxes like other Bhotia traders of different regions [Pangti, 1991 ].

40 Alpine pasture or meadows 41 Region lying south of lower Himalayas and the Shivaliks 42 Lowland region in the North-western India that lies south of outer foothills of the Himalayas and north of the Indo- Gangetic plains.

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In the opinion of locals, one of the important features of trade was unlike today’s times, where competition and uncertainty exists; it was based on mutual faith and friendship. Two individuals, one from Bhotia and the other from the Tibetan side entered into the pact of doing trade exclusively with each other every time and every year. In fact, trade partners are known as ‘Mitra ’ meaning friends. Earlier the social customs dictated economic transactions, e.g. ‘sulchyu-milchyu ’ (Shairchyu–dulchyu) marks the beginning of trade partnership by drinking salted tea or wine together in one bowl, followed by feasts. Here, Bhotias irrespective of their Hindu caste status (as they consider themselves Rajputs, i.e. Warrior caste) forgot purity-pollution rule and engaged in drinking and other activities with their Tibetan counterparts. It seems that economic benefits can make one’s attitude towards social customs and rules a little flexible. To give this friendship a formal legitimacy, a stone was split into two halves and kept by each trading partner which when joined together proved their trading rights. This process is known as ‘Gamgiya ’ [Pangti, 1991 ]. The rate of exchange and prices of different goods were indicated secretly only between two partners with the help of signs made with fingers and concealed within overcoat [Prasad, 2016 ]. Salt, wool, and grains were traded with Tibetans on the basis of established rules and regulations; but other things like gold dust, animals etc. were traded either through money or in the form of clothes, utensils, ornaments etc. after establishing their price value. Besides these, Bhotia traders had certain undivided rights. They had the opportunity to trade with the family of the daughter of Tibetan traders once she got married. Thus their sphere of influence kept on increasing. A Tibetan trader could not trade with other Bhotias without taking permission from his Bhotia counterpart, while a Bhotia could sell his trading rights (or Tibetan partner) to other Bhotias as well [Pangti, 1991 ]. Johari Bhotias only paid one tax called ‘la-thal ’ collected by the headman of Milam village and paid to the Tibetan agent in form of gur (jaggery) or cash. In 1943, a British trade agent introduced the written ‘Gamgiya ’ (to be registered under a British trade agent) and all friendship and trading rules were notified on stamp paper [Pangti, 1991 ]. The Bhotias right to trade with the family of Tibetan counterpart’s daughter was also taken off. All disputes were to be handled in the court of the British trade agent.

The trade route to Tibet for Johari Bhotias earlier passed through Ralam pass but it was abandoned because it was a risky and hard journey. Later, Unta Dhura pass (5,300 m) became the choice of traders which is accompanied by various intermediate halts situated at 10-22 miles from each other [Prasad, 2016 ]. Gyanima (44 km far from Indian border at a height of 4,950 m) was one of the biggest and important trade marts of western Tibet besides many other depending on the distance to travel. The road to Tibet opened usually in June when an officer called ‘Sarji ’ nominated by Tibetan official ‘Jongpan ’ came to Indian Territory and met the ‘Pradhan ’ (chief) in Milam who is a person from respected and dominant family, and shared information about diseases, cattle, trade etc and also exchanged gifts and

68 goods. They then break a stone and keep one part with themselves which is a representative of sarji’s arrival in Milam. After sarji reached Tibet and provided information about Indian conditions to their officials, trade got started [Pangti, 1991 ].

One of the most imported goods from Tibet is unrefined barad salt. Till the 18 th century, it was the most important traded item with people of Kumaon, Garhwal, and far-flung areas of Nepal in exchange for food grains. But later, with improved roads and transportation during British time, sambhar 43 salt from plains become easily available and demand of Tibetan salt decreased. But sambhar salt was considered inferior for humans’ as well as for animals’ health and as a result of this belief, the demand for Tibetan salt again started to increase after 1913 [Pangti, 1991 ]. The second important item to be imported from Tibet is known as ‘Suhaga ’ (borax) used for melting gold and other chemical reactions. Another item of import included Pashmina (kind of very fine wool) and wool. Pashmina is light (in weight) and warmer and of far superior quality than the normal wool. Earlier the traders from Ladakh had the exclusive right of purchasing Pashmina from Tibet. The Kashmiris make shawls and earn huge profit from it. After seeing this, Moorecraft was of the view of having pashmina trade from Johar and other central Himalayan regions. After his Tibet journey in 1812, and several years of labor in the form of meeting various officials, finally in 1824, East India Company started to buy Pashmina from Shauka people. But due to the very small amount of breeding of pashmina goat in this part of Tibet (from where Johari used to trade) and huge demand of pashmina in Kumaon region, eventually, led to the decrease in trade of pashmina . With regard to wool, it was only used for domestic purpose until first few years of the 19 th century. With the increased industrialization in India, the demand for white wool increased in mills of Kanpur, Ludhiana etc. while that of black wool in Garhwal region. Johari traders opted more to sell black wool to Garhwali people because of high profits [Pangti, 1991 ]. The rest of imported items included animals such as sheep, goats, horses, jibus , mules, dogs etc. Sheep and goats were banned for trade by Tibetan govt. but were traded secretly for meat purposes. Besides this, the skins of animals (wild dogs, coyote etc.) were sold to traders of Amritsar, Delhi etc. Thus, these items, i.e. salt, borax, wool and pashmina along with animals made the major part of import of Johari Bhotias till the mid–1900s. Besides these, small quantities of ghee (kind of clear butter), tea, gold, clothes, gold dusts etc. were also imported [Pangti, 1991 ].

The main items of export of Bhotias to Tibet were cloth and grains. Till the 18 th century major items of export includes food items like Jau (Sorghum), Phaphar (Buck wheat), and Gur (Jaggerry) etc. while ‘sattu ’ (fat hard cloth) is presented in Gompas. Johari Bhotias used to bring different types and varieties of clothes from Calcutta, Assam, and Kashipur for sale in Tibet. With the advent of industrialization in

43 Salt collected from sambhar lake in Rajasthan (also known as ‘Romaka Lavana’)

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Europe, goods of daily use were available easily and cheap which were collected by Bhotias from various cities and traded in Tibet. The important one in this list was cotton clothes which were demanded heavily in Tibet as well. Besides above-mentioned items soaps, matchsticks, sugar, tobacco, cigarettes, aluminum utensils, almonds, cardamom etc. were also exported to Tibet.

Bhotias thus, act as middlemen in trade and in this process they earned the huge profits which made them economically better off than other communities of the region. The Johari Bhotias formed the capitalist class of the area and led a wealthy prosperous life in comparison to other Pahari dwellers. Though trade faced many hurdles in form of environment, a natural disaster like an earthquake, aggression by various rulers, ‘loot by dacoits’ and wars, trade as such never got stopped and Bhotias managed to maintain their monopoly till the early 1960s. They adapted themselves according to the conditions (social and political) that prevailed in various time periods and maintained their economic viability.

But every Bhotia is not a rich trader. There are classes of Bhotias depending upon the volume of trade they do. During World War II when the availability of every kind of goods is scarce, Bhotias managed to get some ‘quantity quota’ for purchasing clothes to sell in Tibet. But no trader was so rich that he can lift all quotas of clothes from mills at one go. They formed an organization called “Johar Trade Association (JTA)” (which also played a role earlier in getting quota demand met from Britishers) to get the quota amount of clothes. Almost 90 big traders were members of JTA. But it started to displace small traders who later in 1948 formed “Johar Seva Sangh” having 1400 families and known as an organization of poor and lower class traders (among Bhotias). Later with the effort of a few people and with the aim of equal distribution and equal profits, 50% of quota went to 90 families and other 50% goes to 1400 families [Pangti, 1991 ]. This is the peculiar example of class segregation in the capitalist system of Johar which also affects its social ties. The division of society into two halves, i.e. rich and poor, big and small (traders), results in inner distress among the same ethnic group. As a result of it, even some poor Bhotias (known as ‘Bharet Kunkiyas ’) because of their economic backwardness, married outside the community as they were not able to get spouses (esp. belonging to families of rich Bhotias). They became socially out-cast and their status in society was degraded because of their economic situation. Thus, trade as an economic identity always plays an important role from the past in determining the social status of a person in a Bhotia society. There is no doubt that ‘pure and pollute’ in Johari Shaukas depends upon their material strength.

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Animal Husbnadry - The integration of trade and pastoralism

The next important occupation of people of Johar was animal husbandry. This occupation also has its root in Tibetan trade and also forms the basis of pastoralism. As roads were absent in almost whole of the Johar valley, the main mode of transportation were animals. Hence pastoralism was conducted in view of trade (goat and sheep as means of transport). Sheep and goat form the important position among various categories of animals. One can understand the importance of these animals, as richness among Bhotias is measured in terms of the number of sheep/ goats that one can afford. Sheep and goats are used mostly as a pack animals and their flock is known as ‘Dhakar ’. Local Johari sheep is known as ‘Urpata ’, while the one bought from Kullu and Kangra (in Himachal Pradesh) is known as Khanua and they have softer wool than the Urpata sheep. The owner of the flock is known as ‘Dhakariya ’ while the one who rears the flock in the jungle is known as ‘Anwal ’ [Pangti, 1991 ]. The goats are supposed to carry more weight than sheep as they are considered fit and male goats are sterilized in their early age by castrating their testicles to carry more load [Prasad, 2016 ]. As roads were improved with time, animals like cow, bull, horse, and jibbu (crossbreed of yak and cow brought from Lahul-Spiti in Himachal Pradesh ) were introduced in Johar. Bull and jibbu were used as plough and pack animals while the cow is considered as holy used only as milch cattle. Donkeys were supposed to be the animal of lower caste but later mule was also introduced. Mules of Lhasa and Horses of west-Tibet are considered as superior [Pangti, 1991 ]. The importance of these animals was even recognized by Britishers as they imposed more animal tax than land tax on Bhotias [Pangti, 1991 ]. A rich Bhotia family used to have hundereds of goats and sheep, 10- 12 mules and jibus , 3-5 ponies [Prasad, 2016 ]. Though Bhotia owns the flock, they are reared by anwal ' who generally belongs to scheduled caste category.

Agriculture and wool works – Sedentary occupations

Unlike typical Indian villages of the plains, agriculture is the subsidiary occupation of people of Johar valley. As the influence of trade increased, many Bhotias got land from various rulers like Chand, Gorkha, and the Britishers from time to time as a gift. As Bhotias were busy in trade, they allocated land in lower and intermediate settlements to different ‘kashtkars ’ (peasant class, mostly Thakurs) and got some part of harvest as a tax from them. With this harvest, they could increase the stock of exported food grains without doing agriculture or paying money to someone. As original agriculturalists of this region are poor, they are not able to pay tax to the government. Bhotias, because of their economic influence, purchase land from them and make them sharecroppers. By the 19 th century, the occupancy of more and more land in lower and intermediate villages became the new commodity of amassing wealth among

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Bhotias. Main competitors in this new struggle were Rawat, Jangpangi, Pangti, and Martolia clans. Purchase of land became the best way to invest profit obtained from trade and thus slowly and slowly, as in other parts of India, ‘land’ becomes the important element of prestige and power in Johar valley as well [Pangti, 1991 ]. In case of upper Johar settlement, agriculture was mainly done by scheduled castes (shilpkars ) servants of Bhotias [Prasad, 2016 ]. There was one agriculture season for three-four months and main crops grown were potato, phaphar , sarson (mustard), peas (matar ), masur lentil etc. Potatoes were introduced around 150 years back in Johar. In lower and intermediate villages, wheat, barley, potato, madua (finger millet), oogal (kind of millet), cheenakoni (kind of millet) etc. were grown in Rabi and Kharif seasons [Pangti, 1991 ]. Mostly women spend the majority of their time in agricultural activities but ploughing is mainly done by men or by the family together. Thus, agriculture is an occupation which is done by other castes, i.e. Thakurs in lower and intermediate settlements, and shilpkars in the upper settlements. Bhotias are just holders of a land, i.e. absentee landlord who does not perform any agricultural activity.

The occupation of wool works solely belongs to the women and that is why it never became the main earning occupation of Bhotia people. Women do all the work from spinning wool to weaving and knitting clothes as men were busy in trade and their animals. As men passed their hereditary occupation of trade to their next generation, women passed skills of wool work to the next female generation. The males used to complement the wool occupation by selling handmade woolen crafts in the market. Woolwork is done manually and with help of traditional implements like spindle whorl etc. Various measures were taken at different time intervals for the improvement of quality and quantity of wool works. ‘Johar society’ was established in 1913 for increasing the influence of wool work in the economy of Johar while various new equipments like handlooms etc. were introduced. Weaving classes were started in Almora as a school meant for teaching woolen work and handicrafts. Later, flying shuttle was introduced and changes occured in the dimensions (length and breadth) of various woolen handicrafts (e.g. one-meter broad Pankhi (small carpet) can be made which was not possible earlier). Main items of manufacturing include men’s and women’s wear such as coat, sutan (payjama), cap, kamla , aadra etc. Besides it, thulma and chutka (a type of blanket), dann (carpet), pankhi (small carpet) etc. were also manufactured which are used for bedding and other purposes. The items made were also sold in various annual bazaars of Thal, Jaulijibi etc. Drugget ( galicha ) was introduced in Johar in around 1920 and was manufactured on the design of Tibetan art and contains natural colors [Pangti, 1991 ]. Handicrafts were usually made of the wool available from Tibet. This occupation provides not only additional money to Bhotias but also has its unique brand in the handicraft industry not only in Uttarakhand and India but in the world as well. Wool

72 works were carried out by women of all castes but were particularly confined to Bhotias and a little to shilpkars .

Thus, to conclude, till the 1960s Bhotias main economy was dependent on trade. Animal husbandry was subsidiary to it as animals not only provide transport facilities but are also used for food (meat, milk) and cloth (wool). The Bhotias accumulated huge profits from their trade esp. in the 19 th –20 th century with preferable and profitable trade-specific policies of Britishers along with their hard work. This jubilance of trade continues till the1960s and in the same time, Bhotia also accumulated land in various villages. But, agriculture as such was never an occupation of Bhotias. They were just absentee landlord who gave their land for sharecropping to other caste people. They had developed a patron-client relationship in which Thakurs were partially while shilpkars were fully dependent on patron Bhotias. Besides getting a share in the harvest, Bhotias also gained some extra by providing items of daily use (jaggery, utensils, clothes etc.) and money to Thakur kashtkars at high interest rates and taking back their loan in the form of more share of the harvest. Shilpkar s were totally dependent on Bhotias for their stay and food. Like any other part of India, this patron-client relationship was also biased in favor of Bhotias, i.e. the dominant class [Pangti, 1991 ]. The richness among Bhotias is more defined ‘in kind’ and less in currency value, i.e. in terms of volume of trade (the amount of goods traded). The strength of herds and later, the amount of land determined the lavishness of Bhotias. The Bhotias earned huge profit by trading goods at a higher rate than their cost price on both Tibetan and Indian sides. On the contrary, their expenditure was low, as much of their basic needs of food, clothes were met locally, cheaply and easily.

Nothing much has been said about the economic conditions of ‘other caste’ people esp. Thakurs and scheduled castes, but as per various writers and scholars, they were dependent on Bhotias for their subsistence pattern of life. Thakurs occupy the profession of agriculturalist or more precisely share- cropper, while shilpkars perform all types of work from menial to agricultural for Bhotias. They are not paid as per their labor, esp. shilpkars who not only go with Bhotias to higher settlement as their servants but also do agricultural work and rearing of animals for them. The lives of scheduled castes were completely dependent on the mercy of Bhotias. Thakurs, on the other hand, mostly led a settled life at one place and carried out agriculture and received a portion of produce as remuneration for their services. Overall, the economic condition of both the subordinate castes was not so good, but the condition of shilpkars was egregious. Thus, trade along with the feudal relationship of Bhotias and others were the main characteristics of the economy of Johar till mid-twentieth century.

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Photo 3.1: Trade mart in Tibet

Source: Photo provided by Dr. Frederic Landy

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Photo 3.2: ‘Bhotia woman carrying handicraft activities’

Source: Photo provided by Dr. Frederic Landy

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Photo: 3.3: Journey during trade

Source: Photo provided by Dr. Frederic Landy

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3.2.2 The difficult decades of the 1960s-1970s

As Bhotias were completely dependent on the trade for their sustenance and wellbeing (other occupations being subsidiary), the cessation of trade in the early 1960s comes as a ‘shock’ to the Bhotia society. They not only lost their sole earning source but the whole economic, social and political structure of the society also changed. Let us discuss the impact of discontinuation of trade to Bhotias economy.

Trade with Tibet was completely stopped in 1962. The economic space of the border region was taken over by the military, and the marts of trade became the new army control centers to keep an eye on the enemy. Suddenly, the high altitude settlements, which were original settlements of Bhotias, lost their significance for them. There was no purpose to live in the high altitude harsh cold weather if you were not making any profit from it. Besides, there is little or no agriculture at that high altitude that could sustain a population throughout the year. The worst affected by the stoppage of trade were Bhotias, followed by their immediate servants, shilpkars , and finally Thakurs.

The agricultural land was the major entity that went into a change and brought about major social, economic transformation in the society of Johar valley. The one option for Bhotias after the trade vanished was to move to winter and intermediate settlements and carry out the agricultural activities. But the zamindari abolition act of 1952 (land to tiller) which fully came into force by 1960s in the Kumaon region made Bhotias lose their land to Thakur kashtkars . Thakurs, being the original tillers of land were the main beneficiaries of the act. They got land in almost all the middle and lower villages while in the upper settlements Bhotias and SCs being the only tillers retained their portions. Also, land ceiling act (there is a limit to the amount of land that one can hold) prevented some Bhotias from retaining a huge amount of land and thus forcibly distributing it to the needy ones. Thus, land is the main source of power of that with time got shifted from Bhotias to Thakurs. This incident marks the beginning of breakage of the traditional patron-client relationship in which Bhotias find themselves on the losing side. Overall to conclude, Bhotia lost land in the winter and intermediate settlements where agricultural activities could be carried out almost for whole of the year, while they were able to retain their land in the upper settlements which remain under snow for half a year and agriculture is almost confined to one or two crops at the most. Thus, Bhotias found themselves in a disadvantaged position and some of them became totally landless. There started the constraint relationship between Bhotias and Thakurs [Prasad, 2016 ]. The relation between shilpkars and Bhotias also loosened their ties as Bhotias no longer have the capacity to sustain, support and keep the servants with them (as they do not need much labor to plough small land or rear animals) with declining economy.

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As for livestock, with the end of the trade, ‘keeping of animals’ also lost its importance. The pastoralism almost disappeared for the Bhotias and sedentary mode of life started to take its position. There was a time when even educated youth wanted to become ‘dhakariya ’ (one who keeps and rears animals) and kept a large number of pack animals as a matter of prestige [Pangti, 1991 ]. The big size of herd now became a burden instead of a sign of wealth. With the development of roads esp. rural roads in various parts of the country after independence and increased transport facilities, the worth of pack animals decreased. The emergence of van-panchayats 44 in the villages of Uttarakhand along with the appropriation of various kinds of forests by the state further led to decrease in availability of pastures for the animals. It became difficult to manage and feed large herds of sheep and goats. They either sold their animals or consumed them for mutton purposes [Prasad, 2016 ]. A few people have kept cattle for milk, and sheep and goat for wool and mutton purposes. Though many programmes were run by government after 1954 (and in upcoming years) such as cross-breeding of sheep with foreign breeds for better wool and health, establishment of various Cooperatives to provide cheap loan for buying animals, animal hospitals for free check-up and cure of diseases, etc., yet low economic returns do not favour the occupation to thrive [Pangti, 1991 ]. Also, the young generation has little interest in the rearing of animals, esp. after the disappearance of the trade.

Thus, the decade of 1960 and 1970 proved to be a nightmare for the Bhotia society and can also be termed as “two decades of trouble”. All the male-dominated occupations, i.e. trade and animal husbandry, lost their value because of the prevailing external conditions of that time. Political situation between the two countries (India and China) led to the loss of economic and social ties between the people of both the sides. Bhotias who had lent money and goods to their Tibetan counterparts were never able to meet them again and recover the same. This situation also definitely impacted the pride of Bhotia males who suddenly had no work and little money to feed their families. Suddenly, their position, esp. of the rich Bhotias (big traders) had changed from “Raja se rank ” (from the King to a poor person). In the meanwhile, internal political conditions of India made Bhotias lose their land. This made them feel like “loser” from all sides.

In the mid-1960s when situation become so bad that even meeting basic expenses for many Bhotias seemed to be a demanding task, they started moving towards “wool work ” as a main economic occupation. This was the occupation which never had a willingness and support of male Bhotias [Pangti, 1991 ], but suddenly it became the prime occupation and feeder and saver of Bhotia society. People were able to settle at one place only because of it. This state of affairs again shows the adaptation of Bhotia society to different conditions to maintain their economic situation somehow viably. During the trade,

44 The forest owned by the state and managed and governed by the village community for its local use.

78 they kept their social status aside and indulged in eating, drinking and other activities with their Tibetan partners for the sake of economic benefits, and after the1960s they adopted wool work which was meant exclusively for women, thus changing the gender roles in the economy. The patriarch Bhotias took “women’s occupation” and carried it out with hard work and zeal for their survival. Thus, the occupation which hold the lowest position among subsidiary occupations became the mainstay for Bhotias’ economy during middle decades of the 20 th century at the time of distress. Though wool from Tibet was not directly available, the wool through Nepal (from Tibet) was made available for the next few years to make the Bhotias survive.

3.2.3 Successful economic diversification after the 1980s

The political situation that created the economic crisis of Johar in the 1960s also created a situation for another political measure that proved to be a boon for Bhotia people. The Government of India, after various resolutions and in concern with the demands of Bhotias, granted them the status of “Scheduled tribes 45 ” in 1967. With this, due to the national and State affirmative action policy, they enjoy a defined reserved quota for admission in schools, higher educational institutions, scholarships and most importantly in all categories of Government jobs. This event came as a lifeline to Bhotias whose tangible results were visible during the 1980s when the majority of Bhotias were going for and getting govt. jobs.

As mentioned earlier, in the 1960s–70s wool work was the main occupation of the Bhotias, but the numbers of takers of this occupation also tended to became lower with the coming of reservations. Import of wool from Nepal was reduced while the use of yarn from local mills in Panipat etc. was increased in making carpets. But this yarn is costly and it could not prove much beneficial to the Johari people [Pangti, 1991 ]. Though various measures were taken to improve the quality of wool work by providing pashmina wool and Angora rabbit at a subsidised rate, cheap availability of manufacturing tools and machinery, setting up of various ‘gramodyog ’ and handicraft organizations yet lack of market always create uncertainty about this occupation to become an economic mainstay. By the end of the1980s, only a few people in selected villages were practicing wool work while many moves to other kinds of occupations.

45 Specific indigenous people (based on primitive traits, distinctive culture, geographical isolation, backwardness etc.) whose status is acknowledged to some formal degree by national legislation. For details read Article 342 of Constitution of India.

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Government Service – Neo-dominant occupation

One of the most important occupations of Bhotias which emerged during the last decades of 20 th century and which is still the popular one is to be a “Government servant”, i.e. to have a job in various government organizations including Army. The community which considered government service inferior and a symbol of slavery during trade times now takes it as an issue of prestige. This is another example of compromising cultural values of Bhotias, where the economy can dictate a person to pursue things as per prevailing conditions rather than rigid social thinking and rules. With the advent of reservation and opening of schools and colleges in the Johar region, many young people were attracted towards education and getting jobs in the government and the private sector. In the words of Dr. Pangti “money-order civilization takes over the Johar valley ” [Pangti, 1991 ]. This led to ‘migration of Bhotias’ outside Johar to various towns and cities. It is generally said that “those who remain in various villages of Johar (winter and intermediate) are either poor in learning in school or are economically poor from the beginning (from trade-era) ”. There are good numbers of civil servants and other white collar personalities in the small community of Bhotias. A few people also got civilian awards like ‘PadmaShri’ for their dedicated service to the nation while there are more than 25 personalities who got President Awards in various fields. There are significant numbers of people within the community who migrated outside the country and established their name, while there are many who also hold Ph.D. degree [Pangti, 2010 ]. Thus, one can understand the impact of reservation and education on the new uplifted status of Bhotias after the trade era. Now, these days, government jobs are considered to be the superior kind of occupation (as in case of pan–India) and every youth wants to achieve that goal. It has emerged as the only way to keep and strengthen pride, position, and power of Bhotias in the region after the trade had been stopped. The other two castes, i.e. scheduled castes (who also have reservation) and Thakurs were also engaged in the government services but their numbers are less in comparison to the Bhotias mainly because of lack of education and money in case of the former and lack of reservation in case of the latter (analysis made during survey of local people in Darkot and Sharmoli).

Travel and Tourism

Lofty mountains, snow-covered peaks, passes and rivers, variety of fauna and flora, trekking routes along with various adventurous sports provide a set of perfect conditions for visiting this place esp. to get away from the tiring city life. Munsiyari to Milam provides a magnificent, though difficult, trek route to nature lovers along with halts at places such as Lilam, Bugdyar, Martoli etc. Many local people have erected temporary sheds made of tin or thatched roof (as a kind of hotel) and provide food and other basic

80 facilities (sleep and halt at night) to the passersby. Many local people are also engaged as guides and porters who form a subsidiary element of the tourism industry. In Munsiyari, where the motor able road ends, a number of national and international tourists come to see snow-covered peaks of ‘Panchchuli’ mountain along with enjoying the local tribal culture.

It is only after 1980 that tourism in this area begins to rise 46 . Trekkers come to see mountains like Nanda Devi (7,816m, the second highest peak in India) , Hardeol, Panchchuli (from Munsiyari) etc along with a visit to Bugyals (alpine pastures) of Milam. The reason for this change is the emergence of the metalled road and improved communication facilities (though still one has to take permission from the designated government and military authority for trekking and one is not allowed to go beyond a particular point or to take photographs). Munsiyari becomes the important hub and a halting place for many to start trekking. With improved roads and availability of modern construction material by the beginning of the 1970s, some new hotels and guest houses came up during the period. With upcoming of modern hotels, the volume of visitors also increased as multifarious tourists from different parts of India esp. Bengal, Maharashtra, Gujarat were visiting this place during April-June, September–November. Later in 2004, ‘home-stays’ were started in Munsiyari as a new form of village tourism in which stay, food along with a glimpse of village life were the main attraction for tourists. People also constructed lodges and hotels in the event of its occupancy by the ‘hydel project’ staff but it never happened [there was a proposal of a hydro project to come up and occupy these resorts as a home for their staff (which happens for a few months) but due to problems of environmental degradation and its opposition by local people, the project was forced to move out]. Thus, by the start of 21 st century, hotels along with tourism (in form of trekking, travel agents etc.) have been the key occupation of the people of these areas. People of all castes are engaged in tourism and travel works but the majority of hotels and home-stays (in and around Munsiyari) are owned by Bhotias.

Tourism also helps a lot in the thriving of wool work industry as well. Tourists who visit these places also like to make purchases of local items esp. wool work which is unique to this place. This helps many people to carry and continue wool work occupation who once thought of giving it up. There are many villages, e.g. Darkot, where handicraft is the main occupation of families.

46 Johar (Munsiyari) is not a big touristic place where millions of tourists visit every year. Though official data of number of visitors are not available but in the opinion of hoteliers (15 hotels around Munsiyari) and home stay respondents (10 families), 20,000 – 25,000 tourists visit the place while around 2, 000 people come for trekking and adventurous sports per year.

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Business of herbs and other agricultural products

A lot of herbs grow in the Himalayas esp. above the height of 15,000 feet which provides not only health benefits but holds a huge economic value as well. The upper Johar has many natural herbs such as kutki (Picrorhizakurrooa), jimbu (Alliumstracheyi), timur (Gentholizmrlatus), atis (Aconitumheterophyllum), laljhadi (Macrotodiabenthmai), bhojpatra (Betulautilis), brahmakamal (Saussureaobvallata), kasturikamal (Delphinium brunonianum) etc. The commercial collection of herbs was absent till mid–20 th century. The Johari people used to collect these herbs but for self use [Pangti, 1991 ]. It was never a part of the trade. But later, with the increased demand for these herbs in markets of Delhi and Bombay, the herbs as a commodity entered the market economy. Earlier there was no administrative check on such activities but with time, state check and other measures of quantity and quality controls were introduced to check illegal and unscientific exploitation of herbs [Pangti, 1991 ]. Jimbu is the main herb crop which is in the form of wild grass. Agriculturalisation of jimbu began around 1970s and it became the main herb to be sold in the market around 1980s [Pangti, 1991 ]. The other main herb (actually a fungus) is “yarsagombu ” or “kira–jhari ” or cordyceps which is used as an “energy giver” or for increasing sexual power. It is a parasite of larva which comes onto earth after the snow starts to melt and one under goes a lot of physical hard work (e.g. by continuously digging snow) to obtain it. The market price of kira- jhari can be as huge as between Rs. 500,000 - Rs. 100,000 per kg. Many people across castes (Bhotias or SCs) who are inhabitants of upper Johar go for collecting kira-jhari and sell them at a very high rate in the national and international market.

Thus, collecting kira-jhari along with agriculturalization of various crops like jimbu etc. became one of the important occupations of Johari people by mid-1980s. But, in my opinion, this occupation confined mostly to the lower class people (small traders or shilpkars servants of trade era) esp. those who are less- educated and could not avail the benefits of quota and jobs and thus are left in the village.

Other sedentary occupations

Shopkeeping is the other profession that is adopted by Bhotias and many other castes as their source of income. As in the words of Prasad “ Some rich Bhotias who were having capital and cash money got settled at different places by opening shops of different commodities like cloth, food grains, stationeries etc. ” [ Prasad, 2016 ]. Because Bhotias used to have long-term trade relations with the merchants of the Terai region, the former were facilitated by the latter by providing them with articles of sale on credit and part payment. Bhotias thus converted from nomad traders to the settled ones [Prasad, 2016 ].

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Working as a daily wage laborer in construction, agriculture and other activities is another important occupation of the people of Johar region. In the intermediate villages of Johar, many inhabitants across all castes, work as construction labor in Border Roads Organisation or GREF (General Reserve Engineer Force) or with private contractors. They work as contractual workers and get a fixed salary or sometimes on daily wages. They are mostly landless and do not have money to invest [ Prasad, 2016 ]. They represent the lower class of the workers (across all the different castes) with regard to various occupations.

Thus, to conclude, main occupations of the people of Johar valley after the 1980s are government service, tourism and shopkeeping, labor and collecting herbs from the Himalayas, etc. Though no caste has as such particular claim over certain kind of work (like Bhotias had over trade), still there is the dominance of Bhotias in white collar works as compared to other castes. Travel and tourism have revived the handicraft industry to a small extent but still it cannot provide a good source of income to all. The use and keeping of animals have also changed from the past. They now mostly meet the domestic purposes rather than being used for transport and wool.

The whole discussion of the economy of Johar can be summed in Table 3.1. Bhotias were traders till 1960s and pursued wool work as their main occupation along with numerous other subsidiary jobs during the hard time of 1960s and 1970s. Later with reservation, government service becomes the prime choice and occupation of Bhotias. Many got migrated and those who are left in the villages (due to lower educational and economic status) pursue various jobs like tourism, hoteleering, agriculturalists (in upper Johar), labor etc. In a similar way, Thakurs were sharecroppers till 1960s and later become landlords and agriculturalists, which is still their main occupation. Scheduled castes adopted various kinds of jobs such as tailoring, handicrafts, labor, etc. after their ties with patron Bhotias become weak.

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Table 3.1: List of the main occupation of different castes of Johar in different time periods

YEAR BHOTIAS THAKURS SHILPKARS (SC) (GENERAL)

Till 1960 Traders Share croppers in middle Servants + Share croppers and lower villages in high altitude villages

1960 - 1970 Wool works Agriculturalists in middle Various kinds of works and lower villages (tailors, laborers, servants, agriculturists etc.)

1970 - onwards Govt. service Agriculturalists in middle Various kinds of works and lower villages (tailors, labors, servants, etc.)

*Based on discussion with local people of Munsiyari and various scholars e.g. (Late) Dr. S.S. Pangti, Laxman Pangti, (Late) Dr. R.S. Tolia etc.

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CHAPTER 4

CHANGING LANDSCAPES AND CULTURE

‘Landscape is like a book, written and rewritten by groups and individuals’ [Verma, 2009 ]: As mentioned in the quote, the meaning of the landscape is unstable and depends on different interpretations. On the one hand there are “writers” who produce and add meanings to the landscape, while on the other hand there are ”readers” who read messages in the landscape [Verma, 2009 ]. Sometimes what is meant by the writer is interpreted differently by the reader.

‘Landscape’ as a word was introduced in the 16 th Century from the Dutch to describe a pictorial representation of countryside [ Verma, 2009 ]. The very notion of landscape at that time was mainly concerned with the rural landscapes or a village or countryside. Later, this concept was introduced into the European and other parts of the world during the advent of modern time with the emergence of the movement of Renaissance, when man began to make progress in every field of life; and science and technology along with rational thinking began to dominate man’s thoughts and behavior. Landscape came into English language in the early 17 th century as a designation of a ‘type of painting’ [Verma, 2009 ]. According to John Wylie, English dictionary defines landscape “ that portion of land or scenery which the eye can view at once ”. He further adds that ‘portion of land’ means landscapes are real, and belong to an external, objectively real world. They are not just figments of imagination. On the other hand, ‘scenery’ means something viewed by the eye. It means not just land itself but land as seen from a particular point of view. It is not just a phenomenon but also our perception of it. It is not just seeing but also how we look [ Wylie, 2007 ]. Thus, definition of landscape itself provides dichotomy in its meaning. It is real as a portion of land that we can gaze at and it is also at the same time, our imagination of the space.

The concept of landscape is approached in different ways by people belonging to different fields of study. It is represented in drawing, photography, paintings, scenery, music, songs, story, and writings and in many other uncountable different ways. For painters like Cézanne, the idea of landscape is where the observer and the observed, self and landscape are intertwined. For historians like Raymond, landscape implies separation and observation [Wylie,2007 ]. This duality in meaning of landscape is further modified by scholars by asking question ‘landscape as a scene we are looking at or a world we are living in’ or ‘do we observe or inhabit landscape?’ [Wylie, 2007 ]. Duality, thus, in various forms remains an important part of the concept of landscape.

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With respect to geography, the term landscape came to be more widely used when the very concept of Determinism 47 lost its significance with the emergence of the Possibilist 48 perspective that started with Paul Vidal de la Blache and others. Landscape is divided by many geographers into two types: natural or cultural. Natural landscapes are those which got their shapes through natural processes and there is no intervention of human hand. However, such landscapes are very difficult to find as even the arctic is modified by humans by means of climate change. As Carl Sauer says there is no natural landscape in the world because mankind left its traces behind everywhere [Verma, 2009 ]. Cultural landscapes are those which are built by human intervention. In it, the culture of inhabitants plays an important role in the dynamic nature of changing landscapes. Cultural processes are primary while the natural process occupies the second place [Verma, 2009 ]. Cultural landscape is always an important topic of investigation for the geographers. Most of the earlier period of cultural landscape geography was dominated by geographers like Sauer, Hoskins and Jackson who predominantly deal with rural landscapes while later studies were focused mainly on the urban landscapes. Thus main topic for geographers is: “Cultural construction of nature” [Wylie, 2007 ] and our main focus in this chapter will be on cultural landscapes or ‘rural landscapes’ of two villages: Darkot and Sharmoli.

No established definition of “rural” does exist but it is defined as a place which is not urban. Rural is always defined by exclusion. In many countries, the urban area is defined on the basis of population and the services and facilities they provide. Rural areas are generally identified by the characteristics they hold, e.g. few buildings and people, developed on basis of natural vegetation, less pollution, primary activities’ dominance, low living standard, poor infrastructure and communication facilities etc. [Saxena, 2012 ]. Rurality is also seen as a social construct, reflecting a world of social, moral, cultural values. The definition of a rural area is depicted by description of a village as concluded from the Census of India which has represented various categories of village in terms of population size e.g. small village, medium, large, big and very big, having population ranging between less than 500, 500- 999, 1000 – 1999, 2000- 4999 and more than 5000 respectively [Singh, 1994 ]. In my opinion, Landscapes (of the village) comprise mainly man-made elements. Natural landscape of a village may consist of forests, rivers, and natural pathways etc. but they are also touched by man as per his use and benefits. Cultural landscape (e.g. houses, fields, etc.) is fashioned from natural landscape by a cultural group. Culture is the agent, natural area is medium and cultural landscape is a result [Wylie, 2007 ]. In this chapter I try to provide a

47 The philosophical doctrine that people are largely conditioned by their environment which therefore determines their pattern of life [Modern Dictionary of Geography, 2003] 48 It is a concept that physical environment is passive and that man is active agent to chose between wide range of environmental possibilities [Modern Dictionary of Geography, 2003]

86 description of the landscape from the viewpoint of an ‘outsider’ (me) while gazing at, viewing and understanding the landscape with the help of the villagers, respondents and my wisdom.

4.1 LANDSCAPE OF THE VILLAGES OF DARKOT AND SHARMOLI

Darkot and Sharmoli are two important villages of the Munsiyari Tehsil and are situated between the altitudes of 1,700m–2,300m above the mean sea level. As this area is known as Johar valley, inhabited predominantly by Bhotia or Shauka community, so this is also a ‘Johari/ Bhotia/ Shauka’ landscape . As the Bhotias of this area are Hindu as well as Scheduled Tribe (status provided by the Govt. of India), this landscape also presents the duality of caste Hindus and tribal culture. The main focus of this chapter will be to explain how physical space changes over time and what processes cause these changes. In my approach of the chapter, we will explain the landscape of Darkot and compare Sharmoli vis-à-vis Darkot. The landscape has various components which include vegetation, fields, buildings, boundaries, forests, circulation networks, streams etc., and even minute elements like foot bridges and road signs which may have the image of culture of various groups or dominant group of the region and also contain an acknowledgement of the environmental factors. These components inform not only about the present but also provide logical explanation of the conditions which have existed in the past. It is said that rural landscapes in most of the developing countries are governed primarily by taking into account the constraints of environmental factors esp. in mountainous regions where slope, rainfall or sunshine, presence of rugged terrain etc. can play a vital role in modification of landscape, but cultural factors such as religion, beliefs, caste and other social factors also have a significant influence on the space.

4.1.1 Nomenclature -

The very first element of settlement geography is to explain the name of landscape/ settlement. Darkot is one of the middle villages of Bhotias which is used for halting during their trade travel from Milam (upper Johar) to lower plain areas and back. According to 1961 Census monograph republished in a local magazine called ‘Smarika’:“ the history of the (Darkot) village is lost in hoary past but its name can be clearly explained ” [Smarika, 2014 ]. Earlier it was called ‘Diarkot’ which could be a combination of two words Diar (Deodar tree) and Kot (fortress). It was allegedly a fortress of deodar trees. In a second etymology, it is defined as a place of dense forest which served as a grazing ground for animals. In this forest, a tribe called Diyari lived, thus it is also a stronghold of Diyaris known as Dyarkot. Later it came

87 to be known as Darkot [Smarika, 2014 ]. Yet, in discussion with many local scholars and residents, first definition, i.e. land of deodar trees, seems to have more association with the name.

Darkot is different from other Bhotia villages esp. in upper Johar where all the main Bhotia villages have their name derived from different clans, or vice versa, people residing in villages of upper Johar derive their surname from them e.g. Milamwal, Rawat, Pangti, Dharamsaktu from Milam; Biljwal from Bilju, Martolia from Martoli village etc. But Darkot, as a name suggests, does not signify belonging to particular clan or caste. In my opinion, in the past, it might suggest that Bhotias may not have actual sense of belonging to these middle villages in comparison to the feelings they used to have for villages of upper Johar that directly relates land (as a source of power) to their name. Bhotias might have limited sense of belonging to these villages as during trade times other subordinate castes occupy and use land (mainly for living and agriculture) for most part of time in a year, in place of transhumant Bhotias (as absentee landlords). But still, as they have economic and social power and are large in numbers as compared to others, they have capacity to mould landscape as per their needs and culture with the help of subordinate classes and thus make the landscape of these villages resemble the upper Johar valley, giving an imprint of Bhotia culture to the land and hence Bhotia landscape. It was only after the end of trade in mid-1960 that Bhotia began to settle permanently in these middle and lower villages along with their subordinate class of helpers. Thus, with settled life and later with land reforms system, a new ‘much strong’ concept of territoriality actually marked a fresh beginning in the landscape of Darkot village.

On the other hand, the meaning of the name of village Sharmoli as such is not clear and there is ambiguity in its definition when asked from various respondents and scholars.This is strange, since Sharmoli is more recent (constructed) village in comparison to Darkot. . But, there is a probability that there might be a couple of houses in a very ancient time in Sharmoli, and etymology might have been forgotten.

4.1.2 Area and population –

The total reported area of Darkot village as per Revenue records is around 98.4 hectares, while area under forest is almost 64 hectares which is 68% of the total reported area. Agricultural land of the village is around 19.5 hectares (20% of total reported area) which is not irrigated by any source. Except agriculture, other land that is put into use comprises 0.5 hectares [ Revenue record, 2011 ]. As per reference year 2009, there are total 97 households in Darkot [ Revenue record, 2011 ] while as per 2011 census there are total 437 inhabitants, with Scheduled Tribes (Bhotias) having population of 178 (41%), while scheduled castes and generals have population of 107 (24%) and 152 (35%) respectively [ Revenue record, 2011] (Table 4.1). On looking at the census data, Darkot gives an image of a typical Indian village having different

88 castes, but at the same time there is absence of Hindu Brahmin and other backward classes. Thus, overall, village Darkot comprises dominant caste Bhotias (though, Scheduled tribes) and high caste Thakurs (General caste, also considered themselves as Rajput) and lower caste called Scheduled castes. To conclude, the socio-religious landscape of Darkot is comprised of three cultural groups: Bhotia, General and Scheduled castes. Each cultural group (caste) of Darkot landscape is further divided into many sub groups. Though Bhotia comprise many distinct clans (Pangti, Dharamsaktu, Martolia, Janpangi, Biljwal, Dhapwal etc.), Darkot is predominantly inhabited by Pangti and Dharamsaktu with minute presence of Sayana, Tolia and other sub-castes of Bhotias. Thakur or General caste consists of Karki, Bhatt and Bisht sub-castes, while scheduled castes form a separate group recognized by surname “Ram” at the end. All these groups have combined influence on the landscape of Darkot village.

Table 4.1: Census data for Darkot

Caste Population of Darkot village

1961 2001 2011

Bhotias 454 (84%) 197 (58%) 178 (41%)

General 13 (2%) 47 (14%) 152 (35%)

Scheduled 71 (13%) 96 (28%) 107 (24%) castes

Brahmin 7 (1%) - -

Total 543 (100%) 340 (100%) 437 (100%)

*Obtained from Smarika, 2014 and Revenue record 2001, 2011

(Census data for 1971, 1981 and 1991could not be found)

Darkot is among the oldest villages of Johar valley established during the era of Tibetan trade. Some of the lines from the 1961 monograph are “Majority of households were settled here before five generations. No households come from outside the state. Village also has one Brahmin family who comes from outside the district. Village has nearly all the main castes, viz., Kshatriya, Brahmin and Vaishyas in the form of Bhotias ” [Smarika, 2014 ]. As per the 1961 monograph, entire population of the village is Hindu dominated by Pangti and Dharamsaktu living with their Shilpkars in their specific portion [Smarika,

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2014 ]. At that time there were 103 households with population of 543, with Bhotias comprising 84% of the total population. Scheduled castes comprised 13%, while General (Kshatriya) had only 2% stake in the total population of a village [Smarika, 2014 ]. Thus, with respect to 1961 data, Darkot is clearly a Bhotia village. The very first constructed landscape of Darkot has the cultural influence of Bhotia dominance. Later on, population of Bhotias kept on decreasing census by census, while population of other two groups increased substantially. By 2011, Bhotias have lost their population by more than 50% while General population has increased more than 10-fold in comparison to 1961. There is slow increase in the population of Shilpkars as compared to General caste people. The only Brahmin family is also absent in the village [See Table 4.1]. 1961 monograph also says “The only Brahmin family was that of a compounder employed in the hospital which has now shifted to another place ” [Smarika, 2014 ]. Though Bhotias make only 41% of the total population in 2011 census, yet in numbers, Bhotias still hold relative majority as compared to all others castes. Thus, to conclude, while present landscape of Darkot might have an influence of all the castes, the very first layer of cultural landscape is influenced by Bhotia culture because of their number, economy, power and social dominance over others, which is still very visible in the present landscape.

Sharmoli 49 , on the other hand, is the important and nearest village from the core Munsiyari and also shares its boundary with the core and hence there is a continuity of the (so–called) urban-rural (periurban) fringe. It is comprised of three hamlets: Sharmoli, Shankhdhura and Nanasem, out of which Sharmoli and Shankhdhura are considered as separate villages by revenue department but under Sharmoli gram sabha, while Nanasem is included in Sharmoli and does not have any official identity. In my survey, all three hamlets are considered as one, i.e. Sharmoli (as they come under Sharmoli gram sabha). Sharmoli has a reported area of 210 hectare (twice bigger than Darkot in terms of area) while 58 hectare (28%) of area is under forest and almost 64 hectare (30%) of agricultural land which is non-irrigated [Revenue record, 2011 ]. As per 2009 status, there are 260 households in Sharmoli gram sabha (216 in Sharmoli and Nanasem while 44 in Shankhdhura) [Revenue record, 2011 ]. The central part of village Sharmoli can be reached within a range of 1,000-1,500m distance from Munsiyari. It is one of the biggest villages and is situated at the height of 2,300–2,500 meter above mean sea level.

First difference between Sharmoli and Darkot is that the former is not as old as latter. Sharmoli is a young village where construction started only in last 50 years when all the main offices of Tehsil, block, school,

49 In my survey, the term ‘Sharmoli’ means Sharmoli Gram Sabha, i.e. all the three villages under consideration (Sharmoli, Shankhdhura and Nanasem). In order to mention an individual village, the word ‘hamlet’ is added at end of the name of the village i.e. Shankhdhura hamlet means Shankhdhura village, Sharmoli hamlet means Sharmoli village and Nanasem hamlet means Nanasem village.

90 and hospital etc. started to come up in places like Tiksain, Ghorpatta etc. (known as Munsiyari) in 1960s. With these offices came a few shops and guest houses and slowly and slowly present market took its shape. Sharmoli, being nearest to Munsiyari, started to be the main ‘choice of stay’ for people who are willing to shift near the market, school and work of place. Although, many people have their lands in Sharmoli since the time of trade and there are a few houses as well, but many started to construct houses only in the last three decades.

Table 4.2: Census data for Sharmoli

Caste Population of Sharmoli in census

2001 2011

Bhotias 609 (76.3%) 633 (61.6%)

General 146 (18.3%) 321 (31.3%)

Scheduled 43 (5.4%) 73 (7.1%) castes

Total 798 (100%) 1027 (100%)

*Obtained from Revenue record 2001-2011

Table 4.2 shows the census data for the village Sharmoli for the year 2001-2011. The overall population of Sharmoli has increased at a rate of 29% in the last two decades and interestingly, it is close to the Darkot which also grows at same rate in the decade of 2001-11.

In Sharmoli, population of Bhotias (in terms of numbers) is increasing (though at a very low rate) which in case of Darkot, is decreasing sharply. While, like Darkot, population of general and scheduled castes in Sharmoli is increasing at a sharp rate as can be seen in table 4.2. But, still population of Bhotias (in terms of numbers) in Sharmoli is almost double of general castes and eight times of scheduled castes as per census 2011. So, this village also presents a case of Bhotia landscape (with Bhotia as its main population). Thus, Sharmoli is also a Bhotia territory as more than 60% of the population of the village is Bhotias. Unlike Darkot, there is presence of Brahmins in Sharmoli like Pandey (Hindu Brahmin) along with presence of Nitwal group (Bhotia Brahmin) while OBC’s (other backward classes) are also absent in the village Sharmoli. Sharmoli is not a closed village as Darkot as a few from outside the state (Punjabis

91 and South Indians) have their houses here that play an important role in the design of its landscape. Also, Sharmoli is not dominated by a few clans of Bhotias as in Darkot but has a conspicuous presence of all clans.

Before going further, there are few a questions that come into the mind of reader when he/ she reads about the basic population statistics of the two villages. The very first question is: Why population of Bhotias is decreasing in Darkot? The possible answer to the question is because of migration of Bhotias to nearby villages (such as Sharmoli, Nanasem etc.) and to other towns and cities (many families in Darkot are living permanently outside the district because of employment factor) leading to the decrease in population of Bhotias in Darkot. The population of scheduled castes in both the villages has been increasing slightly every year, mainly attributed to the natural increase of population and division of family and a little to the migration from nearby villages. With regard to Thakurs, many families (from nearby villages) have come up in Sharmoli in the last few years for employment and education purposes. As decadal growth rates of both villages are same, does this means that our hypothesis is false? Does distance play any role in attracting people near to core? As population of Darkot shows a decreasing trend till 2001 and has increased only in the last decade, it is possible that with the strengthening of the core (i.e. opening of new schools, colleges, more employment opportunities) the population of the peripheral villages is also increasing as many who could not afford the high rents and cost of houses 50 in Sharmoli will have to settle in a place which is least far and easily affordable to the family. On the other hand, population of Sharmoli is twice in comparison to the Darkot as per 2011 census, and there is no doubt that Sharmoli and nearby villages are increasing rapidly in comparison to the far situated villages. The situation about the growth of two villages will become clearer as we move to the upcoming chapters.

4.1.3 Landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli –

‘Village’ in India officially stands for area demarcated as ‘mauza ’ meaning parcel of ground with definite boundaries, for revenue purposes without clear and consistent regard for its population [Singh, 1994 ]. The notion of ‘Indian village’ is a misnomer as no two villages are same [Madan, 2002 ] and thus each and every village (i.e. landscape) has to be viewed differently, esp. when a village is a dwelling place of ‘diverse and unequal castes’ [Srinivas, 1987 ]. In my opinion, village encompasses all the man–made and natural elements in a defined territory which can be considered as synonym to the landscape, though the

50 Rent of one room in Sharmoli is around Rs. 1,500–Rs. 2,000 per month while in Darkot it is as cheap as Rs. 500 per month [Based on survey] which can overcome the travelling cost (i.e. Rs.10 per person from Darkot to Sharmoli). As menial works such as labour work is also available nearby Darkot (in BRO/GREF), one did not need to travel to Sharmoli daily for finding hourly-wage work.

92 later encompasses a very large area. A very important part of landscape or village is settlement. Settlement is the ‘concrete expression’ of anthropogenic and later on technogenic adaptations of human being [Singh, 1994 ]. Settlement in general is also a collection of houses and traditional rural houses which expresses the distinctive social organization of its inhabitants [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. Thus, whereas village defines the entire territorial landscape, settlement is mainly concerned with the built-up area and in this chapter we predominantly deal with the general landscape of both the villages while the important components such as houses etc. will be dealt with in detail in the next chapter.

Darkot though situated in the lap of Himalayas, presents the case of compact type of settlements where clusters of 10-15 houses are grouped together and are located in a particular geographic position. Each cluster of houses is separated from other group by a very small distance. The houses are situated in parallel and on both sides of a street giving settlement a shape of rectangular clusters in general. The 1961 monograph also describes village of Darkot as “The abadi (population) is in the centre of village, all houses clustering close to each other in one compact area ” [Smarika, 2014 ]. In my opinion, the shape of the village Darkot at present is almost the same as in the past, as the number of households has only decreased from 103 in 1961 to 97 in 2009. Most of the houses are constructed for almost more than 100 years and are still present today either in renovated or by adding new construction to the existing one. There are very few new separate constructions and those too are confined to the Thakurs because of their increasing heirs. In case of Bhotias, there are hardly any new separate constructions (though there are renovated houses) but on the other hand, a few old constructed houses are left abandoned or are kept completely empty because of migration of Bhotias to other towns, cities and nearby villages. Thus, one can say that very few houses have come up in Darkot and that too at the margins of the village.

In terms of size (on the basis of population defined by census), it is a small village as population of Darkot is less than 500 as per census of 2011. Thus from 1961 to 2011, the village has changed from medium to small in terms of size as per definition of census, as its population has decreased from 543 to 437. As per latest revenue records, the area of village is 98.4 hectares while as per 1961 monograph it was around 61 hectares (150.5 acres). [The change might be due to constant delimitation of boundaries of the village by revenue department every few years by including a few hectares of adjoining forest, waste land, settlement etc. which is a normal administrative process].Thus, the size of village in terms of area has increased while in terms of population it has decreased. This is the first change, in form of size that one can notice and prove empirically by official records with regard to Darkot.

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Fig. 4.1: Landscape of Darkot as based on survey

*Based on capacity of researcher to gaze the landscape and to draw it

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Before going further, let us understand the general landscape of Darkot village. Figure 4.1 represents the current map of Darkot village made by me on the basis of survey of location of every household in the village.

A few things should be kept in mind-

1. The map drawn is not up to scale or taken from any reference but drawn purely on the basis of survey and my capacity to ‘gaze at the landscape’.

2. The map predominantly shows the inhabited or constructed part to show the cultural landscape clearly, while in reality, the majority of the village area is under trees and forests. The village boundary shown represents only the boundary of the constructed part and not the boundary of the village.

3. The map may be correct/ incorrect as interpretation, inferences and imagination by different researchers may vary according to his/ her knowledge. Effort has been done to locate the house of various castes, temple and other features correctly, but it may not be accurate.

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PHOTOS OF THE LANDSCAPE OF DARKOT

4.1: Ambedkar gate in Darkot (name has been omitted when photo was clicked in late 2017)

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4.2: Shanty shops (belonging to scheduled castes) near Ambedkar gate in Darkot

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4.3: Bhotia shop near Ambedkar gate in Darkot

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4.4: Central main street (cemented) in Darkot

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4.5: Temple in Darkot

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4.6: Community ground in Darkot

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4.7: Dhara in Darkot

4.8 A & B: Abandoned houses in Darkot

4.8 A

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4.8 B

4.9 A & B: Bhotia (Pangti / Dharamsaktu) houses in Darkot

4.9 A

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4.9 B

4.10: Scheduled castes houses in Darkot (located at the top of slope)

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4.11: Street that leads to scheduled castes and Thakur houses in Darkot

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4.12: View of houses and fields of Thakur caste in Darkot

The very first glance at the figure 4.1 clearly shows the dominance of Bhotias as their houses are located in the central part of the village (represented by small green-coloured rectangle) while the other two castes, i.e. houses of scheduled castes (represented by small red-coloured rectangle) and Thakurs (represented by small blue-coloured rectangle), are situated at the margins of the village. All the important landmarks are shown by purple coloured boxes (of different shapes) and their names are

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mentioned alongside the boxes. The altitude 51 of the top and bottom end of the village is mentioned (as measured on the mobile phone by installed altimeter) and the index is provided in the right bottom side of the figure for further clarification. As we reach Darkot from Munsiyari, the first thing you will see is the entrance gate of the village (marked in Fig.4.1) with the name of Ambedkar embarked with words “Ambedkar Gram Panchayat Darkot” written on it in Hindi 52 . The name of Ambedkar was present on the gate from the mid 1990 era, when there was a Mayawati 53 government i.e. Bahujan Samaj Party (dominated by lower caste, i.e. scheduled caste) in Uttar Pradesh and all the scheduled caste / scheduled tribe majority villages were recognized by the ‘Ambedkar gate’. Alongside the entrance gate there are a few small shanty shops constructed of tin (mainly of scheduled castes shown by red colored hollow boxes) while at 10m distance towards Munsiyari there are two cemented shops of Bhotias (shown by blue colored hollow boxes); all of them selling groceries, vegetables and items of daily use to the two different high and low castes living in the village 54 . Thus, first sign of spatial segmentation can be seen at the gate without entering the village. Though the person whose name is there on the entrance gate, Ambedkar himself was against the caste system and voiced strongly against its ill effects, still the entrance provides the first sign of irony and reminds me of a typical old Indian village segregated on caste divisions. Thus, the view of Ambedkar about the village as a ‘site of oppression’ (of the lower castes) seems to be true in our context as well [Jodhka, 2012 ]. Besides it, one can find people playing cards and carom (these games are inclusive to the culture of Munsiyari, esp. among lower class of high caste and among scheduled castes) at the very entrance point of the village. Thakurs (General caste) also have their groceries shop at the bottom of the village (as we move from top / or from west to east in Fig. 4.1 shown by green colored hollow boxes) along the road when we reach the opposite pole of the Darkot village which caters to most of the General and Bhotia castes. Thus, one can say that daily needs of each caste are fulfilled by the shop belonging to people of the same caste (i.e. in general, Bhotias will buy groceries from Bhotia shop, and it is true with respect to other castes as well). Shop is not only an economic space (where purchasing of goods and exchange of money take place) but also a social space (identified by means of caste). Though, there is only one main entrance gate on the road which signifies official entry to the village, one can enter Darkot from various directions through different paths designated by inhabitants to reach their house by the shortest possible distance from the main road. While travelling from top to bottom of the village on foot from interconnected paths and lanes, one may cover a straight distance of almost 2 km. (almost 4 km.

51 The shown altitude in the context is only measured at a location where houses are situated while the actual range of the altitude of the village may be different. 52 The writings on the gate had disappeared / had been erased when I clicked the photo during my last visit to Munsiyari in 2017 (In the opinion of the villagers the gate has to be painted newly with the same writings) 53 Mayawati – The then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh 54 Shops shown on the opposite of Ambedkar gate belongs to the village of Jalath situated on the top (western side) of Darkot.

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if one traverses by road on car) while calculating the breadth of village is a difficult task. The village is enclosed by main motorable road from the three sides (i.e. east, west and north) which marks its territoriality while the south side comprises slope of mountain and the boundary with another village.

With regard to streets in the village, it is a cemented narrow rectangular straight path which curves through oblique angles. The village has a central street consisting of long and broad stairs which passes through the middle of the village (shown by brown-colored line) and is built up of cement and marked by solar power street lights. Besides it, there are numerous small cemented streets originating from the main street (shown by light black/grey color dotted lines) and connect all the houses of Bhotias. On the other hand, the road to scheduled caste houses are marked by natural paths (light brown dotted lines), and to reach Thakur houses, one has to climb down the hill through agricultural fields. Thus, the cemented streets are conspicuously present in the north, west and eastern part while south has mostly natural soil narrow path made by cutting of grass. As scheduled castes occupy the southern part of the village, their social and economic conditions are exhibited by the disorganized and neglected street pattern. While south-east part dominated by houses of Rajput caste also does not have any street pattern as they have huge agricultural fields through which one can pass. The presence of fields along the houses shows that they are the land owners and agriculturalist class of the village. This pattern clearly shows that the last two communities (shilpkars and general category) are settled at the margins and hence a clear segmentation of the castes which is a trait of a typical old Indian village in which the dominant caste occupies the central position in the village while others (less high-castes) are situated around them and Dalits 55 are at the periphery. There are also abandoned / empty houses in the village (all belong to Bhotias) mainly because of migration of the family to other towns / cities (shown by orange-colored rectangular boxes).

The landscape of Darkot village is a result of three main spaces merged together at various locations: public space, restricted space and private space. As we enter the main gate of the village and move downwards through cemented stairs, first space you encounter is a religious one in form of temple of goddess, which is the central and main location of the village. This is also the characteristic of a typical Indian village where religion plays an important role in daily life of villagers and religious site in the form of sacred tree or temple is at the centre point of settlement. The temple in general has space for ‘god of all castes’ from Bhotia to shilpkars which might tempt one to think about the status of equality and egalitarianism among all caste people in the village; but the reality is that there are three different temples on the same compound, i.e. different location and different structure of temples of different castes at the

55 Scheduled castes are also known as Dalits i.e. belonging to lower caste.

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same space 56 . The Scheduled castes’ temple is shorter in height and occupies less space than the main temple and there is prohibition of lower caste people to enter the main temple area which further strengthened the caste consciousness of villagers and their faith in strict Hindu convention. Alongside, on the left of entry gate of temple, is a small community ground known as “ Kalakendra ” (art centre) where all sort of social, cultural and religious activities and functions take place. This place is famous for ‘Ramlila’ (play depicting story of Lord Rama and his victory over Ravana) which is organised during Dusshera festival in the month of October where young and old, male and female villagers show their acting skills and religious faith. All other cultural festivals, community or village feasts also take place here. These two (temple and community ground) are the main social or public space in the entire village where all communities, male, female and children can come, interact and perform activities while observing the rules of caste hierarchy and maintaining social sanctity. Another things to notice, is the presence of big gates to mark the entry of all important structures, whether village, temple or community ground which certainly depicts the importance of these places to the villagers and defines separation of spaces (entry gate to Darkot marks separation of village space from the whole Tehsil of Munsiyari while gates of temple and ground mark the separation of social/ religious space from the private one within Darkot). The next important social space is ‘ Dhara ’ or natural water stream which is predominantly feminine in nature where mostly women or young girls come to take water for drinking and for other purposes in their storage utensils, or wash clothes, or even take bath with clothes on their body during the mid-day time. Dhara holds a very significant position in the village, as during the trade era, forest and water (in the form of Dhara ) constitute important criteria for the establishment of the settlement. Dhara has also been converted to a religious space by the villagers or in other words the public space have given a sense of religiosity by putting a photo of god / goddess over it near the outlet. In the opinion of the villagers this will help to keep water pure and safe and protect it from getting soiled by means of littering, toilet, spitting etc and force the inhabitants to use water wisely. On looking at Fig. 4.1, one can deduce that the houses of all Bhotia families are situated in and around the natural water stream. This space is also determined by caste hierarchy and structure, as scheduled castes women are allowed to use water only after the water is consumed by high caste women, i.e. Bhotias. The space is further restricted to the women going through menstruation period as they are not allowed to collect the water directly from the outlet (they can collect water that is drained out). These social spaces, esp. temple, provide an important meeting point for all the villagers where all the meetings and discussions and decisions of the village take place. Also these public/ social spaces provide an example of both territorial public spaces (as mostly these spaces are used by inhabitants of Darkot village who feel pride and sense of belonging to the temple and community ground) and also restricted spaces (as different castes have fixed location in a space and

56 The details about temple and religion will be dealt with in the upcoming chapters.

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cannot move freely). The private space of the village is defined by houses (details will be provided in the next chapter) while the village of Darkot has real boundaries (marked by street and houses) as well as imaginary boundaries (marked by caste) which can be further depicted from our analysis in the next paragraph.

The whole constructed landscape, as shown in figure 4.1, is divided into five parts. Part I is situated along the north and western side of village and on the adjacent side to temple and is inhabited mostly by Bhotias, particularly Dharamsaktu and a few Scheduled castes’ houses who were supposed to be attached to them from time of trade. Part II is situated below and along ‘community ground’ and ‘Dhara ’, and is inhabited by Pangti sub-caste of Bhotias. These two parts of the landscape are situated along the finest of the slope at the centre of the mountain on which the village is standing. These are the best places to construct houses and live where slope is gentle and is also close to temple. Another reason is that these two parts are close to ‘Dhara ’, from where water can be fetched easily and brought to the home at the shortest distance possible. Besides these reasons, these areas are also close to the road and anyone who wants to buy handloom stuff (as Darkot is famous for handloom products) from the village can easily reach these two parts within 10 minutes from the main gate.

Part III is to the south of the village where slope is on the higher side and land is steep so that it can be considered as the poorest of all the sites in the village. It is inhabited in majority by scheduled castes and rare households of Bhotias (e.g. Tolia) who are not usually considered as the real ‘citizen’ (or are outside settlers who settled after purchasing land) of the village dominated by Pangtis and Dharamsaktus. Part IV is situated on the eastern side of the village which is also the lower end of village and is inhabited in majority by Bhotias and a few scheduled castes and Thakur houses. The last Part V is on the east and south- east side of the village which can be reached by either crossing the mountain slope from top or by encircling through main road and reach the other pole of the village. This area is close to the road and is inhabited by Thakurs (general caste) and a few scheduled castes houses. This part is the only part of the village where Bhotias are almost absent. As there is a saying about Indian village that ‘Hindu lives in a village while untouchable lives in a ghetto’, the location of scheduled castes in the village of Darkot might prove this point. In recent times (in the last two years) a new motorable road is being constructed in the village (still under-construction) which will pass through the centre and divide the village into two halves.

The presence of Dharamsaktu clan (in Part I) above Pangti (in Part II), though both occupy the central and the best part of the village, can be attributed to the fact that Dharamsaktu come higher in hierarchy with respect to Pangti in the Bhotia caste (as per respondents and local scholars). In the opinion of the local

110 people, Rawat clan occupies the tip of the hierarchy and is considered as elder brother followed by Dharamsaktu, Pangti and others. In the same way as social hierarchy, when it comes to living in a settlement, Rawats occupy the top part (as they form majority in Jalath village situated directly above Darkot or in the west) followed by Dharamsaktus and Pangtis situated below Rawats in the Darkot village. Also presence of Bhotias on the finest slope in the village shows their control and dominance in the village landscape from the past as they have occupied these areas for last many decades. Singh and Khan while explaining the village of plains have mentioned the phrase of Lewandowski “Indian villages are microcosms of Hindu society” whose hierarchical divisions are reflected in the hierarchically differentiated segments of occupied village space [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. According to Hindu cosmic schema, western part of the settlement is considered to be the highest social order (because King of gods ‘Varuna’ is the deity of this quarter) and from it, social space is believed to slope down towards east. This also represents the location of ruler of the area. The west is ideally occupied by dominant castes. The north is associated with ‘Kuvera ’ (god of wealth) and provides fittest location for habitations of the wealthy [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. In our case of Darkot, presence of Bhotias in northern and western quarters might explain the influence of Hinduism on their choice of location as they have always considered themselves of royal descent (Rajput) and are wealthy because of flourished trade and are also the dominant landlords before the era of reform settlement. Besides all these, the important point is that the dominant group (Bhotias) is situated at higher elevation than others which corresponds to their social status.

Continuing in the context of previous discussion, presence of shilpkars in the south of Darkot is not only attributed to physical aspect of steep slope and poor land but also to Hindu cosmology where southern sector is supposed to be god of death Yama, and contains houses of chandalas (name given to untouchables) [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. The southern half is always considered as inauspicious as it is governed by god of death and decay [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. Also if you gaze at the landscape of Darkot, there are very few houses of high castes that actually face towards south. The eastern side belongs to ‘Indra ’ (King of heaven and god of war) where military commanders should reside, while south–east belongs to Agni (god of fire; usually inhabited by blacksmiths) [Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. As these parts are inhabited by Bhotias while south-east belongs particularly to Thakurs, one could relate the spatial pattern with the Hindu cosmology. As Thakurs considered themselves Rajput (Warriors), their presence somehow in the eastern part is justified. In conclusion, one cannot say that landscape of Darkot is fully governed by either cultural or natural phenomenon but there is definitely the mixed role of slope, closeness to natural water stream, nearness to main locations like temple and community ground, caste and religious influence in the form of Hindu cosmology etc. Besides this, Van panchayat of Darkot (180

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Hectares) is situated along north–western part of the village and extends beyond the Jalath village. It was also given the name of a god in order to protect it from the destruction of forests and cutting of trees.

Continuing with the same conventions of analyzing landscape, Fig.4.2 (A, B, C and D) represents the general landscape of Sharmoli village. Van Panchayat is located in the left and right upper portion of the village, i.e. in north and south direction, agricultural (cultivable) land is in the middle of Shankhdhura hamlet and in south direction in Sharmoli hamlet (in the portion above the road) while the houses and home stays are located in every direction. As Sharmoli is a big village consisting of more than 200 households, it is difficult to draw a map in one page 57 and hence four maps are drawn. Figure 4.2 A represents the general idea about Sharmoli and the location of its various hamlets. The main road passes through the middle of the village and the Sharmoli hamlet is located adjacent to the Munsiyari core (above the main road) while Shankhdhura hamlet is situated on the further right of Sharmoli hamlet, i.e. towards Darkot. Nanasem hamlet is situated to the bottom side of main road and shares its boundary with the main market. In my opinion, the extension of Sharmoli from the core is about 3 km. horizontally and about 5 km. vertically (3km. on the top side and 2km. on the lower side as measured from the central main road) The landscape drawn is a result of travelling to all ends of a village and surveying the location of each family (house). Let us first understand the landscape of Shankhdhura hamlet as shown in Figure 4.2 B.

57 I have to draw map in A4 size sheet as my scanner does not allow me to scan more than the permissible size of A4.

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Figure 4.2 A: General Idea about the location of Sharmoli village

North

*Based on capacity of researcher to gaze at the landscape and draw it

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Figure 4.2 B: Landscape of Shankhdhura hamlet as based on survey

*Based on capacity of researcher to gaze at the landscape and draw it

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Shankhdhura hamlet (of Sharmoli village) is situated alongside Sharmoli at an average altitude of around 2,170m amsl. It is a small hamlet with a population of less than 200 (as per Census 2011) and is dominated by Thakur caste (represented by small blue-coloured rectangle). The houses of Thakur caste are present in the western and north–eastern part of the village while the houses of Bhotias (represented by small green-coloured rectangle) are present in south–west and south–east part of the village. The scheduled castes and Brahmin community are absent in the village while there are a few home stays run by Bhotia families. The cemented street (represented by brown-colored line) runs along the boundary of every house. The village does not seem to be impacted by the influence of Hindu cosmology as such (as in case of Darkot) and all houses generally rests on the gentle slope. There is a temple at the top of a hill known as ‘Chalo Devi’ temple which can be reached by means of a natural path (light brown-colored lines). There is presence of ‘Dhara’ in the village along with a water stream (nallah ) which is running top–down in the village that establishes a natural boundary of separation between Sharmoli hamlet and Shankhdhura hamlet. Besides these, there are agricultural fields in the middle of the village belonging to both Bhotias and Thakurs while there is a barren (non-cultivated) land along with few trees (private property) in the north–western part of the village till the temple. The Chalo Devi temple signals the beginning of van panchayat (47 hectares) of Shankhdhura hamlet which extends further upwards (i.e. in west direction). Before comparing Darkot and Sharmoli, let us understand the landscape pattern of Sharmoli hamlet as well.

Figure 4.2 C represents the settlement pattern of the Sharmoli hamlet. This is the map of the half of the village situated above the main road. The new under-construction motorable road that divides the upper portion of the Sharmoli hamlet is shown by the brown-colored line. The important landmarks of the hamlet are shown by purple boxes (with name) while the cemented streets are shown by light grey colored lines (looks like light blue color in the map) while the rest of the things could be understood from the index. The actual altitude of Sharmoli can be varying till more than 2,400m where van panchayat (10 hectares) is situated on the north and south side of the village. There is dominance of Bhotias as their houses (represented by small green-colored rectangular boxes) are spread in every location while a few houses of Thakurs (blue-colored boxes), shilpkars (orange-colored boxes) and Brahmins (yellow-colored boxes) along with home stays (red-colored elongated boxes) are also present. Unlike Shankhdhura, the houses in Sharmoli are situated closer to each other while agricultural fields are located in the south–east direction (though small fields are situated alongside every household). A few inhabitants belonging to outside the community (i.e. from outside the state) are also residing in the Sharmoli hamlet while the top end of the hamlet is (i.e. west part) identified by Mesar Kund, i.e. water pond, along with the ground.

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Figure 4.2 C: Landscape of Sharmoli hamlet (above the main road) as based on survey

*Based on capacity of researcher to gaze at the landscape and draw it

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Figure 4.2 D: Landscape of Sharmoli hamlet (below the main road) as based on survey

*Based on capacity of researcher to gaze at the landscape and draw it

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PHOTOS OF THE LANDSCAPE OF SHARMOLI

4.13: View of Sharmoli

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4.14: Scheduled Caste house in Sharmoli

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4.15: Mesar Kund in Sharmoli

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4.16: Street pattern in Sharmoli

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4.17: Munsiyari–Darkot road

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4.18: Handicraft mart in Sharmoli

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4.19: Home stay in Sharmoli

4.20: Dhara in Sharmoli

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Similarly, the lower portion of Sharmoli hamlet (i.e. below the main road and comprising Nanasem hamlet) also has Bhotia dominance as can be seen in Figure 4.2 D. The motorable road (shown by brown colored line) passes through the middle of Nanasem hamlet whose one end meets the main market area (i.e. Munsiyari) while the other end meets the main road (that leads towards Darkot).

The very first point of difference in Sharmoli (comprising of all three hamlets) and Darkot is the absence of main entrance gate or single official point of entry to the village. This probably shows the difference between the ancientness (and tradition) of Darkot and the recent immigration-based Sharmoli which is growing continuously at a rapid rate. One can enter the village with numerous entry points marked by cemented paths alongside main road that make their presence felt at various locations in all the directions. This is the particular characteristic of extension of core area which keeps growing in all directions and there is no fixed entry point and hence, an example of scattered settlement. The pattern of the village as such is semi–compact, as sometime one can find a group of two-three houses along with fields, while at certain locations there are clusters of 8–10 houses. The cemented narrow streets can be found everywhere traversing each and every house around the village. In terms of size, the village comes under large category (more than 1000 population) and is increasing at a rapid rate to become the most populated village of Munsiyari Tehsil.

The houses of scheduled castes and Brahmins are generally found in groups of two–three houses at a particular location which represents the extension of same family into different heirs (who construct separate houses nearby). If distance to Munsyari can be linked to a social rank then Bhotias seem to enjoy the benefits of being situated at the nearest distance to the core. Thus, there may be a horizontal hierarchy in which Bhotias are nearest in enjoying benefits of being situated adjacent to the core in comparison to others.

“Dhara ” (natural water streams) are also present across the whole landscape of Sharmoli. Sometimes they are flowing naturally from the mountains while in a few places they are controlled and managed by means of constructing stone or cement walls and pipes and giving religious significance to space by putting idols or photos of a god over it. Though Darkot has one centrally located ‘Dhara ’, Sharmoli have three-four natural water streams located at various places and used by people esp. women for drinking, bathing and other purposes.

Various reasons for lack of a particular social pattern in Sharmoli is because the village came into picture only after independence, mostly at the end of the trade era when people were forced to move towards education, modernization and settled life while Darkot was established somewhere in the 18 th century. Earlier the whole land of Sharmoli was under agriculture and belongs to Bhotias, but in 1960s with

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coming of land reforms different families of different castes got land at different locations as per the rule of the Govt. So, they get dispersed at different locations (and further their heirs at different locations after separation). Only after that time, construction activity in Sharmoli began at a brisk pace and reached its peak by 1980s and people usually construct house at the best slope available to them. While in case of Darkot, almost all houses were present before the land reforms and thus not much dispersion. Thus, no fixed location of particular caste (and clan) in a village space is one of the main characteristics of post- independence or modern villages. But at the same time, one can find a cluster of houses of same caste people who are in minority at the same location in a multi-caste village, e.g. in Sharmoli, one can find a cluster of houses of Brahmin families or shilpkar families at a particular specific location while Bhotias and Thakurs are dispersed everywhere. Various castes among Bhotias, e.g. Nitwal, Rawat, Tolia, Martolia, Pangti, Nikhurpa etc. are present in almost all locations while Rana, Bisht, Kauranga, Routela etc. are main Thakur castes. Pandey is the only Hindu Brahmin available while scheduled castes are recognised by their ‘Ram’ or‘Arya’ surname. Though all castes make their presence felt in the village, still as per a few respondents, the land of Sharmoli originally belonged to ‘Tolia’ caste, though their number is less as compared to others. Their view is corroborated by the presence of ‘Raga (type of tree) temple’ in Sharmoli hamlet which is the main god of Tolia caste. In the similar way, Nanasem hamlet is supposed to be belonging to ‘Nikhurpa’ castes who are also fewer in number as compared to others. Thus, original land holders have either lost their land to reforms or have shifted to some other place by selling their part. The present land of Sharmoli is a multi- caste in which Bhotias and Thakurs (as main communities) play the important role in shaping landscape.

Sharmoli also has a few temples in all the directions but they do not hold much central position (socially) as in case of Darkot. Raga temple is situated in the upper western position of Sharmoli hamlet while Ulka devi temple is situated in Nanasem hamlet and Chalo Devi temple in Shankhdhura hamlet, with a few other small temples spread over the whole area. There is also one scheduled caste temple devoted to Lord Hanuman and goddess located in the Sharmoli hamlet. On the other hand, main social space of socialization or community festivals is situated in the top western part in the form of ground close to the pond known as ‘Mesar kund ’ which holds both religious and social characteristics. The mesar kund and its water are considered holy among the villagers but this place represents more of a cultural site than a religious one. Many cultural festivals which are unique to this village (e.g. flora and fauna conservation festival, environment education fairs, local cuisine and sports fair etc.) take place here along with religious functions. This space also represents an open space to all where anyone irrespective of caste can come and participate in functions unlike Darkot, where space in temple is distinctively divided. Thus, one

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can conclude that there is secularization of the village public space in Sharmoli. The details about the religion and religious spaces will be dealt with in upcoming chapters.

The unique difference between the Sharmoli and Darkot is the presence of hotels and home stays in Sharmoli along with handicraft market centers such as ‘Mati Sangathan’ and ‘Saras Bazar’ which cater to the needs of tourists and shoppers who are looking for handmade woolen products. Though Darkot is famous for handicrafts yet one cannot find a single shop selling any handloom products (except there are a few Bhotia women who sell handicrafts from their houses). As Darkot is far from Munsiyari and one has to travel through under–construction road (full of dust and stones), the women of Darkot have to keep their products in various market centers in Munsiyari. Thus, Sharmoli because of its nearness to the core and view of Panchachuli (whose view is bleak from Darkot) has come up as a tourist destination hub and a suitable space for constructing hotels and home stays. Another important feature of landscape of Sharmoli and particularly Nanasem is the presence of Bhotia heritage museum which contains information about artefacts of the old Bhotia culture. Being situated near Munsiyari, it is one of the important visiting spot for tourists. The museum is residing in a house which is in architecture of old Bhotia style and was formerly run by a retired History Professor of Bhotia origin. Thus, tourists also play an important role in modifying the landscape of Sharmoli.

4.1.4 Conclusion –

After analyzing the general physical landscape of Darkot and Sharmoli, one can say that Sharmoli exhibits characteristics like those of an urban area, esp. with regard to population and its characteristics, settlement pattern, location of castes, influence of religion and other social factors etc. The landscape of both the villages is dominated by Bhotias, yet Darkot because of its age old history displays traditional and orthodox characteristics (e.g. temple at the centre location, spatial division of castes, etc.) while Sharmoli seems to be liberal (at least in comparison with Darkot) as it came into existence in the last five decades. The presence of home stays and hotels in Sharmoli along with the existence of handloom marts and nearness to the market area, mark its location as an extension of the core and hence establish the preliminary truthness of our hypothesis.

The culture also plays an important role in constructing the landscape of both the villages. While Darkot is categorized by caste, religion and beliefs of the high caste dominant group (Bhotias) along with natural aspects of slope and height, Sharmoli is characterized by the need of the dominant group to settle in and around the core. The detailed analysis of components of the landscape and inhabitants in the next

127 upcoming chapters will help us to establish the identity (orthodox or modern) of the two villages in a fair way.

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CHAPTER 5

COMPONENTS OF LANDSCAPE AND THEIR RELATION WITH CULTURE

After analyzing the general landscape of the villages of Darkot and Sharmoli in the previous chapter, here we will deal with the important elements of the landscape that make up the settlement such as houses, temples etc., and try to find out the relation between society, culture and tangible spaces. As mentioned in the previous chapter, humans as well as gods reside in the landscape and thus both have influence on the physical and social space of the villages. Let us start our discussion by inquiring into the housing pattern of both the villages.

5.1 ANALYSIS OF PRIVATE SPACE - HOUSE PATTERNS IN DARKOT AND SHARMOLI

House is one of the foremost and important elements of the cultural landscape. House is defined by the census in 1961 as “a structure or part of structure, inhabited or vacant, or a dwelling, shop cum dwelling or a place of business, workshop, school etc. with a separate entrance” [ Singh, 1994 ]. It emphasized the entrance as an important part of definition. The ‘philosophy of Ghar’ (house) is that (as mentioned by Jaymala Diddee) ‘Man attaches himself to a piece of land, called his own and hence the necessity to construct a house’ [ Grover and Singh, 2014 ]. In other words, house is an important symbol of belonging of a person to a land. It is a method of stabilizing himself on his territory, forging a permanent connection with it through the house [ Grover and Singh, 2014 ]. Dwelling is defined by Marh as house types which are not made very carefully by architects and engineers [ Grover and Singh, 2014 ]. These are designed and constructed by local people (or family members) mainly with the help of locally available materials. Sometime, they are also known as folk houses or traditional houses as they reflect vernacular architecture which is neither monumental nor ornamental. These dwellings are determined by physical factors like climate, site, and materials and by socio–cultural factors like religion, beliefs etc. Thus, the main difference between a modern house and dwellings is in designing, construction, use of materials, employment of type of labour and experts etc. Darkot and Sharmoli also have two types of houses: old– design houses and modern–design houses.

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Photo 5.1: Old–design house

Photo 5.2 A & B: Old-design House (Renovated by painting of walls) in Darkot (Two Photos)

A

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B

Figure 5.1: Front drawing (view) of old –design house

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Figure 5.2: Internal and side portion of old -design house

Photos 5.1 and 5.2 along with Figure 5.1 represent the image and diagram of the front view of a traditional (old-design) house. This structure particularly belongs to Bhotia culture, as these house types are present in almost all the high altitude villages of Johar valley inhabited by Bhotias. They carry the same structure type to middle villages to mark their territoriality in the region. Thus, thes e structures have a history of more than two centuries. These structure types are also adopted by other castes, but originally design is associated with Bhotia culture. The reason behind adoption of similar house structures by other castes may be – 1. Trying to copy the influential and powerful (Bhotia) class in lifestyle; 2. As these people are subordinate to Bhotias, they have occupied their houses in the last few decades as several Bhotias moved to other places; 3. Climatic / physical factors force people to have structures that are constructed by keeping cold climate in mind; 4. Easy availability of know-how, design, materials and labour for construction etc.

The house drawn in Fig. 5.1 is a typical Bhotia style house having two floors (double storey) consisting of eight rooms (four above and four below), one main entrance which leads to the first floor, two front windows (on the first floor) and two doors on ground floor for separate entry to each room. As mentioned

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earlier, each floor is further divided into four rooms, two in the front and two in the back (shown in Fig. 5.2). The extra portion of house as shown in Fig. 5.1 is constructed by a few people having big families or who are richer than others, thus adding more rooms to the houses.

5.1.1 Basic elements of an old–design house and their nomenclature -

The ground floor is known as ‘goth ’ while first floor is known as ‘pan ’ in the local language. The front rooms are known as ‘sakh / bhoni’ while rear side rooms are known as ‘bhitarkhan’. The windows on the first floor are called ‘tipari’ [Fig. 5.1] and it can be single, double or triple part window (ekdari, dwidari or tidari-tipari ) depending upon the width, e.g. a window shown in Photo 5.2 B is of double width (dwidari-tipari ). The windows are made up of wood and carving is done on their frame to make them look attractive. Tiparis are open for whole time of the day whether summer or winter to let in sunlight. These windows also provide the overall view of outside to the inhabitants of the house. The other small window (in the extra portion) is used for purpose of ventilation and is known as ‘jaul ’ [Fig. 5.1]. The main entrance of the house is known as ‘kholi ’ and it leads straight to the first floor with the help of stairs consisting of 4-5 steps as seen in Photo 5.2 B. These stairs can be of wood in earlier times and now of cement as it is easily available in modern days. Kholi can be of any number depending upon the size of the house. Kholi consists of wooden doors having double panes which open towards inside of the house. The frames of doors are also carved while presence of image of lord Ganesha on the top is a common and conspicuous feature of the kholi (also seen in Photo 5.2 B). Each of two separate entrances on the ground floor is known as ‘del ’ (Fig. 5.1) and it is also made of wood having double panes which open towards inside of the house. The roof of the house is known as ‘pakho ’ and usually made of slate. It has a steep angular slope on both side for easy downward flow of rain and snow and minimum friction to blowing wind. The back portion of the house is usually covered wholly by bricks / stones, while side portion has a small window for ventilation in the middle top location [Fig 5.2] to avoid strong winter cold wave entering the house. The direction and position of the house is such that the front facing position gets most of sunlight without coming into direction of wind. Thus, structure of old-design houses has an impact of physical factors. A group of these old-design houses joined together is known as ‘bhakhali ’. Thus, bhakhali is the term used for cluster of houses. These all describe the basic structure along with elements and nomenclature of the old–design type or Bhotia house.

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5.1.2 Description of size and use of rooms of old-design house -

In terms of the size, area occupied by a house and the exact height and width of the rooms are not known accurately, but each common small old–design type house occupies an area between 0.5-1 nali 58 . The height of the rooms is generally around 5 feet, mainly because of cold as small rooms are easy to keep warm. The width of the front rooms is less then the rear-side rooms mainly because of reason of their utilization, as front-side rooms are only used for living while back side rooms are used for storing items like food, clothes, etc. The shapes of all the rooms are rectangular in nature. As mentioned earlier, the structure of houses is almost same for different castes, but difference lies in the utilization of rooms. In case of Bhotias, front room of a ground floor (particularly on left side of Fig. 5.1) is used as a kitchen while the rear one (if it exists) is used as a space for keeping food materials of daily use. While the right side of the ground floor is exclusively used for handloom purposes by keeping the machine and raw materials for making various handicrafts. The front side of the first floor is used for living (i.e. two rooms with windows on the front side to the left and right of kholi ) and for attending to guests, while the rear one is used for storing items (salt, cereals, wool, etc.) and sometime for religious purposes by constructing a small house temple. The non-Bhotias use ground floor for keeping cattle and goats while front rooms of the first floor are used for living and as kitchen while rear rooms are used for storing various items like food etc. Thus, the first floor is used for living by all the castes while the difference arises in the location of the kitchen and animals. This is a common view about usage of rooms among most of the respondents while use of room can be changed as per necessity and choice of an individual.

Table 5.1: Use of rooms of an old-design house by various castes in the earlier times

Caste Ground floor First floor

BHOTIA Kitchen, Living, Store Handloom

OTHERS Animals Kitchen, Living and Store

*As per the respondents’ view

** The reason for non–handloom in ground floor room of non–Bhotia houses: Handloom is particularly identified with Bhotias and not to Thakurs who carry out agricultural activities (even today almost every Bhotia household has s handloom pit which is absent in case of Thakurs.

58 Nali is a unit of area measurement used commonly by local people of Johar and Kumaon. 1 nali = 0.02 hectares

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** The reason for presence of animals in non-Bhotia household’s ground floor: Many Thakurs have a few animals with them and generally keep cattle for milk and other purposes in the lower room, while Bhotias have huge flocks of sheep and goats which are usually kept outside houses in a shed in care of servants and spend most of their time in forest for fodder.

5.1.3 History of construction and material used in old-design houses -

We have mentioned earlier that Darkot is a village which have been established around 18 th century, based on the views of locals who describe the average age of their present old–design living house to be around 150–200 years old. As per discussion with local people esp. old age inhabitants of Darkot, there may have been a single floor shanty house with one–two rooms used for all purposes, except bathroom before 14 th century A.D. It was only in the 14 th and 15 th centuries that single storey houses came into picture. Construction material mostly used is mud for walls and ground, wood and thatched for roof. Poor people across all castes used to have a single storey house known as ‘bhikur ’ which had 2-3 rooms for kitchen, living and storage purposes. The evidence of double storey old-design building mainly dates from 17 th –18 th centuries as many houses in upper Johar and Darkot are from that period. It was during the period of Gorkhas (1790–1815) that Vijay Singh, ‘pradahan’ (chief of villages of upper Johar) appointed by them, brought carpenter from Rajasthan to Johar to construct double storey houses and do wooden carving on windows and doors. Thus, architecture of old-design house can be attributed to Gorkhas but in the opinion of few 59 , such design was present even during the Chand rule (11 th century A.D.–1790) when carpenters were brought from Almora to build houses. (It may be possible that present structure design was initiated by Chand rulers and continued by Gorkhas after making certain modifications). The wood generally used is available locally from Deodar, Surai, Tarcusbacatta trees etc, which is not easily infected and rusted, while carving on them is done in geometry form (lines etc.) and contains paintings of flowers, leaves etc. which give them a unique look. The stone walls used are usually held by mud plaster which is also used for levelling the ground. The roof is made up of slates, while the poor use ‘shalam grass’ which is very strong, tense and does not easily get destroyed in winds and snow. Later on, with coming up of modern roads and availability of new and modern construction materials, rock walls with cement plaster are used and also slate sloping roof is replaced by flat cement summit to avoid leakage from rain water and reduce yearly repairing and maintenance cost. People also paint their cement plaster walls to make the house appear beautiful and unique from others.

59 Dr. Sher Singh Pangti, Professor (Retd.) and Bhotia scholar, Munsiyari

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In the end, one can conclude that the structure of old-design house is influenced by physical factors such as wind, cold and also their need of storage of large volume of goods and food items in closed big rooms (esp. during time of trade). Different castes use the house as per their role in the caste and economic structure. At present, locals hardly construct any old-design houses because of absence of raw materials (wood etc.), lack of skilled workers and designers, heavy cost of construction and maintenance and more importantly, desire to move in to modern houses which have come up as a symbol of prestige and status.

Photo 5.3: Modern-design House

Photo 5.3 gives a picture of a modern–design type of house which has a contrast difference in comparison to the old-design one. Here the construction starts from single storey and goes up to two–three floors depending upon the economic status of the inhabitant, irrespective of castes and are usually made by paid labor under a contractor. Thus, the role of local materials (esp. wood, because forest conservation and strict van panchayat rules make wood a rare and expensive commodity to be bought) and family members (emigration and education make family labor less available) has decreased as with regard to old–design houses. In conclusion, this structure does not belong to any particular caste but to modern design and materials. This also represents the common type of houses present in small towns across India. These kind of houses had their advent in the last two–three decades with the availability of motorable road from

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Munsiyari to other important towns of Uttarakhand and coming up of modern construction materials to the village with further improved rural transportation .

The material used generally is brick walls or stone (granite) having plaster of cement, sand and gravel with the finishing touch of paints and distemper. The floors are also cemented and sometimes tiled or covered with marble or PVC (poly-vinyl chloride) carpeting. The roof is often flat and cemented or is in the form of aluminium painted sheets. The use of slate is almost invisible in these types of houses. The main entrance of wooden doors (in case of old–design houses) is replaced by strong and trusted steel and iron grills or aluminium doors, and in case of windows, wood is replaced by aluminium; though some modern houses still have wooden doors and windows. The carvings are very few or are almost absent, while the main gate always has some kind of religious sign or name of house/ house owner or year of construction [Photo 5.3]. The common feature in most modern and old-design houses is absence of bathroom in the interior of house. The difference is that there is no specific design of modern house (w.r.t. old–design houses) and thus no specific purpose of rooms. Any room can be used as living room, drawing room and kitchen or store depending upon location, ventilation and choice of owner. While the old-design house is somehow influenced by physical factors (esp. cold climate, wind and need of sunshine, use of wood), modern houses as such have little impact of it because of strong modern construction material and availability of modern equipment like heater, fans, use of LPG gas stove etc. The modern-design houses usually have 4-5 rooms for all family members but most of the time, the owner construct only 1-2 separate rooms or attached with old-design house to give it a modern touch. Thus in my survey, even presence of one or two modern cement rooms is considered as presence of modern-design houses.

Thus to conclude, the modern-design house is not predominantly governed by physical factors or need of storage of large volume of goods or keeping big herds of animals (as in times of trade), but owed its emergence to diffusion of innovation and adoption of modern materials and techniques by rural people with improving connectivity. As modern style houses are easy to construct and low-cost to maintain with much improved quality of materials and do not need family members’ endeavour and time, and also give an urban look to the outsiders which provides a feeling of high status and prestige to the villagers, it has become very popular among locals. People prefer to construct a modern house in whatever small amount of land available to them when they separate from their joint family, or purchase land at a place near to school or work and market.

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5.1.4 Contemporary situation of house (structure and features) among old and modern-design in Darkot and Sharmoli –

Types of houses -

As mentioned in the previous section, the present house structure in Darkot village has two types, old- design and modern–design houses. The architecture and shape of old-design house is maintained by most of the inhabitants with regular maintenance and renovation but there may be change in certain elements, e.g. slanting slate roof of most of the houses has been changed to flat cement roof, stone walls give way to bricks etc. The modern–design houses as such are few which exist separately but mostly are attached with the old existing structure or sometime just a combination of one–two newly constructed cement rooms. In my survey, I consider design of house as an important element and divide inhabitants having old-design house (even with modification), modern–design house (only newly constructed cement rooms) or combination of both. Only those houses are considered that are still used by people, while the abandoned ones are left out. The reason for choosing design as an important aspect is to relate it with changing cultures. While there are some people (esp. old and middle generation male Bhotias in Darkot) who feel prestige in their old–design houses and consider it as a matter of safeguarding their ‘traditional old age culture’, on the other hand there are others who feel dignity and status in their new modern–design houses.

Figure 5.3 provides information about the various types of houses of Bhotias in Darkot village covered under the survey. Out of 39 Bhotia families, 16 (46%) have the combination of both old-design and modern - design houses, while 12 (34%) have exclusively old-design houses. There are only 7 (20%) families which have modern type of house. Those who have only modern house have either abandoned old structure or completely replaced it with the new one.

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Figure 5.3: Types of houses among Bhotias in Darkot

Types of houses among Bhotias in Darkot 0%

34% OLD DESIGN HOUSE 46% MODERN DESIGN HOUSE COMBINATION OF BOTH 20%

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias) in Darkot

With regard to particular Bhotia clans, majority of Pangti and Dharamsaktu families (14 families out of 26, i.e. around 55%) are using both old-design and modern houses while there are only 4 families of both sub-castes (out of 26) that are exclusively using modern houses. Among ‘other Bhotias 60 ’ e.g. Sayana and Janpangi are using traditional houses in combination with modern structures; while Tolia and Martolia are the two families that exclusively have modern houses who came to reside there in the recent times (they got land from their maternal side or purchased from their relatives). Many of the Bhotia families, esp. Pangti and Dharamsaktu, have left their houses and moved to other towns, cities, e.g. some have migrated to Haldwani (town in Uttarakhand) and parts of Uttar Pradesh for job, while a few other families move to Munsiyari for business purposes. Their homes are largely kept vacant as they visit it during the time of festivals or religious ceremonies. There are 3-4 families who were absent at the time of survey, while at some houses there are only one or two old people living alone as the whole of their family has migrated to other places.

Scheduled castes also have majority of old-design houses (42%) as they have also been living there for the last many decades with their Bhotia patrons (Fig. 5.4). Eight families out of twelve surveyed are somehow using old-design house, while those with new modern–design structures are the ones that have been separated from their families and have constructed the new home nearby to balance the increasing family members.

60 ‘Other Bhotias’: In my survey, and in case of Darkot, all other clans of Bhotias except Pangti and Dharamsaktu are taken/ considered as ‘other Bhotias’. E.g. Sayana, Tolia etc.

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Figure 5.4: Types of houses among scheduled castes in Darkot

Types of houses among scheduled castes in Darkot

25% OLD DESIGN HOUSE 42% MODERN DESIGN HOUSE 33% COMBINATION OF BOTH

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SC) in Darkot

Figure 5.5: Types of houses among Thakurs in Darkot

Types of Houses among Thakurs in Darkot 0%

OLD DESIGN HOUSE 45% MODERN DESIGN HOUSE 55% COMBINATION OF BOTH

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 Thakurs) in Darkot

Thakurs (Generals) provide the exception who hardly have any combination of both houses. Majority of them have new construction which shows that they all have been separated from the one main family that has old house with them, e.g. Karki (clan of Thakur) families has only one old-design house and three modern–design houses which shows their descent from the same family. Census of 1961 also mentions about one Karki family and two Bhat families [Smarika , 2014 ]. In my survey, two Bhat families have old–design house type while their descendants have three modern–design type houses. The rest are two families Bhandarey and Bisht, out of which the Bishts are tenant, who live in old houses of their relatives who have moved to modern homes nearby.

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Figure 5.6: Types of houses among Bhotias in Sharmoli

Types of houses among Bhotias in Sharmoli

19% 16% OLD DESIGN HOUSE MODERN DESIGN HOUSE

65% COMBINATION OF BOTH

*Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias) in Sharmoli

Figure 5.7: Types of houses among scheduled castes in Sharmoli

Types of houses among Scheduled castes in Sharmoli

14% OLD DESIGN HOUSE 29% MODERN DESIGN HOUSE 57% COMBINATION OF BOTH

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SC) in Sharmoli

Figure 5.8: Types of houses among Thakurs in Sharmoli

Types of houses among Thakurs in Sharmoli 7% 14% OLD DESIGN HOUSE MODERN DESIGN HOUSE 79% COMBINATION OF BOTH

*Based on survey of 111 families (30 Thakur) in Sharmoli

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Majority of Bhotias families in Sharmoli, i.e. 65% (45 families out of 69), have modern–design houses. 16% have old–design houses while only 19 % have combination of both. With respect to two other castes, similar percentages i.e. 14% of scheduled castes (only one respondent family out of 8) and Thakurs (4 respondent families out of 30) have old-design houses. 57% of the scheduled castes (4 out of 8 families) while almost 80% of the Thakurs (23 families out of 30) have modern–design houses. The rest among both have combination of houses. In case of Brahmins, one family has old–design house while the other three have modern–design houses. Apart from all these, there is one Thakur family and one scheduled caste family who have respective shanty houses in poor condition with mud walls and thatch roof.

Overall, with regard to Sharmoli, houses of only 34 families (out of 111) i.e. around 30% have some old– design structures (old–design house + combination house) while the remaining have exclusively modern design. On the other hand, Darkot has 41 families (60%) who have old-design houses (old–design house + combination house) while only 17 families have exclusive modern–design houses. Thus, there is a clear indication that Sharmoli is a newly constructed village but this fact will become clearer when we analyze the age of modern–design houses in the upcoming section. It also shows adoption pattern of the inhabitants of both the villages. The inhabitants of Sharmoli are looking for modern design and materials for constructing new houses while inhabitants of Darkot are diverting to modern design whenever they renovate their existing old structure.

Rooms in various types of houses -

The rooms in the house are generally divided among different members and heirs as the family grows. In case of Darkot Figure 5.9 shows the average number of rooms 61 (as mentioned by respondent with regard to his particular family) that each family has in old–design and modern–design houses. A person can use these rooms for any purpose from living, drawing to kitchen depending upon his choice. In case of Bhotias, each family has an average of at least 5 rooms in the old-design house and average of around 3 rooms in case of modern-design house. Average numbers of people 62 in each Bhotia family currently

61 The room is generally defined as the structure which is closed from three sides and has a door or open passage on the fourth side to enter or leave a room. Average number of rooms per family of a particular caste in various types of houses are calculated by dividing the total number of rooms in traditional or modern house by the number of families who have traditional or modern house (of that particular caste).

62 Average number of family member currently living in the house: Only those family members are taken into account who are living presently in the village and occupy the room s while migrant members are not considered. Average number of family members of a particular caste is calculated by adding total number of members of that particular caste and dividing by the number of families surveyed of that particular caste.

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living in their occupied rooms are around four which is surely very low as compared to the past when big families used to live together. With regard to various Bhotia clans, Pangti and Dharamsaktu have almost 6 rooms per family in the old style house while they only have two and a half to three rooms in case of modern construction. Each ‘other Bhotias’ family has minimum of four rooms in their old-design house and three in modern ones.

In case of scheduled castes, average number of rooms each family had in old-design house is two, while those who have modern structure occupy two and a half rooms at the most. They have the least number of rooms available to them per family amongst all the castes. Besides, they have to accommodate at least 5 family members (which is higher among all castes) in their occupied rooms. Thus, they have to accommodate more people in less space indicating their economic as well as social situation at the present.

With regard to various Thakur clans, Bhat and Karki have on an average of 4 rooms in old-design house and at most 5 rooms in modern structure. But the average number of family members living here, in case of Bhat (3.6) is less as compared to Karki (5), making them in slightly better position than the latter. The tenants have only one or one and a half room at their disposal and their number is around 2-3 members per family, but they have to survive in old-design houses which are not in very good condition or have been left by original owner just for the sake of his mark on his land property. Overall, Thakurs have 3 rooms per family in old–design houses while more than 4 rooms in modern design houses.

The reason for less number of modern rooms among Bhotias is because of their decreasing population and migration of young generation to other places. On the other hand, increasing modern–design rooms among Thakur is because of separation of new generation from their parents at a same place (Darkot village) and lack of migration among them. Majority of Thakurs (of present generation) are still living in Darkot. [Details about migration will be discussed in separate chapters ].

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Figure 5.9: Average number of rooms in old-design and modern–design houses among all castes in Darkot

Average number of rooms in various types of houses among all castes in Darkot 6 5 4 3 2 OLD DESIGN HOUSE 1 MODERN DESIGN HOUSE Average of no.rooms 0 BHOTIAS Scheduled Thakurs Castes Caste

*Based on survey of 62 families in Darkot

Figure 5.10: Average number of rooms in old-design and modern–design houses among all castes in Sharmoli

Average no. of room in various types of houses among all castes in Sharmoli 5 4 3 2 OLD DESIGN HOUSE 1 MODERN DESIGN HOUSE 0 Average of no.rooms BHOTIAS Scheduled Thakurs Castes Castes

*Based on survey of 111 families in Sharmoli

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In Sharmoli and in case of Bhotias, average number of rooms per family in old–design house is around 4.2 which is almost the same as in case of Thakurs (Fig. 5.10). With regard to modern–design house, Bhotias have around 4.2 rooms per family while Thakurs have 4.3 rooms per family. Thus, Bhotias and Thakurs have almost similar number of rooms per family with regard to both old-design and modern– design houses. But average number of person per family in case of Bhotias are 5.9 while in case of Thakurs there are 5.2 persons per family. Hence, Bhotia houses seem to be poorer than Thakur in terms of number of rooms per family member. There is one Nitwal family who has 14 rooms in their new house.

Scheduled castes, as in Darkot are again marginalised in terms of space. They have an average of 1.6 rooms per family in old–design house while 2.5 rooms in modern–design house. There is an average of 7 family members per family in case of shilpkars. Brahmins also have an average of 2 rooms in modern house but their population is around 5 people per family. There is one family of Mehta clan (Thakur) and one scheduled caste family who live in their separate shanty houses having an average of 2 rooms and almost 7 family members.

Thus, to conclude overall, in case of Sharmoli, Bhotias and Thakurs have almost an average of 4 rooms in their modern–design houses while Shilpkars have only two rooms, while Darkot also presents a similar case where scheduled castes are the most marginalized of all in terms of number of rooms. This also shows the economic capability of dominant castes in comparison of others. [Details about income and economic well being of each caste will be dealt with in the economy section ].

Age of various types of houses -

As already mentioned in previous sections, with regard to the age of the old–design houses, the unanimous response for a question about the age of old-design houses (when it is constructed) in Darkot is “more than 100 years” or “for last 4-5 generations”. The definition of time in terms of generations is common phenomenon in villages and it also emphasizes the relation and belonging of a person to particular land from time immemorial. Figure 5.11 shows the average number of years of emergence of modern-design house 63 in Darkot village (Only response of those respondents who manage to answer the question are recorded).

63 Average age of modern–design house : Average age of modern–design house (of a particular caste) is calculated by adding age, calculated from the year of construction, of all modern–design houses and divided by number of respondents who respond to question of age (of that particular caste)

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Figure 5.11: Average number of years of construction of modern–design house among various castes in Darkot

Average no. Of years of construction of modern - design house in Darkot 15 10 5 Average no. Of years of

No. of No.years 0 construction of modern - BHOTIAS Scheduled Thakurs design house Castes Caste

*Based on survey of 62 families done in DarkotA

Figure 5.12: Number of modern–design houses constructed under various average–age range (<10, 10-20, >20 years) among various castes in Darkot

No. of modern - design houses among various castes constructed in given range of years in Darkot 10

8

6 BHOTIAS 4 Scheduled Castes No. of No.houes 2 Thakurs 0 <10 years 10-20 years >20 years No. of years

*Based on survey of 62 families done in Darkot

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In case of Darkot, the average age of modern–design house in case of Bhotias is 12.8 years, while in terms of particular clans, Pangtis seem to be the first one to have a modern–design house among Bhotias as their average age of constructing modern–design house is 14 years and they also have maximum number of houses (3) which are more than 20 years old. Majority of the new construction have taken place in the last 20 years as shown in Fig. 5.12, while for ‘other Bhotias’ besides two modern houses of more than 20 years, bulk of construction has taken place in the last one decade.

The scheduled castes were the latest entry in constructing modern houses, as average age of their modern house is 10.6 years which is lower as compared to other castes. This might again show the late economic growth of Scheduled castes and also the late adoption of modern socio-cultural changes. Majority of modern houses of Shilpkars have come up in the last 10-15 years. In case of various Thakur clans, Karkis were the earliest group to construct modern–design house as they first started to live in modern houses about two decades ago. The average age of construction of present modern–design house among all Thakur respondents is around 12.2 years.

As per Thakur respondents, the major reason for constructing modern–design houses is the separation of family into different heirs and need of new place in the last 10 - 15 years. Many Bhotias besides providing the reason of increasing heirs also state that migrants (young generation) who live outside Darkot want to have modern facilities when they come to their native village and hence construct a modern house (or few modern–design rooms) while scheduled castes attribute lack of money and increasing family (and their responsibilities) for the delay in adopting modern houses. We can also say that the recent date of construction of modern–design houses for shilpkars is due to poverty, while the late date for some more advanced communities is due to no need of space because of increasing heirs (even if they migrate).

Thus to conclude, Darkot has two types of house, one being almost more than 100 years old while the modern one has come up in the last twenty odd years. Also, many people (esp. among Bhotias) have started renovating their old-design houses in the last 20-30 years and it is a process which is still going on. The Bhotias (esp. previous generation) feel pride in keeping and maintaining their old house and still use it optimally, while most of the Thakurs have moved exclusively to the new modern houses making them slowly and slowly detached from the past. Thus, one can conclude that the ‘notion of heritage (old– design structure)’ is mainly shared by Bhotias. Scheduled castes also feel construction of a modern house easy and better for future living than repairing the old one which demands a lot of labor and money for preservation (and proves costlier than constructing a new one). This is also the evidence that old-design structure belongs particularly to Bhotias and other castes do not show much endeavor in preserving the

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old design of house. But, as many new–generation Bhotias are also shifting to modern–design houses, it is difficult to say that there is a strong ‘notion of heritage’ among Bhotias.

The 1961 monograph makes a statement about the absence of roads in Darkot (in around 1960s) as one can only have access to it by bridle paths [Smarika, 2014]. It is (generally) only after 1980s that with the coming up of road and vehicles, cement and other materials arrive and first change in landscape in form of modern-design houses came into being. Thus, important change in landscape of Darkot is the emergence of modern house type and as it is generally said, ‘as rural societies progress, rural house begins to lose its folk character’ [Grover and Singh, 2004 ], this might be the beginning of socio-cultural change. As explained by Mehar Singh in one of his article [Grover and Singh, 2004 ], change in building materials is a result of economic change and change of architecture is a result of economic and socio- cultural change, both these changes seem to be evident in case of Darkot. Changing house structure of subordinate castes shows no more dependence on patron-client and feudal relationships of the past and more economic independence, while adoption of the same by the dominant class shows change in their social and cultural attitude. Thus in future, if this process is carried out at the same rate, more and more people will incline towards modern structure and Darkot may lose its folk character of houses. As population of Bhotias is on the decline, there is a fear of loss of imprint of characteristics of ethnicity on landscape.

To conclude, more than 80% of the modern-design houses (across all castes) of Darkot have come up in the last two decades. People of all castes and economic incomes have constructed modern–design houses (even one–two rooms) while a few well–off inhabitants (esp. retired pensioners or those whose children are in jobs) generally have more rooms and more facilities (e.g. of modern equipments like fridge, etc.) at their disposal. One Martolia family constructed a modern–design house after getting land from their maternal side about 15 years ago, while one Tolia family constructed the modern–design house after getting land (from relatives) in the last 3 years. One Rawat family claims to have purchased 8 nali of land and an old–design house from Pangti about 15 years back and renovated it (by keeping the old–design) . Majority of scheduled castes construct a modern–design house after demolishing the old one (usually old shanty houses) while two families claim to have purchased land from other scheduled caste landlord in the village around 15 years back. Thakurs claim to have been original inhabitants of Darkot while only one Karki family claims to have bought additional land from Pangti for construction of a shop in around year 2000. Thus, there are very few immigrants in the village of Darkot.

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Figure 5.13: Average number of years of construction of modern–design house among various castes in Sharmoli

Average no. Of years of construction of modern - design house in Sharmoli 20 15 10 5 Average no. Of years of No. of No.years construction of modern - 0 design house BHOTIAS Thakurs Scheduled Brahmin castes Caste

*Based on survey of 111 families done in Sharmoli

Figure 5.14: No. of modern–design houses constructed under various average – age range (<10, 10- 20, >20 years) among various castes in Sharmoli

No. of modern design houses constructed by various castes in given range of years in Sharmoli 25

20

15

10 <10 years

No. of No.houses 5 10-20 years >20 years 0 BHOTIAS Thakurs Scheduled Brahmin castes Castes

*Based on survey of 111 families done in Sharmoli

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Figure 5.13 presents the data about the average years of construction of modern type structure in Sharmoli. The average age of modern-design house among Bhotias is around 16 years while with regard to other castes it is 10.2 years for Thakurs, 12.3 years for shilpkars and 7.7 years for Brahmin families respectively. (Only the response of those respondents who managed to answer the question is recorded).

Here, in this part, we will like to discuss the Sharmoli and Shankhdhura hamlets separately to make the situation look clearer and comprehensive. With regard to hamlets, the average age of modern–design houses among Bhotias and Thakurs in Shankhdhura hamlet (30 families) is 12.3 years and 7.8 years respectively while in case of Sharmoli hamlet (81 families) it is almost 20 years (Bhotias) and 13 years (Thakurs) for the two castes (there is no SC and Brahmin in Shankhdhura hamlet). This might show that Shankhdhura hamlet is further extension of Sharmoli hamlet in a direction farther from the core and there is a chance that after Sharmoli hamlet is filled with construction activities, the inhabitants started to move farther right towards Shankhdhura hamlet. There is another possibility that earlier there are very few houses in Shankhdhura hamlet and later on with increasing population of Sharmoli hamlet, many have started to look towards Shankhdhura hamlet as a new residing hub. There are some families who claim to have old houses and structures built around 35-40 years back that have been demolished or renovated into the modern ones. Thus, the second scenario seems to be more appropriate. To further strengthen this argument, ten Bhotia families out of twelve were supposed to have had land for the last many decades and have been living in Shankhdhura hamlet for at least 40 years. Similarly, thirteen Thakur families call themselves original inhabitants of the Shankhdhura hamlet. Only five Thakur families claim to have come from outside the village and settled here in the last one decade. In Sharmoli hamlet (81 families) majority of modern-design houses of Bhotias have been present for more than two decades. Similarly, among Thakurs and SCs a large number of their present modern–design houses came up in the last 10-20 years. Brahmins were the latest to adopt new design as their structures are just 7.7 years old. Here also, as many as 40 Bhotia families (out of 57) belonged originally to Sharmoli hamlet while 16 families are supposed to have either purchased land or got it from their maternal side. Those Bhotias (17 families) who have old–design structure, the average age of their new construction (or modification from the old one) is 32.2 years in which six houses are either 30 or less years old while the remaining majority of eleven houses are beyond 30 years. In case of Thakurs, only five families (out of 12) originally belonged to Sharmoli hamlet while the remaining seven have either purchased land or got it from maternal side. Although average age of SCs modern–design houses is 12.3 years, yet all of them have claimed to have been settled in village from time immemorial. Earlier, they had shanty houses which have been converted to one–two room modern houses. In case of Brahmins, only two families are old inhabitants while the remaining two have come to settle in the last 5–7 years. Thus, there are fair numbers of families who have immigrated to

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Sharmoli (including both hamlets) in the last few decades. Almost everyone is from nearby villages or from upper Johar who came to settle for education of their child or to find new opportunities in the emerging ‘town’ of Munsiyari. Besides, there are two–three families of outsiders (from outside the state) who came to settle in Sharmoli in around last 25–30 years.

Majority of modern–design houses i.e. 65% have come up in Sharmoli (including both the hamlets) in the last two decades but people have been present mostly from the last 40 years or more, but not like Darkot where each inhabitant has had almost 5 generations living there before him. In terms of generations, Sharmoli is only two generations old. As per respondents, their first construction of house comes around 1965-1970 mostly at the time of land reforms and stopping of trade. Even those who have old-design houses, they claim to have constructed it around last 40–45 years. Thus, while Darkot is a village established before stopping of trade and land reforms, Sharmoli only came into existence after the period of 1965. That is why we can see more modern–design houses (even they are 30–40 years old). In my opinion (on analyzing survey) only 20-25 Bhotias families and 7-10 Thakur families along with 1-2 families of SCs were first to settle around mid-1960s in Sharmoli gram sabha. Later on with establishment of many offices and market and coming up of road till Munsiyari, many who have land here came to settle around 1980’s from nearby villages. Later in 1990s onwards many people purchased land or got from their relatives and the process of settlement continues till today.

To conclude, if we look at table 5.2, the old–design houses in Darkot are around a century old, while in case of Sharmoli they are almost 50 years old. Thus, the old design is supposed to be popular even after the stopping of trade. This means, many Bhotias constructed their first houses in old design in Sharmoli in around 1960s. This might be an indication that Bhotias, inspite losing trade, economy and land wanted to maintain their status quo by means of their cultural imprint (in our case, old–design houses) on the landscape. On the other hand, modern-design houses have become popular only in last one–two decade in both the villages after the availability of road, modern materials and labour (which is provided by unemployed and low educated population of Johar and later on by outsiders particularly from Nepal).

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Table 5.2: Average age of old–design and modern–design houses in village of Darkot and Sharmoli (across all castes)

VILLAGE Average number of years for construction of Old – design houses Modern – design houses Darkot >100 years 11.5 years Sharmoli 45- 45 years 11.5 years *Based on survey of 62 families in Darkot and 111 families in Sharmoli

Other important features of houses -

Use of Space inside house : Room is the first important feature of the interior of house. As it has already been explained in detail in the previous section, I will only touch upon the very use of it in today’s time. Bhotia continue to use the old-design house in the same way as in the past. The ground floor is used for kitchen and handicrafts while the floor above is used for living purposes. Sometimes the handloom is placed adjacent to an old house in a shed covered with tin or cement roof. In certain cases, those who have combination of both old and new design, mostly old people and young bachelors live in old-design houses while couple families live in the modern house. Those who only have one–two newly constructed modern style rooms, they use it for drawing cum guests’ room and sometimes as a modern kitchen. The other castes, who used to keep cattle on the ground floor while kitchen and living were on the first floor, have changed their use of space to Bhotias’ style as well. They also have kitchen as well as living (in certain cases) at the ground floor while the first floor is exclusively kept as a living room. Those who have cattle, they keep it in a separate shed or sometimes in a right side room of the ground floor (if the herds of cattle are few). The rear rooms are still used for storage (food, handloom stuff etc.) while in most old-design houses the two rooms on right side of top floor are merged into one to form a bigger living and drawing room.

Thus, the very first change of space inside the house is in welcoming guests. Earlier they were welcomed on the first floor through ‘kholi ’ but now mostly in a modern style room across all castes. Bhotias’ use of space is almost the same as in the past, while others have shifted their kitchen from top to bottom as the number of cattle has decreased with people. The inside of a house is mostly a private/ family space, except guest room and kitchen where people from outside are allowed to sit and eat food, based on caste consciousness. Higher caste people generally do not go inside the SCs’ house nor eat or drink anything

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from them, while in a similar way SCs do not enter houses of upper caste people. In my opinion, the old- design houses across all castes are gender neutral (in current times) as there is no such specific room where women can’t enter [except in the house temple (where god is kept inside house) where they are not supposed to enter during menstruation period].

Kitchen : Kitchen is generally of two types and occupies two different spaces. One is inside the house where cooking is done and food items are kept (mostly ion the ground floor of old-design houses and sometime in a modern room) while the other is outside (in the courtyard) in a shed made of thatch roof or wood meant for making cattle food and for warming large containers of water for bathing, washing clothes etc. This division of kitchen is a phenomenon of modern era. Mostly LPG (Liquefied petroleum gas) in cylinders is used inside house kitchen while wood is used for the outside one. Earlier when wood is used in both the kitchens, it is supposed that carbon (black sticky layer deposited on the wood) which is deposited from the ash and smoke of wooden ‘chullah’ make the wood of house strong and prevent it from decaying. But, as with coming of LPG (smoke free) and with improved cooking conditions (as working in smoke is a health hazard for women), and need to keep house beautiful and smoke free, the kitchen which uses wood is separated out from the main one (in majority of houses) and the LPG occupies the position of primary cooking fuel inside the house. Still, there are families who prefer wood in both inside (to cook personal food) and outside (to cook cattle’s food) kitchen as LPG is costly or they don’t have ‘ration card 64 ’ to buy LPG cylinders.

Toilet/ Bathroom : The toilet/ bathroom is the only room which is marked by exclusion and is present outside the main house building at a certain distance from it. Even most of the modern houses do not have attached bathroom and toilet. There is separation between toilet and bathroom as they are not same as in most urban houses in India. The toilet has the sole purpose of attending to nature’s call while bathroom serves the twin purpose of bathing and washing clothes. As per respondents, toilet and bathroom came into existence only in 1980’s with the coming of modern materials and tap pipeline. Earlier people use to go to the river or fields for defecation. The toilet is marked by simple three sided wall structure (usually made of bricks or sometime only tin) with door in the front usually made of tin/ aluminium along with tin roof. No house has as such modern toilets with tiles, geysers; hot/cold water taps etc. All houses are marked by Indian style toilet with hardly any facility of auto-flush. There is only a tap along with mug as an accessory present in the toilet. In a similar way, bathroom is only marked by presence of tap, bucket and soap. The walls and ground of the bathroom is sometimes cemented from inside. The wash-basin for

64 A card issued by Panchayat (in case of a village) that contains record of all family members and their economic status (i.e. below poverty or above poverty) and provides food items at subsidized rates. It is an important document to avail various kinds of services esp. LPG gas cylinder.

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hand wash and for brushing teeth is located outside on the wall between toilet and bathroom or sometime at a separate location. Thus, presence of toilet and its structure only shows the requirement (as many Govt. schemes are forcing people to build it for stopping open defecation) rather than need of the present. One can still find a lot of people (both male and female) taking bath in the open in their courtyard or at natural water stream. As per my survey only three families out of 62 in Darkot did not have toilets, and two are from Scheduled castes and one is from Bhotias. They are still going out in the open or have built a pit behind their house for toilet purposes. There are ten families in Sharmoli (out of 111 families) who did not construct any toilet/ bathroom. Five Thakur families, three scheduled castes families and two Bhotia families are without washroom in their houses. Among them, very few have new constructions while others have old-design houses and give financial reasons for non-construction of toilets, as living rooms and kitchen are their first construction priority in case they build modern–design houses. Sharmoli also has modern bathrooms (western class) esp. in various home stays, as they cater to foreign tourists.

Furniture and assets: As per the 1961 monograph with regard to Darkot, “no modern furniture is used in this village but those who can afford use mats and carpets. There are only two–three houses in the whole of village who have got one or two cots” [Smarika, 2014 ]. Along with that various utensils of iron, copper and wood are used for cooking, eating and storing purposes, e.g. thali, parat, tawa etc. While some of the older utensils are still in use in many houses most of them have been replaced by modern ones. The conspicuous change is with regard to furniture. Now, every household has at least one cot, chair and mats for sitting and television as basic possessions irrespective of caste and earnings. Many can afford table, guest’s chair, sofas and a few wall hanging scenery paintings to enhance the beauty of their drawing rooms. Sill fans, washing machine, fridge and other luxury items are almost absent in majority of houses in Darkot but people have all basic furniture. The case of basic furniture (cots, utensils etc.) is the same for Sharmoli; besides there are many families who own fridge, washing machine, water filter etc. (esp. retired pensioners and home stays owners) and also have cars and motorbikes which are almost absent in case of Darkot. Thus, Sharmoli seems to be more equipped in terms of modern equipments than Darkot which may be attributed to financial means or urbanization of culture, esp. among the local elite (who are financially better-off than others).

Courtyard : Courtyard is one of the important features of all houses in Darkot and Sharmoli and is mostly located in the front side of house and is a product of age old culture, as courtyard is a compensation for lack of ventilation and sunlight (because of small height of rooms) in the old-design houses of the region. It is generally rectangular in shape of varied sizes covered with grass or soil having small pebbles. Many houses esp. modern–design houses also have cemented courtyard (though small in comparison to old- design houses). The bathroom and toilet are situated at one end of the courtyard while the other end might

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have an open wood-based (fuel) kitchen or a way to other’s house. The boundary of courtyard is marked by a small pavement or wall (having height less than one foot) made up of bricks / stones and cement, and is used for sitting purposes in the sun, esp. by women. It is the most important social space in the house. Every conversation and meeting of neighbors and outsiders, irrespective of gender takes place here. One can always find a person sitting in the courtyard, e.g. young or old woman doing knitting or an old man sitting alone in the chair.

Boundary : The boundary marks the territoriality of a house. The walled boundary as such is not present that encompass the whole house and its area, but the boundaries of a house often coincide with boundary of courtyard from one side or in some cases by fields, while the back of the house generally marks the beginning of territoriality. The entrance gate is almost absent, while in case of those who have it, it is made up of stone walls a few meters high with wooden blocks placed on it as a substitute for gate. Besides that, the boundary also provides (imaginary) separation of private space from the social space marked by caste, as people of lower caste could not enter the houses belonging to high caste inhabitants.

BRO (Border Roads Organisation) also plays a significant role in determining the landscape of Sharmoli and Darkot, esp. those houses which are situated near the road. As main road that passes through the middle of a village (in case of Sharmoli) or circumscribes the village (as in case of Darkot) is getting broader, many houses along the roads have to be removed or break down from their location. Many people have lost their houses or rooms in this process, but they are compensated for the same. Though there is no family in Darkot (yet) who lost their house to BRO but there are five–six families in Sharmoli who have lost their property and mostly have constructed new rooms at the same place (by moving behind the actual location or in land available to them at the same place) while very few have purchased new land (in Sharmoli) to construct another house. All the new houses under construction after dismantling by BRO have modern–design structure.

5.1.5 Conclusion -

The landscapes of both the villages have characteristics that are similar to each other, and are different as well in certain features. The landscape described in our chapter is predominantly based on ‘capacity to see’ on the side of ‘reader’ (i.e. interpreter (me)) by means of analysing information provided by creator/ writer of landscape (i.e. respondents of both the villages). It may be possible that I have interpreted views and opinions on landscape (i.e. village) that is totally different from ‘how the inhabitants (of Darkot and Sharmoli) look at their landscape’. At the end of the section related to houses and after analyzing the

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details, one can conclude that both Darkot and Sharmoli at present can be considered as Bhotia villages, esp. in terms of numbers of inhabitants of particular castes, as Bhotias are more in number in comparison with others. Both villages have cultural imprint of the dominant caste (Bhotias) on physical landscape by means of their old-design houses that particularly belong to Bhotia caste and culture. But, with advent of modern means and materials in the last two decades, this culture imprint (i.e. old-design houses) is diminishing and is being replaced by new houses which represent characteristics of urbanisation and cultural change. The process is more rapid in Sharmoli than in Darkot. Though it seems that the landscape of both the villages will change in future, esp. with regard to type of houses and there is a very good chance that Bhotias may lose their imprint on the landscape and hence their dominance with the culturalization (modernization / westernization) of space.

ADDITIONAL PHOTOGRAPHS

Photo 5.4: Clockwise (from top left) – Old-design house rooms used as religious room, store room (food items and others), drawing room and living room on first floor

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Photo 5.5: Clockwise (from top left) - Ground floor in old-design house used as store for keeping wood or handloom, kitchen; bathroom outside the house

Photo 5.6: Modern–design room (cement) used as guest room with modern furniture

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Photo 5.7: Dismantled houses in Sharmoli for road-broadening purposes

Photo 5.8: Newly constructed modern-design house in Sharmoli (after earlier one was destroyed by road widening process)

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5.2 ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC / SOCIAL SPACES - TEMPLES AND COMMUNITY GROUND

In the last section, we analysed the housing pattern of the two villages, i.e. private space, but in this section, we will deal with the public but restricted spaces of the villages such as Temples and community ground which are determined by caste and religion, while home-stays will be dealt in a later chapter of the thesis.

The religious faiths of Joharis are always a contested issue as different scholars provide different views about the Bhotias. In the opinion of a few (e.g. Sherring) Bhotias might have had Buddhist influence in the past because of their closeness with Tibet. The other valleys of the region such as Darma valley have Bhotias who are Buddhists and their social and cultural life is different from the Johari Bhotias. The religion of Johari Bhotias has undergone various changes as per the change in era, ruler and the socio- economic situation. The coming of Dham Singh and the influence of trade played an important role in determining the present religious situation of Johar. There might have been influence of Buddhism in the Johar in the early periods (Panjwari era) but the Shauka being considered as Buddhists is an abstruse subject. In the opinion of Dr.Tolia, the ancient Joharis consider Tibetan Lamas as their priests and used to call them to their homes during religious functions. As per Dr. S.S. Pangti, there might be an influence of Tibetan culture on Panjwaris who were rehabilitated by Sakya Lama and there is likelihood that a few Tibetan people got assimilated into Panjwaris as well. Till 17 th century, there were people in Johar whose names were of Tibetan origin, while many stones and name of houses have Tibetan mantras engraved on them. In the view of Sherring, a British Commissioner, Bhotias left Tibet in around 650 A.D., thus, linking the origin of Bhotias from Tibet (Bod) and hence, Buddhism.

With the advent of Dham Singh and neo-Joharis in Johar and with the decline of Panjwari clout, Hinduism esp. Brahmanism (influence of high caste Hindus) began to mark its presence in the Johar. The neo–Joharis, i.e. migrant Hindu Rajputs brought with themselves the new culture and religious beliefs with the introduction of Brahmins and scheduled castes. In my opinion, the Joharis were never deeply Hinduised in the trade era as they had a close contact with their Tibetan counterparts and used to ‘dine and wine’ with them. But, the process of Hinduisation became prominent after the stoppage of trade, when contact with Tibetan mitras was lost and nearness with the Hindus of Kumaon and Garhwal increased. This is also a general process in India known as ‘Sanskritization’ (and Hinduization) of many communities. The Brahmins also played an important role in introducing the new culture as many festivals (core Hindu festivals like Ashtami, Durgapooja etc.) and social customs (e.g. wearing sacred thread) were introduced by them among Bhotias and others. Later on, when the British rule was established in India, many English organisations tried to spread the influence of Christianity by opening

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schools, churches and by means of social services. A few people in Johar, e.g. Padre Uttam Singh, adopted Christianity and brought about many educational reforms in the society. Similarly, Babu Ram Singh and a few others got inspired by the Arya Samaj 65 and tried to bring a end to some social evils such as caste system while promoting nationalism by means of swadeshi goods (local made products). Bhotias’ religious beliefs also have some imprint of tribal culture. In the words of Dr. S.S. Pangti: “Shaukas of Johar were worshippers of nature from the past ”. They used to worship local gods such as Hardeol (for protection of animals), Dhurma (for protection from snow), Thatyal (for agricultural produce) etc. while sacrificing animal was a common practice. Even in present times, though Bhotias consider themselves Hindu and worship Hindu gods and celebrate their festivals, e.g. Dusshera, Diwali etc., the influence of local gods and their commemoration has not decreased. Various clans among Bhotias have their separate local gods, e.g. Nikhurpas have Hardeol (mountain peak) while Tolias have Raga (a kind of tree) as their chief diety. Thus, there is no doubt, Bhotias have religious beliefs which are admixture of Hinduism and animism (which is a common trend in the Himalayas among all communities) while the influence of Buddhism and other religions has vanished with time. At present time, when many Joharis are migrating to towns and cities for education and jobs, it may be a possibility in future that influence of Hinduism may even increase (as they come in contact with Hindus of plains of India) or religion may lose its importance or be strongly reshaped (as in contact with modern/ western ideology of cities). But as long as one is staying in the villages of Johar, inhabitants are dealing with the duality of preserving their local culture / beliefs as well as adopting modern Hindu faiths.

Let us have some brief understanding of the contemporary religious spaces of the Darkot and Sharmoli villages. We will start with the tangible element that gesticulates about the religiosity of space, i.e. temples. Both the villages have temples situated within the boundaries of the respective villages and as these temples belong to Hindu gods/ goddesses, there is a clear indication of the dominant religion in both the villages. During my survey, I have not found presence of any other religion’s edifice, i.e. church, mosques, Buddhist temples etc. As mentioned earlier in the previous chapter, the temple in Darkot plays an important part in the physical and social space of the village and its life while in case of Sharmoli, there is no such particular established shrine

The temple in Darkot is an important physical structure situated near the main entrance of the village and is the first and foremost building in the village. It plays an important part in the life of people of all castes as all the religious, social, cultural and political interactions and commemoration take place here. In my opinion, this is the only temple in the village and hosts gods/ goddesses of all castes (Bhotias, Thakurs

65 Hindu Reform Movement that promotes values and practices based on the belief in the infallible authority of Vedas. They believe in one God and reject worshipping of idols. It was founded in 1875.

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and Scheduled castes) at one particular place; besides, inhabitants have their gods in the small temple constructed with in the house. Thus, it appears to provide an image of ‘religious harmony’ and ‘social equality’ (esp. absence of caste discrimination) within the village. Among my informants, people of all castes, esp. Bhotias, feel pride in the existence and construction of the temple and in their opinion, there is no such structure anywhere else in Johar that depicts qualities of ‘mutual co-existence’ (among lower and upper castes). Let us understand some physical and social aspects of the temple that depicts the religious and cultural values of the people of Darkot village.

Photo 5.9: Temple at the village Darkot

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The temple is dedicated to the Goddess Bhagwati. Though the temple has existed for many decades the newly constructed building came into existence in the year 2014. Earlier, there was a small temple with the idol of the goddess. The story behind the temple is that a newly married woman came from the village Niti to Darkot along with the stone wrapped in a piece of cloth which was the symbol of her deity. She left the stone in the path thinking that her husband’s family will laugh at her for bringing a piece of masonry. Later that night, the woman got a dream wherein the goddess appeared and said to her ‘that she had left her (the goddess) alone ’. The woman told about her dream to the husband and later when they reached that particular place (where she had left the stone), the stone had turned into an idol of the goddess. Hence, the temple was created at that place.

The new construction has special type of granite which was brought from outside the state (esp. Rajasthan) and the total cost of construction was beyond Rs. 1 crore, i.e. 10 million Rupees. The whole cost was borne by the villagers of Darkot and the contribution of ‘outsiders’, i.e. who once belonged to Darkot but had migrated and were working outside the village in various high–paid jobs, is huge. Also, the contributions of Bhotias is mani-fold than the other caste people. As per records of temple donation published in the form of a book, 90% of the donations came from Bhotias while other castes contributed the rest (mainly because of their small number). The bringing of stone from Rajasthan might show the intentions of Bhotias to establish and confirm the idea of their cultural connection with the Rajputs of Rajasthan, i.e. descendants of Dham Singh Rawat. The large contributions from the migrants, esp. Bhotias, show their desire for the establishment and continuity of control and dominance over the space by means of establishing and strengthening the religiosity of space. As most of the outsider migrants who contributed financially for the construction of the temple are highly educated, this shows that religion has not been weakened by the high educational status or by living in the town and cities. In fact, they play an important role in strengthening the religious beliefs by means of preserving culture.

The temples of all the castes, i.e. high caste (Bhotias) and lower castes (SCs) are constructed adjacent to each other as seen in Picture 5.9. The rightmost temples belongs to the high caste while the left one (i.e. first from left) belongs to the lower caste. The new gates are constructed (see Picture 5.10) in the ‘pagoda style ’ architecture depicting the element of Himalayan culture in the structure.

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Photo 5.10 A and B: Temple gates of Darkot

A

B

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The first glance at the photos of the temple (Photo 5.9) gives a preliminary assumption of ‘social equality’ but a close look into the structure will provide an accurate narrative of the socio-religious aspects of the society. The height of the temple belonging to the high–caste Bhotias is more as in comparison to the temple of lower caste people. The height of the temple is an evidence of the prevailing hierarchical structure in the village society of Darkot and symbolises the Indian caste structure. The other stark difference between the two temples is the presence of small statues of lion in front of high caste–temple (Photo 5.11), which is also considered as a ‘ vahan ’ (carrier / vehicle) of the goddess while there is no such figure in front of the scheduled castes temple.

Photo 5.11: High caste temple (top) and low caste temple (below) in Darkot

Similarly, the high caste temple has idol of the lion at the top of temple while there is a face of a human on the top of scheduled caste temple. Lion is generally associated with the goddess but also depicts power

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(clout of the goddess) as it personifies the power of dominant caste (Bhotias) as well. On the other hand the face of a human may represent the ‘servant’ as in the opinion of the villagers ‘the god of lower caste is considered to be subordinate of the goddess’. Besides this, there is a flag on the top of temple whose ‘colour’ also represents the difference between high and lower caste. The temples of high caste people have saffron or yellow flags which also connote symbols of Hinduism and purity, while the scheduled caste temple has a black–coloured flag. The difference can also be seen in the colour of the idol of the goddess and the god of the two castes (Photo 5.12). Besides this analysis, the priests of the two temples are different as can be seen in Photo 5.13. The priest of Bhotia temple (who is from Bhotia community) does not serve in the SC temple while the same is applied for the SC priest (who is from the SC community) as he cannot enter the temple of the goddess.

Photo 5.12: Goddess of high caste temple (left) and the god of low caste temple (right)

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Photo 5.13: Priest of SC temple (left) and of High caste temple (right)

Thus, to conclude, though the temple, in the opinion of the habitants of Darkot (esp. Bhotias and a few scheduled castes as well) represents the place of equality and casteless space, actually its physical structure represents the social inequality along with discrimination. There is a clear segregation of space for both the communities within a designated religious place as there is a restriction for SC from entering a high-caste religious space, and a prohibition for high–caste (as per Hindu social customs and caste consciousness) from entering the region occupied by shilpkars . In my opinion, high caste people (Bhotias) tries to maintain their dominance firstly by constructing a new temple and secondly, by creating an illusion of equality among subordinate castes by allowing them to have a small portion within their vital social space. But, at the same time they maintain a conspicuous distinctness in order to separate their religious space from the others’.

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Photo 5.14: Chalo-Devi Temple in Sharmoli

Photo 5.15: Ulka-Devi temple in Sharmoli

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Photo 5.16: Scheduled caste temple in Sharmoli

Photo 5.17: Raga temple in Sharmoli

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In case of Sharmoli, there are four temples, three of which belong to the Bhotias and other high-caste people. The temples are constructed with the modern construction material (like modern-design houses) such as bricks, cement, and the walls are painted (usually in yellow or saffron colour). There is no lavish construction and design (use of high quality granite, pagoda -style design) of the temples as in case of Darkot, which shows the less inclination of the inhabitants of Sharmoli to a particular religious site. In my survey, none of the villagers associate themselves with the temple (when asked about the physical structure of the village that holds significance for them) as opposite to Darkot where Bhotias feel pride in the temple. Interestingly, the scheduled caste temple has grown in stature, both physically and socially, in the last two years. Earlier (till the survey of 2016), the SC temple was operated in a small room within a house, but a separate temple was constructed in 2017 adjacent to the room, thus separating the religious space from the private one. The reason for the growing stature of the SC temple is the spiritual and mystic power of the priest (belonging to SC category) to communicate with the god ( everywhere in the Himalayas esp. in villages, there is a belief that god speaks to the villagers through the medium of the priest and people can ask their queries directly to the god ). Many people from Sharmoli and outside the village (of all castes) come to visit the temple (usually on Thursday of every week). Thus, religious spaces sometime also help in curtailing the caste-consciousness / hierarchical (caste-based) system of the society as people of all castes visit the temple for finding a solution of their dubiety. The faith in the god (i.e. in the priest that he would provide a right answer) and the desire to find answers to their problems (social, economic etc.) can also make people free of their purity-pollution rule. A few inhabitants of the Sharmoli are suspicious and do not believe in such practices while in the opinion of a few others ‘ many people are benefitted by the predictions of the priest (from within and out of the village) ’. The temple in Darkot is the epicentre of all kinds of social and cultural activities while there is no such state of affairs in Sharmoli. It might suggest that residents of Sharmoli, who are situated near to the core Munsiyari, may not have much endearment for ‘religion’. But, the reason may be different, as ‘inhabited Sharmoli’ came into existence in the last four–five decades with people of all castes and clans and hence there is no presence of any old temple (which has a centuries old history). In India most of religion is practised inside homes and the emerging importance of the SC temple is the evidence that the faith in religion is equally important for the villagers of Sharmoli (but with a little secularization).

The other important structure that establishes caste-consciousness in Darkot is the community ground. It has a ground covered with grass while the stage is located in the centre. The ground also has sitting arrangement in the form of stairs running parallel to each other (Photo 5.18 B). During an event, extra plastic chairs are placed (on the ground) so the people can sit easily and enjoy the functions and plays, while food is cooked and served alongside the stage.

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Photo 5.18 A and B: Community ground and its gate in Darkot

A

B

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Photo 5.19: Painting drawn on the wall of stage in community ground in Darkot

The presence of an entrance gate to the community ground marks its importance in the life of the community of Darkot (like that of the temple or the main entry gate of the village that separates the public, private, restricted and non-restricted spaces). The painting (Photo 5.19) drawn on the wall of the stage depicts a scene of Ramayana (Hindu scripture). The picture of jungle (forest) with animals shows the period of vanvas (exile in forest) of Lord Ram and Goddess Sita. Thus, this ground is particularly related to the festivals of Dusshera and Diwali (associated with Lord Rama) and strengthened the Hindu beliefs of Bhotias (esp. high-caste) along with establishing their close proximity with the Hindu religion in the old Bhotia village. Bhotias in Darkot have really tried hard to establish their identity as Hindus by means of modifying physical spaces (esp. public spaces) as per their requirement and need. This site also presents the location of discrimination, as scheduled castes are sidelined and pushed to the periphery within the space of the community ground. During the time of Ramlila (play depicting the story of Ramayana), only Bhotias play the leading roles of Lord Ram, Sita and other important characters (e.g.

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Lord Hanuman) while scheduled castes do not participate (or very few among them for minor roles) in the event. The scheduled castes provide their service by cleaning the ground and washing plates, utensils (for the feast) etc. during a function. In the opinion of shilpkars , they used to sit on the stairs while Bhotias used to sit on chairs near the stage during functions or plays, thus creating a horizontal hierarchy (with regard to distance from the stage / better view) that depicts the social status.

Besides temples and community grounds, there are other public spaces which are less categorized by the caste-based inequalities and unfairness. The caste-based segregation of space is visible in those places which are under the control of the community (dominated by high-castes) and managed by the rules and regulations of religion. On the other hand, there are schools, public distribution shops, panchayat ghar (village council) where the role of caste is weak and which are governed by state-based authorities. But, in the opinion of the villagers, these are also the spaces where one can easily find the concept of caste. Most of the students (more than 70% in opinion of the villagers of Darkot) in the government school in Darkot belong to scheduled castes category while high-caste Bhotias and Thakurs send their children to private and missionary schools near Darkot. The public distribution system also has different types of cards whereby the poor (usually shilpkars and a few Bhotia families) can easily be separated from the non-poor (usually high-caste). Thus, it is impossible to think of villages of India without mentioning the caste as it is rightly said: ‘India is caste, caste is India’. Many physical spaces and their elements such as buildings, houses, grounds, gates, streets, water streams etc. show the ingredient of caste and culture (in whatever quantity) in their construction. There are still some places like home-stays, hotels etc. which are less caste-rigid and will be analysed in detail in later chapters. On the other hand, Sharmoli has a community ground adjacent to the Mesar Kund which is known more for the cultural activities rather than religious functions and does not have any established structure (like a stage). Further comparison of the cultural values of the inhabitants of both the villages as shown by the public and religious spaces of Darkot and Sharmoli is provided below.

Photo 5.20 provides images of a religious function, i.e. Bhagwat katha (story of lord Krishna and Arjuna) in the village of Darkot. The function was organised in April 2016 to mark the completion of a newly constructed temple. The speaker (sitting on a stage) had been brought from the plains of Uttarakhand for this special occasion while people of all castes and predominantly outsider Bhotias (who live in other cities/ towns) attended the function. Strict religious procedures are followed in the function as one can see in photos that there is separate sitting arrangement for women ( mahila ) and men (purush ) The heads of women are covered with the dupatta (a kind of scarf) while men wear white colored topi (cap). One can find a separation in the sitting space as it is occupied mainly by Bhotias and a few Thakurs while very few of shilpkars are either sitting at the back within the shamiyana (tent) or are sitting outside of it. After the

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function, a feast is organised in the community ground where people of all castes have food (served by high caste people) but they sit at different places. Thus, there is a clear indication of caste segregation in Darkot village. Thus, Darkot is clearly a village having all important functions and occasions persuaded by the religious beliefs.

Photos 5.20: Bhagwat Katha (A kind of Religious function) in Darkot

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On the other hand, the main function organised in Sharmoli is shown in Photos 5.21. The function is organised in the ground of Mesar Kund area situated at the top of the village. The function is based on the theme of environment, flora, fauna, women collectives, handicrafts etc. Posters and exhibitions related to protection of environment, e.g. saving trees from fires, knowledge of various types of animals and birds, booklets depicting forest rules along with stories of functioning of home stays and women collectives can be seen everywhere around the organising ground. The ‘Mati sangathan’ organises the function with the help of villagers (esp. those who belong to Sharmoli) while everyone from any village, town, city or country can enjoy and take part in the social affair. Thus cultural space of Sharmoli is more open than the Darkot (where predominantly inhabitants of Darkot take part in the religious festivals while very few from outside of the village are present). The function of Sharmoli also begins by performing pooja (worshipping) at Mesar kund, thus providing a religious character to the gathering. But religious character of the festival is overcome by the other activities which super abound the main events of the function. Various happenings in the form of marathon race, dance competition, essay writings and games like ‘tug of war’ etc. take place, which is followed by the prize distribution. The caste consciousness in the event is least visible as everyone from any caste is mixing freely and enjoying the event, which is absent in case of Darkot. The reasons for this may be many but in my opinion, the secular character of the organising authority, i.e. Ms. Mallika (she herself is an outsider), head of Mati sangathan , and her social and economic dominance automatically (will be discussed in later chapters) force the villagers to unite in a friendly way. At the end of an event a feast is organised. Thus, space of Sharmoli seems to be more secular and open than Darkot.

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Photos 5.21: Photos of cultural festival of Sharmoli

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After analysing the two different cultural events in the villages of Sharmoli and Darkot, one can say that inhabitants of Sharmoli seem to be more secular than the villagers of Darkot. But one cannot correlate the secular character of the village with the values of an individual esp. in case of religion (there is no main temple in Sharmoli, but religion plays an important role inside the house). The faith in religion and local customs are equally important for the villagers of Sharmoli along with other Hindu sacraments and rites. Photo 5.22 provides an example of the importance of religion in Sharmoli as a person is seen taking treatment for a disease from an ‘ ojha ’ (sorcerer).

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Photos 5.22: Inhabitant seeking help of a local sorcerer for a medical treatment in Sharmoli

In the end, we can deduce that though religion plays an important part in the life of inhabitants of Darkot and Sharmoli, yet it is more visible and strong in public and social life of Darkot while Sharmoli seems to be a little liberal and secular (at least in the social/public spaces). Thus, Sharmoli which is near to the core is exhibiting modern cultural traits with regard to its public spaces by organising contemporary festivals and by participation of everyone from locals to foreigners. The argument is further strengthened by the presence of home stays (where everyone is welcome) in Sharmoli village (will be analysed later). Besides that, choice of modern-design houses over the old-design house by people (may be because of economic reason) and use of new materials, tools, etc. shows the change in behaviour of people to imitate town-like life, at least in design and shape of house, and it is prevalent among many families in Sharmoli (marked by more in-migration). Hence, we can say that with regard to distance from the core, Sharmoli, which is near, is more modern in cultural values (at least in the public domain) and prove the truthness of our hypothesis.

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CHAPTER 6

LAND, AGRICULTURE AND ANIMAL HUSBANDRY – CHANGING VALUES AND USES

‘Land’ is not only the foremost component of space (physical) and a symbol of asset, but also embodies the characteristics of social, economic and political power and relations. Generally, in a village society of South Asia and in particular in the Indian context, a person or caste having a greater amount of land is considered socially, economically and politically powerful. This is true across all the villages and societies of India, esp. in the plains, fertile agricultural regions. The powerful caste (who owns more land than others) behaves as a patron while all other castes act as clients.

One of the important binding forces of the patron–client relationship is ‘agriculture’ or more precisely, the old agricultural systems such as Jajmani system in the Hindi–speaking parts of India. In these types of relationships, emphasis is on landownership [ Karanth, 1987 ]. The landlord is the ‘Jajman’ and all other castes in a village were dependent on him in various forms such as provider of labour, tools and other agricultural needs and requirements. Other non–agricultural castes such as barber, washerman etc. were also dependent on their patron caste as they got fixed quantity of agricultural produce for their services. Thus, land and agriculture are one of the important determinants of village life, society and culture. Though it seems to be the story of the past in the contemporary capitalist and modern world, it still holds true for the large number of villages in India, esp. north India. Land is the most important object of acquisition in most cases. It is a ‘universal desire’ which is not confined to a particular caste or religion [Srinivas, 1976 ].

In the previous chapters we talked about the general physical landscape and its components, i.e. analysis of settlement of Darkot and Sharmoli. In this chapter we will focus on land and agriculture while brief information about the animal husbandry is provided in the last part of the chapter. In our research area of Sharmoli and Darkot villages, i.e. mid- Johar valley, the patron–client relationship is primarily defined by trade which in later period was influenced by land and agricultural activities. Bhotias were the absentee– landlords and their lands were cultivated by Thakur peasants (kashtkars), esp. in middle and lower Bhotia regions. Scheduled castes ( shilpkars ) were the other service class who provided various types of services to Bhotias by acting as their servants, taking care of their animals etc. In this chapter, we will examine the quantitative and qualitative aspects of land and agriculture and their relationships with various castes in the past and the present in Darkot and Sharmoli villages.

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6.1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAND AND AGRICULTURE IN THE BHOTIA SOCIETY

6.1.1 LAND -

The value attached to the land and agriculture is totally different in mountainous regions of Himalayas in comparison with fertile plains. Agriculture was the subsidiary occupation of Bhotias. Rugged mountain terrain, cold weather, snow in winter, terraced fields, poor soil devoid of irrigation, large distance from the market due to unavailability of road were the main reasons for poor agricultural situation of Johar valley. As Bhotias were busy in trade, they allocated land located in lower and intermediate settlements to different ‘ kashtkars ’ (peasant class, mostly Thakurs) and got some part of the harvest as a tax from them. By the 19 th century, the occupancy of more and more land in lower and intermediate villages became the new competition among Bhotias. In case of upper Johar settlement, agriculture was mainly done by Scheduled caste (shilpkar ) servants of Bhotias [ Prasad, 2016 ]. Thus, Bhotias acted as absentee–landlords while all the agricultural activities were carried out by Thakurs in lower and intermediate settlements while by shilpkars in the upper settlement. Thus patron-client relationship defined by trade got stronger with the emergence of land as an important acquisitive asset in the 19 th century. Thakurs and shilpkars were directly dependent on Bhotias for majority of their needs such as food (as a part of their share), clothes, utensils etc. Besides getting a share in the harvest, Bhotias also gained some extra by providing money to ‘ kashtkars ’ at high interest rates and taking back their loan in form of more share of harvest. Like any other part of India, this patron-client relationship was also biased in favor of Bhotias i.e. the dominant class.

In the mid of 20 th century, the agricultural land was the major entity that went into a change and brought about major socio-economic transformation in the society of Johar valley. The trade was disrupted by Sino- Indian tension of late 1950s and finally stopped in early 1960s. The one option for Bhotias after the trade vanished was to move to winter and intermediate settlements and carry out the agricultural activities. But the zamindari abolition act of 1952 (land to tiller) which fully came into force by 1960s in the Kumaon region made Bhotias lose their land to Thakur kashtkars . Thakurs, being the original and only tillers of land (throughout the year) were the main beneficiaries of the act. They got land in almost all the middle and lower villages while in the upper settlements Bhotias somehow managed to retain their land (by showing that they are the actual cultivators of land). In the opinion of scheduled castes respondents, as trade has been stopped, there was no interest of the shilpkars to stay in upper Johar (in cold climate) where agriculture is confined to one season and very few crops and hence they did not make

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their claim to the land. In the opinion of Bhotias, shilpkars also got the amount of land that they were cultivating in upper Johar, as majority of agriculture in upper Johar is carried out by Bhotia women. Thus, land being the main source of power of that time got shifted from Bhotias to Thakurs in the middle and lower villages. This incident marks the beginning of breaking up of the traditional patron–client relationship among various castes. To conclude, Thakurs become the new landlords of the region as they gained much access to the land of Bhotias while Bhotias were pushed to second position – in terms of land ownership if not in terms of economic power - with very minimal assets available at their disposal.

6.1.2 AGRICULTURE -

The local zamindars, i.e. Bhotias, never took much pain in improving the agricultural activities of the region. They were only confined to collecting their share of produce and thus behaved like agents of the colonial state whose only purpose was to collect tax of the produce. On the other hand, Thakurs were hardly able to achieve their subsistence food limit as they paid good amount of harvest as a tax. They were always somehow dependent on Bhotias for their minimum survival. After transfer of land from Bhotias to Thakurs, they (Thakurs) continued to work as agriculturalists for a long period of time, even till present. Thus, Thakurs were the original agriculturalists of the region who continue to carry their old age profession while both Bhotias and shilpkars started looking for other professions after loss of land and relationship respectively. Sowing, harvesting, etc. was mainly carried out by women while hard physical jobs like ploughing are mainly done by male members of the family. The agriculture, like in the past, is still very less mechanized and people generally make use of animals and old tools for agricultural activities. Irrigation is hardly available in the region. Presently, both Thakurs and Bhotias distribute the available land among their heirs and thus both have very less agricultural land at their disposal.

Main crops grown in the Johar valley were jau (sorghum), madua (finger millet), aloo (potato), oogal (kind of millet), chaulai (amaranth, plant based food), cheena-koni (kind of millet), wheat and paddy etc. With regard to upper Johar, there was one agriculture season of three-four months and main crops grown were potato, buck wheat (phaphar ), mustard ( sarson ), peas ( matar ), masur lentil etc. In lower and intermediate villages, wheat, barley, potato, madua , ugal , cheena-kauni etc. were grown in Rabi (winter) and Kharif (summer–monsoon) season [ Pangti, 1991 ]. Potato was introduced around 150 years back in Johar during the British era.

In 1960, roads were first introduced to the intermediate villages of Johar (i.e. Munsiyari) and the first change in the local crops was noticed. Potatoes become the main crop of Munsiyari region. As cereals

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were easily available in the plains of India and the advent of ration shops make their availability more smoothly to the inhabitants, the inhabitants move towards the crops whose demand is more in the plains and which can fetch a good amount of money. Potato was sown in April/May and harvested in around November. Because of construction of roads and emergence of transportation facilities, the demand of potatoes as ‘seed potato’ was rising in the plain areas of Uttar Pradesh and fetching a good price. This process continued till 1990. In post–liberalization era, i.e. after 1991, cold storage was established in towns and cities of Uttar Pradesh which led to the decline in demand of seed potato. The potatoes were soon replaced by the red kidney beans ( rajmah ) cash crop which fetches good amount to the agriculturalists of Johar. The other important crops of upper Johar include cordyseps, black cumin etc. which are sold at a mammoth price in the national and international market. At present the Rabi crop of the Johar area is sorghum ( jau ) while potato, red kidney beans and madua (ginger millet) are the main Kharif crops.

[** Analysis is based on the discussion with local scholars and laymen of the Sharmoli, Darkot and other villages in Munsiyari region ].

6.2 CONTEMPORARY CASTE-BASED STATISTICS OF LAND IN DARKOT AND SHARMOLI

After having a brief knowledge about the land and agriculture of the past in Johar valley, we now move to analyze the current scenario in two intermediate villages of Johar, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, with regard to land. Darkot being one of the oldest settled intermediate villages of Johar, its land and agricultural past is the same as mentioned in the previous section. Sharmoli, on the other hand, was constructed and started to populate after 1960s when seasonal migration of Bhotias come to halt and they began to settle in their available land. Many people from other castes also bought land or came to settle in Sharmoli as it emerged as one of the important settlement near the core Munsiyari. Without going into much detail, which is already dealt with in the previous chapter, we will mainly focus on the land scenario of the two villages at present.

Land in our current context is analyzed in terms of physical space where mainly agricultural activities take place (though it can be used for many other activities). As mentioned in previous section, land becomes the important component of Bhotias prestige by the 20 th century. Darkot was considered as an elite village “ punjipatiyon ka gaon ” (village of big traders / capitalists) because many traders of

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influential Pangti and Dharamsaktu clans lived here. The leveled and low slope lands were the real treasure to hold at that time. After the land settlement of 1960s, lands from Bhotias were transferred to Thakurs. Table 6.1 provides an idea about the total amount of land hold by each caste in the village of Darkot at present. Though, land data is provided in nali and hectares (as a unit of measurement), our discussion in chapter will be based on ‘nali’ as a unit of measurement.

Table 6.1: Amount of land held by each caste (in nali) in Darkot

Caste / sub caste Total Amount of land Total Amount of land held by each caste (in held by each caste (in nali) Hectares) Pangti’s 33.5 Other Bhotias 81.5 Dharamsaktu’s 12 Bhotias 127 2.5 Thakurs 227 4.5 Scheduled castes 26 0.5 Total land 380 7.5 *Based on survey of 62 families done in Darkot (1 nali = 0.02 hectares)

Table 6.2: Amount of land held by each caste (in nali) in Sharmoli

Caste Total Amount of land Total Amount of land held by each caste (in held by each caste (in nali) hectares) Bhotias 566 11.3 Thakurs 145.5 2.9 Scheduled castes 13.5 0.3 Brahmins 6 0.1 Total land 731 14.6 *Based on Survey of 111families in Sharmoli

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As per table 6.1, if we consider the whole ‘private / individual based’ occupied portion of Darkot village to be 380 nali, then Thakurs enjoy the largest share of the pie, i.e. 227 nali, occupying almost 60% of the land in Darkot. This clearly shows the successful implementation of Zamindari abolition act and transfer of land to the tillers in the village. Bhotias, on the other hand, have only 127 nali at their disposal, i.e. 33%. Interestingly, two main clans of the village, Pangti and Dharamsaktu have only 45.5 nali of land at their disposal, while scheduled castes are the last with only 26 nali of land. The reason for small amount of land among Pangti and Dharamsaktu clans (despite being more in numbers) is because of division among large number of heirs within clan and in some cases, the sale of land to ‘other Bhotia 66 ’ caste people and their permanent migration and settlement in other towns and cities.

In case of Sharmoli, Bhotias occupy 566 nali of land (77%) while Thakurs have only 145.5 nali (20%) in their name. Scheduled caste families have 13.6 nali while four Brahmin families have 6 nali of land at their disposal (Table 6.2). As both these villages are Bhotia dominated, the land in Sharmoli still has large share with Bhotias, as this village mainly came into picture in the post–land reforms era. The few original inhabitants of Sharmoli who include both Bhotias and Thakurs sold land to other people (of all castes) once Munsiyari came up as a new hub of market, economy and administrative core. There are very few families (Thakur/SC) in Sharmoli who claim to have owned land by means of abolition of zamindari system.

Thus, by preliminary investigation one can argue that in terms of amount of land, Darkot is dominated by Thakurs while Sharmoli is dominated by Bhotias, though both being Bhotia dominated villages in terms of numbers of persons and families.

A few important points/ assumptions used in this chapter –

** The reason for using “Nali” as a unit of measurement of land is because of its prevalence and common use by local people of Johar. Generally, one nali represents 0.02 hectare [Benz, 2015]. Many scholars such as Andreas Benz (Benz, 2015) and, Jishnu Das (2000) use nali as unit of measurement to convey their information and results instead of acre/ hectare and other standard uses. The reason of using it is to give more importance and make sense with local culture and symbols. Qualitatively, inhabitants of Johar are able to relate themselves to the land when it is quantified in terms of nali. (The measurement in hectares is also provided in the tables for the readers for more clarification)

66 ‘Other Bhotias’: In my survey, and in case of Darkot, all clans of Bhotias except Pangti and Dharamsaktu are considered as ‘other Bhotias’. E.g. Sayana, Tolia etc.

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**In my survey, the reply to the question of amount of land by respondent is “ based on his/ her knowledge and perception” . In most cases the name of the current landholder is not on the revenue records, as he got land either through hereditary process, purchasing, or, got gift from maternal side or after “ bandobast ” (settlement). But they know the amount of land that belongs to them (each family) and my responds are purely based on the “ answers of people ” and not on revenue records.

** The amount of land in the survey depicts the owned land located in Darkot / Sharmoli respectively; while the land in other villages or outside area is not included (e.g. Bhotias have land in Johar as well).

6.2.1 LAND AMONG BHOTIAS -

Let us now begin the detailed statistical analysis of land in the two villages –

Figure 6.1: Amount of land among Bhotias in Darkot (in nali)

Land among Bhotias in Darkot (in nali) 10 8 6 4 Pangti 2 Dharamsaktu

No. of No.families 0 <1 nali 1- 2 nali 2- 5 nali >5 nali Other Bhotias

Total Land

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias families) done in Darkot

Out of 39 Bhotia families surveyed in Darkot with regard to amount of land, 36 were able to provide the answer to the question. As per figure 6.1, majority of Bhotias have land between 1-2 nali. 19 families out of 36, i.e. more than 50%, have an average of 1.5 nali at their disposal. Three Pangti families (out of 15 respondents) have land less than 1 nali (i.e. in “muthi”: a smaller unit of measurement of land, 16 muthi = 1 nali), while only one Pangti respondent family has land of around 10 nali. In case of Dharamsaktu, maximum amount of land that an individual family has is about 3 nali and that too for only one respondent family. Eight Dharamsaktu families out of nine have land between 0-2 nali. Thus, the economic wealth of both the main clans, i.e. Pangti and Dharamsaktu, in terms of land is almost same.

The case of ‘other Bhotias’ is an interesting one. Out of 12 families surveyed, three families have more than 5 nali land, in which one Janpangi family has around 50 nali of land. The average amount of land

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among ‘other Bhotias’ is 3 nali (excluding one entity of 50 nali) which is more than the average amount of land of two main clans (= around 1.5–2 nali). Two ‘Sayana’ families have 6 nali and 5 nali of land respectively, while one Rawat family has 8 nali of land. Sayana and Janpangi were the original inhabitants of the village (living for many generations) while Rawat family purchased land from Pangti in around the year 2000. Those who have got land from maternal side, e.g. Martolia family, or have purchased here, i.e. Tolia family, have an average of around 1 nali of land.

It is very difficult to analyze the exact number of people who sold or purchased land. With regard to my survey and by keeping in mind the views of respondents, very few Bhotia families have either sold or purchased land in Darkot. Only one Rawat family seems to have purchased a piece of land while a few others got land from their maternal side. Even those who migrated outside still have some land in the village. There are two Pangti families who have house and land here but live in Haldwani and Lucknow respectively. The small size of Bhotias’ land is mainly due to hereditary divisions. After the settlement process of 1960s, there has been a division of land among 3 rd generation in 2016. That is why, though Bhotia joint family as a whole might have more than 5–6 nali of land but current separated nuclear families surveyed have an average of around 2.3 nali of land ( excluding a value of 50 nali that may create an error in an overall average, while four entries of 10, 6, 8 and 5 nali were included which increases the average to 2.3, which otherwise stuck around to value of less than 1.5 nali ). Overall, the average land with Bhotias is around 2 nali in Darkot. (Those who still have more than 5 nali of land are mainly due to lesser number of heirs in the family; or an old person living in the house has not done any formal division of land among his migrated sons). To conclude, average land among Bhotias is around 2.2 nali per family in Darkot.

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Figure 6.2: Amount of land (in nali) among Bhotias in Sharmoli

Amount of land in nali among Bhotia families in Sharmoli 35 30 25 20 15 10 No. Of Bhotia families 5 No. of No.Bhotiafamilies 0 <1 nali 1-2 nali 2-5 nali >5 nali Amount of Land in nali

*Based on Survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias) in Sharmoli

The Bhotias in Figure 6.2, i.e. in case of Sharmoli, are not represented on sub-caste basis as almost all caste of Bhotias i.e. Rawat, Nikhurpa. Pangti, Tolia, Martolia, Blijwal etc. were present in good numbers, unlike Darkot which is dominated by three main sub- castes of Bhotias.

As per Figure 6.2, majority of Bhotias have land between 1-2 nali (i.e. 32 families in numbers which comprises about 47% of respondent families). Sixteen families have land between 2-5 nali, while almost a similar number have more than 5 nali of land. Only five households have less than 1 nali of land at their disposal. Thus, more than 70% of the households among Bhotias have land between 1-5 nali, or to express it in a more precise term ‘almost 55% of the Bhotia respondents have land between 0- 2 nali’.

Among the big landlords, one Rawat family claims to have 150 nali of land, while three Tolia families and one Nikhurpa family have 25, 40, 80 and 60 nali respectively. The rest with ‘>5 nali’ land category are those having maximum amount of land between 5-15 nali. One Nitwal family is living as a tenant and does not own any land.

The average amount of land with each Bhotia family in Sharmoli is around 8.4 nali. But, if we do not take into account the amount of land held by five big landlord families mentioned above (i.e. value of 150, 25, 40, 80 and 60), the average amount of land among Bhotias comes down to 3.4 nali per household. The total land among 5 big landlord Bhotia families in Sharmoli is around 355 nali which is still greater than the combined land of remaining 63 families, i.e. 211 nali. Thus, these 5 families represent 63% of the total land hold by Bhotias in Sharmoli (among respondents). The reason of dominance of these families

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is that they have been living here for the last many generations and did not sell much of their land to others or there has been no division within family among young heirs. The Rawat family who have 150 nali of land have many shareholders from the last two-three generations who are living in other towns and cities. But, as land is managed by the only (respondent) Rawat family who live in the village, they consider themselves as the owners of whole property. Majority of families who have land between 1- 5 nali, either are those who purchased it when they came from other villages to get settled in Sharmoli or were the inhabitants / owners who sold it to others. Thus to conclude, average amount of land among Bhotias in Sharmoli is 3.4 nali per family.

6.2.2 LAND AMONG SCHEDULED CASTES -

Figure 6.3 represents the amount of land among shilpkars or scheduled castes’ families (12) of Darkot. The average amount of land per family with scheduled castes is around 2.5 nali which is slightly better in comparison with the Bhotias. Four families (out of 12) have around 4 nali of land while five families have less than one nali. No families among scheduled castes have more than 4 nali of land. If we take average land per family by including all respondents of Bhotias and shilpkars, SCs are in perfect competition with the Bhotias in Darkot. They are almost equal with regard to the asset of available physical space per family. But in terms of individual land, none of the scheduled castes families have more than 5 nali of land as in case of Bhotias. In the opinion of the dominant caste (Bhotias), none of the scheduled caste families own any land in the Darkot as they are settled on the land given by Bhotias. Many scheduled caste families have moved to Naya Basti, a village near Sharmoli, because of the lack and poor quality (slope) of land in Darkot. Thus, the land that shilpkars hold in Darkot is actually a kabza (possession) land, i.e. land belongs to them because of their stay at the particular location for the last many decades. Thus, in the opinion of Bhotias, scheduled castes are the landless class of the village (as there is no mention of their names in the land records department of state).

Similarly, in case of Sharmoli (Figure 6.4), seven scheduled castes families out of eight have land between 1–2 nali. Out of these seven families, five have one nali of land while the rest have 1.5 and 2 nali respectively. Only one household has 5 nali of land. Average land per family among shilpkars in Sharmoli is around 1.7 nali which is almost half of the land per family owned by Bhotias. Thus, in case of Sharmoli, shilpkars are way behind the Bhotias in terms of occupying land assets.

Hence, on comparing the amount of land among shilpkars in Darkot and Sharmoli, it might prove the fact that when it comes to settling at a new place by purchasing a piece of land, scheduled castes have very

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little space (i.e. around 1 nali) at their economic and social disposal, while in Darkot where they have been living since the time of trade (and did not have to purchase land) they made their right to whatever land had been made available to them from the beginning by the Bhotia patrons.

Figure 6.3: Amount of land among Scheduled castes in Darkot (in nali)

Amount of land among SC's in Darkot (in Nali) 6 5 4 3 2 1 SC

No. of No.families 0 <1 nali 1- 2 nali 2- 5 nali >5 nali

Total Land

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SC’s) done in Darkot

Figure 6.4: Amount of land (in nali) among Scheduled castes in Sharmoli

Amount of land (in nali) among Scheduled castes in Sharmoli 8 7 6 5 4 3

No. of No.families 2 1 0 <1 nali 1-2 nali 2-5 nali >5 nali Amount of land in nali

*Based on Survey of 111 families (8 SCs) in Sharmoli

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6.2.3 LAND AMONG THAKURS -

Figure 6.5: Amount of land among Thakurs in Darkot (in nali)

Amount of land among Thakurs in Darkot (in nali) 8 6 4 2 Thakur

No. of No.families 0 <10 nali 10- 20 nali 20-30 nali >30 nali

Total Land

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 Thakur families) done in Darkot

Figure 6.5 represents the unique contrasts in comparison with the previous figures about the amount of land among Bhotias and scheduled castes. The intervals chosen themselves show that Thakurs are the owner of highest quantity of land in Darkot. Seven families out of nine respondents have equal to or more than 20 nali of land. Earlier a Bhat joint family used to have 60 nali of land which has been divided among three heirs getting 20 nali each. Two other separate Bhat families also have 20 and 60 nali land respectively. Thus, the Bhat family having 60 nali of land is the biggest landlord of Darkot in present time as per my survey (there might be no formal division of land among heirs yet). There is one Thakur family comprising only one old man (Bisht) who does not own any land while one Bhandarey family lives as a tenant. The four Karki families have land ranging between 15-30 nali. One Karki family has 15 nali of land while the rest of the three families have more than 20 nali.

Thus, highest amount of land among Bhotias and SCs is almost 10 times lower than the minimum quantity of land among Thakurs. The average land per family among Thakurs is 20 nali (excluding one entry of 60 nali which increases an average to around 25 nali) in comparison to around 2 nali for Bhotias and SCs. Thakurs were the prime beneficiaries of the land to the tiller act of 1952 and the “amount of land they hold” also proves that act has been implemented perfectly in the region. One Karki family (besides having land of around 20 nali which he got in the form of legal heir) claimed to have purchased 1 nali land from a Pangti family to construct the house which is situated near the road in the bottom end of the village. All Thakurs claimed to have got land from their ancestors who in turn got it after settlement in

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1960s. This also shows that Bhotias might have lost more than tenfold of quantity of land available to them today.

Figure 6.6: Amount of land (in nali) among Thakurs in Sharmoli

Amount of land in nali among Thakurs in Sharmoli 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 No. of No.Thakur families <1 nali 1-2 nali 2-5 nali >5 nali Amount of land in nali

*Based on Survey of 111 families (30 Thakurs) in Sharmoli

Figure 6.6 represents the amount of land among Thakurs in Sharmoli. (In this figure, we have used the same interval as in earlier figures of representation of amount of land ). As per figure 6.6, twelve families of Thakurs have land between 1–2 nali, while nine families have land between 2-5 nali at their disposal. Eight families have more than 5 nali of land whereas only one family has land less than 1 nali. Thus, like Bhotias of Sharmoli, majority of Thakurs have land between 1-2 nali. Only one old lady, who has been abandoned by her sons and is living alone (belonging to Rana clan), has 0.5 nali of land; while one Bisht and one Mehta family have 20 and 25 nali of land respectively which make them the biggest landlords among Thakurs in the village. Besides these two big landlords, every one among Thakurs has land (maximum) up to 10 nali. Average land per family among Thakurs is 4.85 nali per family, but if we exclude two big landlords (i.e. value of 20 and 25 nali respectively), the average amount of land among Thakurs come to around 3.6 nali per household which is in the same line as in the case of Bhotias. Thus, Bhotias and Thakurs are almost equal in terms of land assets when it comes to Sharmoli.

Brahmins were present only in Sharmoli and in terms of amount of land, all the four families of Brahmins come under the range of 1-2 nali; two families have one nali of land, while the remaining two families have two nali of land respectively. Average land per family among Brahmins is 1.5 nali.

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Table 6.3: Average amount of land (in nali) per family among various castes in Darkot and Sharmoli

CASTE AVERAGE LAND PER FAMILY (in nali) DARKOT SHARMOLI BHOTIAS 2.2^ 3.4^^^ THAKUR 20^^ 3.5^^^^ SCHEDULED CASTES 2.5 1.7 *Based on survey of 62 families in Darkot and 111 families in Sharmoli ^ excluding one entry of largest landlord (50 nali) ^^ excluding one entry of largest landlord (60 nali) ^^^ excluding entries of 5 big landlords (150, 25, 40, 80, 60 nali) ^^^^ excluding entries of 2 big landlords (20 and 25 nali)

To summarize statistically: In Darkot, after excluding the few big landlords, Thakurs (general caste) were the biggest land owners with average land per family being 20 nali, while shilpkars were second, followed by the Bhotias. Thus, Bhotias being highest in number in Darkot have lowest amount of land per family. They are the most marginalized in terms of the land asset. While in Sharmoli, Thakurs and Bhotias (after excluding the few big landlords) are in neck and neck competition with each other in terms of average land per family, the scheduled castes are the most marginalized of all.

6.3 ANALYSIS OF LAND USE AND AGRICULTURE OF THE TWO VILLAGES

In current scenario and with regard to the above analysis, if land is still an important means of economy and power in the village of Darkot, then Thakurs must be the patron class. But in my opinion, this is not the case. The very first reason is the lack of agricultural activities in the village. Second, most of the present inhabitants of village are engaged in secondary activities (which will be discussed in the economy section). Let us understand the use of land in the village of Darkot.

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6.3.1 LAND USE IN DARKOT BY VARIOUS CASTES -

Figure 6.7: Average agricultural and fallow land per family among Bhotias in Darkot (in nali)

Average agricultural and fallowland (in nali) per family among Bhotias in Darkot 3 2

1 Avg. Agriculture land (in nali) 0 Land (inLand nali) Avg. Fallow land (in nali) Pangti Dharamsaktu Other Bhotias Caste

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias) done in Darkot

Figure 6.7 provides the use of land by different clans among Bhotias. It is clear from the figure that on an average, proportion of fallow 67 land is more in comparison to the agricultural 68 land among total land of each Bhotia family. More than 50% of average total land in case of Dharamsaktus and other Bhotias is kept fallow. Four of Pangti families put whole available land to agriculture (their total average land is less than 2 nali) while there is only one Pangti family who does not practice agriculture (having land around 0.5 nali). Among the rest, the amount of fallow land is more than their agricultural use. Average amount of land put into agriculture by each Pangti family is around 0.9 nali whereas fallow land has an average of 1.4 nali per Pangti family. There is also one family who have leased out 1.5 nali land on share cropping basis to Thakurs (25% of the produce goes to the owner, while 75% goes to the tiller, and no other monetary transaction is involved).

Similarly, in case of Dharamsaktus and ‘other Bhotias’, none of the family put whole of their available land into agricultural activities. Rather the difference between fallow and agricultural land is quite substantial. In case of Dharamsaktu, average agricultural land is just 0.3 nali whereas average fallow land accounts for one nali per family. There are three Dharamsaktu families who do not perform any kind of agricultural activities (having total land of 0.5, 1 and 1 nali respectively). In a similar way, three ‘other Bhotias’ families also do not perform agricultural activities (two families having total land of 0.5 nali

67 Land that has been kept idle for more than one year. 68 ‘Agricultural land’ in our case is ‘Cultivable land’. Both the terms are used interchangeably.

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while one family has 5 nali land). One Sayana has family put 4 nali out of 5 nali in agriculture, thus utilizing it maximally; while the biggest Bhotia landlord of Darkot, i.e. Janpangi family has kept 49 nali of fallow land despite having 50 nali of total available land, thus showing no interest in agriculture. Overall, ‘other Bhotias’ keep on average of 2 nali per family fallow land, while utilize only 0.8 nali (on an average per family) for agricultural purposes.

To conclude, among Bhotias (including all clans), average cultivated land per family is around 0.7 nali while average fallow land is around 1.5 nali (in total average of around 2.2 nali per family). The main crops grown by Bhotias include vegetables (flowers, beans, chillies etc.) while very few families claim to grow red kidney beans, madua , wheat etc. All of the Bhotia families claim to have self consumption of agricultural produce. There is no market sale of any kind with regard to agriculture in Darkot.

Figure 6.8 shows the average agricultural (cultivated) and fallow land among shilpkars in Darkot village. The average agricultural land among SCs is meager 0.3 nali per family while average fallow land is around 1.8 nali per family. Thus average amount of cultivable land is 6 times less than the fallow land. This even represents worse case of land use than Bhotias who have almost similar amount of land as SCs (around 2 nali). Five families (out of 12) do not engage themselves in any kind of agricultural work (some among them have 4 nali of land) while the remaining others put very small amount of land into use. They also grow vegetables for self consumption purposes.

Figure 6.8: Average agricultural and fallow land per family among Scheduled castesin Darkot (in nali)

Average agricultural and fallow land (in nali) per family among SC in Darkot 2

1 SC

Land (Nali) Land 0 Avg. Agriculture land (in nali) Avg. Fallow land (in nali)

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SC’s) done in Darkot

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Figure 6.9: Average agricultural and fallow land per family among Thakurs (General castes)in Darkot (in nali)

Average agricultural and fallow land (in nali) among Thakurs in Darkot 30

20

10 Thakur

Land (inLand Nali) 0 Avg. Agriculture land (in nali) Avg. fallow land (in nali)

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 Thakur families) done in Darkot

General castes (Thakurs) who have the highest amount of land at their disposal also use it minimally for agricultural purposes. Average cultivable land per family is around 5 nali while average fallow land is four times of it. One Karki family does not perform any agricultural activities while one Thakur family (Bhandarey) is a tenant and a other Bisht family has only one old person who does not have any land (as mentioned earlier as well). Thus, only 25% of the total available land is put into agriculture by Thakur families. One Bhat family who has 60 nali of land uses only 10 nali for agricultural purposes. They also grow vegetables like French beans, lahsun (garlic), brinjals, tomatoes, soyabean, chillies etc., pulses like red kidney beans, and cereal crops like wheat, jau etc. Only one Bhat family (having 10 nali agricultural land out of 20 nali) claimed to sell the produce (and that too a small amount) in the market. The rest; keep the produce for self consumption only. Though Thakurs do no not sell any agricultural produce, yet they sell grass available in their fallow land that helps them to fetch some additional money from land.

Thus, in conclusion, agriculture seems to be the subsistence activity for all castes. There is not at all any kind of commercialization of agriculture in Darkot. Thus, there is hardly any kind of monetary income from the agriculture. One of the most important reasons for low amount of land put into agriculture is the “impact of outside forces” in the form of presence of animals like monkeys, wild pigs etc. which not only destroys the crops, but also hampers villagers time and investment in agriculture. The inability of the villagers to kill them, because of the law that prohibits killing of these animals, has left them with no viable option to stop the menace and secure the agriculture. Thus, any investment in agriculture has to be done carefully. This is the foremost reason for low agricultural use of land for all castes and esp. scheduled castes who cannot afford to lose any kind of investment (esp. in agriculture). Thus, villagers only do (a kind of) subsistence agriculture while any big investment in terms of land, seeds, and fertilizers

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is avoided. There are other reasons also like far-off location from the market and lack of better road facilities, and inability to compete with the farmers of plains (as they have facilities of roads, connectivity, better soil and irrigation etc. and hence better produce that can fetch good amount in the market), upcoming of PDS which allow inhabitants to have access to food products at much cheaper rate, lack of manpower due to migration, etc. As per my survey, majority of the villagers depends on Public distribution systems (PDS) and local market in Darkot and Munsiyari for most of their daily food consumption needs and requirements. Every household is purchasing something (in the form of wheat, rice, milk, pulses etc.) from the market to satisfy their hunger needs. The villagers also exchange food crops and vegetables among themselves (mostly through exchange of items / barter system) but not in a ‘commercial way’.

6.3.2 LAND USE IN SHARMOLI BY VARIOUS CASTES -

The very first difference between Sharmoli and Darkot is in terms of ‘pressure on land’. Though Sharmoli is big in terms of area in comparison to Darkot yet it also holds threefold population. Presence of more family members in Sharmoli and less area available per family member across all castes proves the fact (see Table 6.4). In terms of average amount of land per family member, Bhotia stands at 0.7 nali per family member (0.6 nali in Darkot) while Thakurs have 0.6 nali per family member (5 nali in Darkot). Shilpkars and Brahmins have meager 0.2 nali per family member which is less in comparison to Darkot where shilpkars have at least 0.5 nali land per family member.

Table 6.4: Average land in nali per family member of various castes in Sharmoli and Darkot

Caste Average land in nali per family Darkot Sharmoli Bhotias 0.6 0.7 Thakurs 5.0 0.6 Scheduled castes 0.5 0.2 Brahmin --- 0.3 *Based on survey of 62 families in Darkot and 111 families in Sharmoli (excluding big landlords) Calculated by means of ‘average total land divided by average number of members per family of that particular caste in a village’

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(Bhotias have 5.1 members per family, Thakurs have 5.9 members per family, scheduled castes have 7.2 members per family while Brahmins have 4.8 members per family as per my survey in Sharmoli ) (The scheduled caste family consists of an average number of 5.3 members per family, while Bhotia and Thakur family includes an average number of 4 members per family based on survey in Darkot).

Let us now understand the use of land by Bhotias in Sharmoli by examining the average amount of land used for agriculture or kept fallow. The figure 6.10 shows the data for 63 families while five big landlords are discussed separately and have not been included in the data analysis as they can bring a huge distortion in the overall general analysis. As per figure 6.10, average cultivable land among Bhotias (excluding 5 families) in Sharmoli is around 1.5 nali per family whereas 1.7 nali of land per family is kept fallow. Thus, the average fallow land is more than the average agricultural land. About eight families do not perform any kind of agricultural activities as they have around one (or less) nali at their disposal.

With regard to five big landlord families, average agricultural and fallow land is 14.8 nali and 56.2 nali respectively. A Rawat family having 150 nali of land uses only 20 nali for agriculture while one Tolia and one Nikhurpa family use only 2 nali of land for agriculture out of 25 and 60 nali respectively. Only one Tolia family maximizes the use of land by putting 30 nali out of available 40 nali into agriculture.

Thus, overall, majority of land among Bhotias is kept fallow which is a common feature across all sub- castes and classes (big or small landlord). Only a few among those who have very small land, i.e. 0-1.5 nali, usually devote it completely to agriculture. This is the category, i.e. 0-1.5 nali, which either uses their land completely for agriculture or do not use it at all.

Besides it, there are a few families whose land or portion of whose land has been taken up by BRO (Border Roads Organisation) for purpose of road widening. Houses or land of all these families are situated near the road. In my survey, four families are supposed to be affected by the road construction activities. Average land lost by these families is around 2 nali. One Sumtyal and one Nitwal family will lose whole of their land, i.e. 1 nali and 1.5 nali land respectively, while the remaining two Nitwal families will lose portion of their land. Highest amount of land lost by a family is 6 nali belonging to Nitwal clan.

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Figure 6.10: Average amount of agricultural and fallow land (in nali) per family among Bhotias in Sharmoli (excluding 5 big landlords)

Average agricultural and fallow land (in nali) among Bhotias in Sharmoli 1.8 1.7 1.6 1.5 1.4 Bhotias

nali Avg. Agricultural land Avg. Fallow land Type of land

*BasedAverage amountof land in on Survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias) in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

Average cultivable land per family among Thakurs (excluding two big landlords having 20 and 25 nali of land respectively) is 1.9 nali, which is larger than the average fallow land, i.e. 1.6 nali (Fig.6.11). As agriculture is the age old occupation of Thakurs and they are the ‘ ex-kashtkars ’ of the region, majority of families practice agriculture in whatever small amount of land is available to them. Three families, i.e. belonging to Kauranga, Mehra and Chiral clans do not practice any field activities as they have very small land at their disposal, i.e. around 1 nali. Two big landlords utilize only 5 nali (out of 20 nali) and 1 nali (out of 25 nali) of their available land while the rest is kept fallow. Thus, if we include them in the analysis, the average agricultural land of Thakurs (2.0 nali) becomes less than the average fallow land (2.8 nali) making the situation totally opposite. Seven families completely devote their land for agricultural purposes. Five of them have land between 0–2 nali while the remaining two have 3 nali and 8 nali respectively. Only one Rana family claimed to have lost their 0.5 nali land to BRO for road widening.

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Figure 6.11: Average amount of agricultural and fallow land (in nali) per family among Thakurs in Sharmoli (excluding 2 big landlords)

Average agricultural and fallow land (in nali) among thaurs in Sharmoli

2 1.8 1.6 1.4

nali Agricultural land fallow land Type of land

*BasedAverage Amountof land in on Survey of 111 families (30 Thakurs) in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

Average agricultural land per scheduled castes family (Figure 6.12) is around 0.5 nali whereas almost double of it is kept fallow, i.e. around 1.2 nali. Almost every family, except one, put some of their land for agricultural purposes. The biggest landlord among shilpkars (having 5 nali of land) put only 0.5 nali for agricultural activities while 4.5 nali is kept fallow. None of the households have lost their land to road widening activities.

Figure 6.12: Average amount of agricultural and fallow land (in nali) per family among scheduled castes in Sharmoli

Average agricultural and fallow land in nali among Scheduled castes households in Sharmoli 1.5 1 0.5 0 Series1 Agricultural land Fallow land Type of land

Amount of Amountland in nali *Based on Survey of 111families (8 SCs) in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

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In case of Brahmins, average land among them is 1.5 nali in which 1 nali is used for agricultural purposes while 0.5 nali is kept fallow. The more is the land among Brahmins, the more is put into agricultural activities, e.g. households having 2 nali of land put 1.5 nali in agriculture, while households having 1 nali of land put 0.5 nali in primary activities. No households have lost their land to BRO.

Thus, inhabitants of both Darkot and Sharmoli keeps majority of land fallow instead of doing agriculture. None of the family across all castes completely devotes their land to agricultural purposes (Table 6.5 and Table 6.6). So, there is hardly any difference between two villages when it comes to nurturing the fields.

Table 6.5: Average amount of land utilization in ‘nali’ by various castes in the village of Darkot

Castes Average Total land Average agricultural Average fallow land use of land Bhotias 2.2 0.7 1.5 Scheduled castes 2.5 0.5 2.0 Thakurs (Generals) 25.0 5.0 20.0 *Based on survey of 62 families done in Darkot (excluding big landlord of Bhotia caste)

Table 6.6: Average amount of land utilization in ‘nali’ by various castes in the village of Sharmoli

Castes Average Total land Average agricultural Average fallow land use of land Bhotias 3.4 1.5 1.7 Scheduled castes 1.7 0.5 1.2 Thakur (Generals) 3.5 1.9 1.6 Brahmins 1.5 1 0.5 *Based on survey of 111 families done in Sharmoli (excluding big landlords of Thakur and Bhotia caste)

The main difference between the two villages is in term of agricultural crops. While potato is the main crop of Sharmoli followed by red kidney beans, jau (millet) and other vegetables; Darkot mostly has

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vegetables which includes chilies, garlic, radish, spinach, coriander etc. Potato is grown in less quantity in Darkot because of the climate (in the opinion of respondents) as Sharmoli gets snow which helps in the growth of potato. Some Thakur families in Darkot grow red kidney beans, wheat and oogal . People of Sharmoli also grow peas, pumpkin, mustard, masur (lentil pulse), garlic, coriander, onion and in some rare cases sugarcane and banana.

There is just one Thakur family in Darkot who claims to sell some wheat and jau, while three Thakur families in Sharmoli sell rajmah (red kidney beans) and potatoes in market. Similarly, only five Bhotia families from Sharmoli sell rajmah and potatoes, while there is no seller of produce in market among Bhotias from Darkot. No scheduled castes families in both the villages sell any agricultural produce in the market. Those who sell produce in the market claim to earn very less amount (because of low productivity). Two Thakur families of Sharmoli earn between Rs. 5, 000 – Rs. 7, 000 per year after selling about two quintals of potatoes and around half quintal of red kidney beans. Three Bhotia families claim to earn about Rs. 2,000–Rs. 4,000 per year after selling potato and red kidney beans while the rest of the seller families did not say much about their earning from agricultural produce.

Thus, to conclude, land is not the major source of income to the people of Darkot and Sharmoli and agriculture is only the secondary and subsistence activity.

Before making conclusion, let us first talk about the big landlords of Darkot and Sharmoli. Thakurs were the main landlords of Darkot, while Bhotias were the leading land holders in Sharmoli. As mentioned earlier, both these castes occupy more than 60% of land in their respective villages. Both villages have a few families who are the major landlords of the village. Darkot has one Thakur family having 60 nali of land and one Bhotia ‘Janpangi’ family has 50 nali of land. Similarly, Sharmoli has one Rawat family (150 nali), three Tolia families having 80, 40 and 25 nali of land and one Nikhurpa family having 60 nali of land. There are two Thakur families in Sharmoli having 20 and 25 nali of land respectively. If agriculture were the main occupation and majority depended up on it, than Thakur family in Darkot and Rawat family among others will be patron in their respective villages.

Janpangi family in Darkot cultivates meager 0.5 nali out of available 50 nali, and work in trekking and contractor job as their major occupation. In the words of a young Janpangi male member “ kheti karenge to bhukhe marenge ” ( if we do agriculture, we will die of hunger ). Similarly, a young Thakur male of Darkot works as a driver while wife cultivate fields in around 10 nali of land. In his opinion “only 30% agriculture is left in the village. One can earn up to Rs. 50,000 in six months while working as a laborer (or any other profession), whereas agriculture provide only half of the money (by giving same physical labor) ”. Both these families did not claim to sell anything in the market.

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Rawat family of Sharmoli (150 nali) has home stay as their main occupation, followed by agricultural and grass sale and milk selling as their secondary occupations. They only devote 15 nali out of 150 nali to agriculture. They claim to earn five times less in agriculture and other activities in comparison to income from home stays. But they have established some reputation in the village. The head of Rawat family was at one time sarpanch of the village panchayat as he and his wife regularly participate in all social and cultural activities of the village and help others in time of need by providing them money and moral support. Tolia family having 25 nali of land uses only 2 nali for agriculture and the rest is kept fallow. Their main occupation is also home stays. Another Tolia family having 40 nali of land cultivates 30 nali but did not claim to sell any produce. Their main source of income is pension money and their son is in the Army who lives separately. Similarly, the third Tolia family having 80 nali of land cultivates 20 nali by means of employing agricultural laborers. Their main source of income is pension and home stay business. They also did not sell any produce in the market. Their son is also in a government job. In last, Nikhurpa family having 60 nali of land cultivates only 2 nali. The main male head works in a local museum. They claim to earn some money (around Rs. 3,000 per year) from agricultural activities by selling potatoes and red kidney beans.

Thus, agriculture does not seem to be an important binding force among various castes in the villages. In my opinion and as per survey, there is no patron (in terms of land relations) in both the villages. The very first reason for this is the absence of agriculture as a main occupation which is the prerequisite requirement for a patron-client relationship to exist. None of the families, even among big landlords, claims to carry on agriculture as their main occupation. Secondly, there is hardly any presence of class of permanent agricultural labor (except in two-three cases where they employ one or two people temporarily as laborers in fields) in both the villages. [There is a presence of landlord but there is absence of labor class in both the villages because of lack of agricultural activities]. Most of the agricultural activities are carried out by the family itself and esp. by female family members. There are very few families (one or two) who carry out cultivation through means of sharecropping in the fields of others. As most of the inhabitants of both the villages across all castes are engaged in secondary occupations (we will find out in economy chapter) and are daily or monthly wage earners, there is hardly any dependency (economic) on one another for basic needs and survival. Though people help each other in time of need, they are not totally dependent on others for their economic survival.

The inhabitants of both the villages also did not want to invest in agriculture because of their poor income and earnings, poor soil quality, complete dependence on nature for agriculture, and most importantly, presence of wild animals like monkeys, pigs which not only destroys crops but also harm investment of farmers. Thus, unlike any other village in the plains of India, land and authority are delinked here. But

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there is definitely a relation between status and land as explained in case of Rawat family in Sharmoli. Another important point that comes out of the above discussion is that everyone who owns good amount of land has adopted home stays as the prime business. They have invested in tourism industry instead of agriculture to augment their income and hence status in the village. All the big landlords mentioned above, esp. Bhotias, are either retired from government service or carry out business activities in the form of home stays. In conversation with the male head of Rawat family, he is more interested in investment in tourism in future by constructing more home stays and guest houses than in agriculture activities. [We will not go into deep discussion as much of the portion related to home stays and social and economic status will be dealt within the next chapters].

The next thing to note is the changing importance of the kind and type of land. In the trade era of Johar, importance was given to forest land because of grazing of pack animals and supply of wood for cooking and other purposes. As each Bhotia family used to have hundreds of pack animals, the large amount of land was devoted to forests so that grass and leaves for animals and wood to cook food for large number of family members were easily available. Later on, agriculture land along with forests also occupied the important spot as Bhotia earned good amount of produce to sell in Tibet without doing any kind of hard work in the field themselves. In present time, the importance of land depends on its nearness to the basic amenities, esp. school, hospitals and market. That is why Sharmoli (which is near to Munsiyari) is getting populated densely year and year on while Darkot is being depopulated for the last few decades. The farther one move from Munsiyari, the value of land decreases. Thus, earlier the value of land depended up on the benefits it provided (by means of food, fodder and wood) but now the value is in monetary terms and depends up on its nearness to the main village centre, i.e. Munsiyari. Marketization of land has already begun in nearby villages of Munsiyari. As per villagers, there is a provision that land of tribals (Scheduled tribes i.e. Bhotias) cannot be bought by non-tribals but it is happening in many parts of Johar valley, esp. near Munsiyari. The cost of one nali land in and around Sharmoli is about Rs. 60, 000 – Rs. 70, 000 while the same is Rs. 30,000–Rs. 40,000 in case of Darkot (as per discussion with the villagers and local scholars). There are a few people who claim to have purchased land for more than Rs. 100,000 for one nali in Sharmoli. The cost of land is more in case it is near to road or is situated on gentle slope, while its price comes down as we climb high towards hill farther away from the road or with steep slope. The distance of road from the house is an important aspect in Darkot as many households sell handicrafts and, local crops and herbs, thus its location with regard to road plays an important role in attracting tourists. But this is not only the case, as many tourists want to live in middle of a village, away from the road and town activities, thus (sometime) making the interior of village more profitable with regard to home stays activities. To conclude, in today’s world, the importance and value of land (in view of

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habitants of both the villages) is in terms of its location in relation to the main town, esp. in case of Sharmoli where every villager wants to remain close to the market, economic and administrative core of Munsiyari. Thus, in terms of value and money, Sharmoli is more important than Darkot. Land is converted to a real estate resource and is less productive in terms of agriculture.

Agriculture may not be the important activity in Darkot and Sharmoli, but collecting and growing certain kinds of herbs still holds value in upper Johar where many Bhotias and scheduled castes people migrate in order to collect them. Many Johari people migrate to collect codyseps ( kira–jhari ), a natural herb in the snowy Himalayas which fetches thousands of rupees per gram in the national and international market. Many Bhotias who still migrate to upper Johar grows various kinds of herbs like kala jeera (black cumin) and jimbu (species of allium), timur (Sichuan pepper) etc. and sell them in local and national markets. Thus, there are many inhabitants of Darkot and Sharmoli who do not perform any agricultural activities in their village but move to upper Johar for doing agricultural activities of growing herbs and crops like potatoes, phaphar (buck wheat) etc. Agriculture in both the villages of Darkot and Sharmoli is neither subsistence (which satisfies need of a family) nor commercial. It is just carried out to meet the small requirements (in the form of vegetables) of a family and that too confined for a few seasons only.

The metaphor of ‘elite village’ used for Darkot has shifted to Sharmoli as many people and current prospective migrants want to settle in and around Sharmoli rather than Darkot. Possession of land in Sharmoli is a matter of prestige and status for many people while in case of Darkot land is slowly losing its charm. It is generally said among villagers that “ only the poor and less educated people live in villages of Johar (in our case Darkot and Sharmoli; while rich and educated migrate to towns and cities),a little well-off among those poor move to Sharmoli while the poor remain in Darkot ”. There are very few families who migrate from far–off upper Johar villages to Darkot and its nearby villages (Jalath etc.) while majority is settled or are living as a tenant in around Sharmoli, Shankhdhura, Nanasem, etc. Sharmoli has an advantage (of being near to core) where one can convert their land for tourism and other purposes (home stays etc.), while there are no home stays in Darkot despite its carrying a legacy and architecture of traditional (old–design) houses of Bhotias (because of its distance from Munsiyari and bad road conditions). Tourists only visit this place for purchasing handicrafts products. Thus, Sharmoli is really gaining more importance than Darkot in present times. But, as per respondents, ‘possession of land’ is still an asset which can be utilized prudently once the problem of wild animals finds a solution and proper water/ irrigation facilities are maintained. People will only invest more when the fear of losing crops will be less. Till then, doing agriculture is only supposed to be ‘increase of liability’ among the villagers. The only advantage of having more land in Darkot and Sharmoli is that one can sell it in a need of an hour.

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In the end one can say that land so far does not seem to be a valuable asset to the inhabitants of both the villages in terms of agricultural activities as it does not yield any economic profit and behaves more of as a ‘non–performing asset’. But, in terms of secondary activities, like tourism and others, land esp. in case of Sharmoli becomes leverage to anyone to hold economic influence in the village (as seen in case of Rawat family). Thus, in modern times in both the villages, one can become patron by utilizing land in profit-generating secondary activities rather than agriculture. So far, one family (who has come from outside state and also own more than 15 nali of land) who started and runs home stays in the village of Sharmoli can be considered as a ‘patron’, as large portion of the income of many big landlords (who run home stays) depends upon it without undergoing under much physical endurance. Does this mean that outsider family irrespective of their caste can become a patron of a village? Yes, it is possible in an economy which is not defined by caste–based occupations 69 . Knowledge and ideas (as employed by the outsider family to start various women’s cooperatives, handloom shops, home stays etc. to augment income of villagers) can be a modern tool to capture power and status in a new world.

Thus, we can conclude that in Sharmoli almost 50% of the available total land with inhabitants is used for cultivation (excluding big landlords) while in case of Darkot, only 21% of the land is under cultivation (as big landlord’s class of Thakur caste has kept their land fallow). Thus, ratio of cultivated to fallow land is 1:1 in case of Sharmoli while it is almost 1:3 in case of Darkot. The official record of area-wise accounts (each account may have several numbers of holders) is provided in Fig. 6.13. It also shows that maximum number of accounts have ‘less than 0.5 hectares’ of land in all the villages.

The changing use and increased value of land and its diversion into commercial activities (rather than agriculture) in Sharmoli have all been possible because of its nearness to the Munsiyari, and hence, the core plays an important role in determining the land use pattern of the nearby places.

69 Caste based occupations are those where occupation is predefined to each caste (on basis of birth) e.g. prayer in temple is done only by Brahmin, scavenging is to be done only by scheduled castes.

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Figure 6.13 A, B & C : Graphs showing area -wise (hectare) accounts of land in the villages of Darkot, Sha rmoli and Shankhdhura (0fficial records)

A. Darkot

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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B. Sharmoli

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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C. Shankhdhura

*Source: devbhoomi.uk.gov.in/ (The data on website is still in mode of updating and do not provide information of all accounts)

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Photos 6.1: Agricultural fields in Sharmoli

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Photos 6.2: Agricultural fields in Darkot

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Photo 6.3: Presence of monkeys in Darkot

6.4 ANIMAL HUSBANDRY IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES

Animal husbandry is the oldest subsidiary occupation among inhabitants of Johar and was in practice since the trade era. Bhotias used to keep a large number of sheep, goats, mules, and jibus etc. which were used as pack animals during trade journey to and from Tibet. The number of animals or herds provided the estimate about the richness of Bhotias. The larger was the herd, the richer was the person. But, later with stoppage of trade, the value of pack animals, esp. sheep and goats, decreased and their numbers kept on decreasing with time. In present times, the little amount of physical space available to people and lack of summer migration, have resulted in shrinkage of the occupation of animal husbandry. With respect to

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other castes, Thakurs and shilpkars used to rear cattle, i.e. cows and buffaloes, in small numbers, mainly for milk and plough purposes. Also, less cultivated area and meager agriculture practiced by inhabitants of Johar valley has further resulted in the decrease of draught animals and cattle population.

Table 6.7: Number of various types of animals in Darkot and Sharmoli as per the year 2012

VILLAGE TYPES OF ANIMALS Sheep Goats Cows Buffaloes Horses Mules Donkeys Dogs DARKOT 341 7 58 9 4 6 - 23 SHARMOLI - - 138 4 - 3 - 22 *Based on the 19 th village animal statistics 2012 by the office of the veterinary medical officer, Munsiyari.

Table 6.7 provides the latest information (as per 2012 Govt. survey) about the various types of animals in Darkot and Sharmoli. Sheep form a majority among animals in Darkot, i.e. around 340 in number, but still their total figure is way less in comparison to the past when one household used to have that many sheep in a herd. Now, there are 300 odd sheep in the whole village of Darkot. Besides sheep, there are 58 cows and minute presence of other animals like horses, mules etc. On the other hand, cows form the majority of animals in Sharmoli, i.e. 138 in number while sheep and goats are absent in the village. Thus, it might be an indication that there are hardly any people in Sharmoli (Bhotias) who practice summer migration with sheep and goats, while a few of them who go to Johar carry loads on horses and mules. The dog is the common animal and can be found in every household of both the villages. This also might be an indication that Sharmoli got settled life after the end of the trade era when inhabitants almost lost / sold their flock, while the recent migrants to the village do not have space and money to keep flocks of sheep and goats. On the other hand, many households keep one–two cows and buffaloes for milk purposes.

Now, let us look at the animal data as per my survey in 2016. Table 6.8 provides the survey data for animals in Darkot. There are 54 sheep in the village of Darkot, of which 50 are with Bhotias while the rest are with Thakurs which is far less than the official number of 340 in the year 2012. The possible reason for this as explained by one Bhotia respondent is that people who are living in Darkot and have sheep, give their herd to others in nearby villages on the way to upper Johar for rearing and mutton purposes. Those people rear sheep on behalf of owners and pay some fixed amount of money at a regular time period. The lack of fodder and restrictions of van panchayat in Darkot led to this scenario. Thus, people of

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Darkot keep less number of sheep in their herd in Darkot. The numbers of goats is 14 and are mainly owned by Bhotias and Thakurs. Bhotias also own eight horses, one donkey, and oxen which are absent in other castes. Horses and donkeys are used as pack animals by a few Bhotias to carry a load of army and tourists to Johar, while oxen are given for rental purpose for ploughing fields.

Table 6.8: Number of various types of animals in Darkot

CASTE TYPES OF ANIMALS

Cow Calf Buffalo Oxen Sheep Goats Horse Donkey Mule Rabbit Hen BHOTIAS 8 4 0 1 50 10 8 1 0 99 17 SC 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 22 110 THAKURS 14 3 5 0 4 4 0 0 3 2 57 *Based on survey of 62 families of Darkot (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakurs)

Cattle, i.e. cow (and her calf) and buffalo are the common animals of all caste groups. They are used as milch animals and their milk is sold in the nearby villages or dairy, esp. by Thakurs as they hold the maximum stock of cattle, i.e. 14 cows and five buffaloes. In my survey, there are 34 cows within the village of Darkot in which nine are calves. Bhotias owns 12 cows and calves while shilpkars have three cows and two calves. Only five Bhotia families and three shilpkar families own cattle in comparison with Thakurs, where every family has at least two cows or buffaloes because of the large space available to them in the form of agricultural land which is kept idle and grass is easily available to the cattle. Some of the Thakur families also sell milk to the dairy or directly to the villagers.

There are around 120 odd Angora rabbits among Bhotias and shilpkars which are reared for the purpose of wool. This clearly shows the importance of handicrafts among the Bhotias and scheduled castes in Darkot. Besides rabbit, hen or chick is provided by the government on the subsidized rate to the villagers of ST and SC communities, i.e. Bhotias and scheduled castes. Many Bhotias further sell or give their extra ‘brood of hens’ to shilpkars and Thakurs. SC community has around 110 hens or chicks with them.

Around 16 families, i.e. 13 Bhotia, two SC and one Thakur, do not have any kind of animal with them. In their opinion, lack of space and money are the main reasons for not rearing any kind of animals while there are families where there are very few members (husband–wife) or in some cases, old person is living alone and could not afford to practice animal husbandry.

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Thus, to conclude, in the present scenario and in terms of castes, the rabbit is the main animal of Bhotias while cattle are important to Thakurs, which are also related to their past occupations of handicrafts and agriculture respectively. Scheduled castes have the least number of animals with them (excluding hens) mainly because of lack of economic viability to keep, maintain and sustain large animals like sheep, cattle horses etc.

Table 6.9: Number of various types of animals in Sharmoli

CASTE TYPES OF ANIMALS

Cows Calf Buffaloes Oxen Sheep Goats Horse Donkey Mule Rabbit Hen BHOTIAS 49 18 0 4 0 118 3 0 3 5 128 SC 8 3 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 9 THAKURS 29 8 8 3 40 41 0 0 0 0 18 BRAHMIN 4 0 0 0 0 60 0 0 0 0 0 *Based on survey of 111 families of Sharmoli (69 Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakurs, 4 Brahmin)

In case of Sharmoli (Table 6.9), there are 119 cows and calves along with eight buffaloes, i.e. milch cattle among various caste groups, which is close to the number of cows and buffaloes in Sharmoli in 2012, i.e. 138 and 4 respectively. Bhotias have the maximum number of cows, i.e. 49, followed by Thakurs (29) and scheduled castes (8). Buffalo is only reared by Thakurs esp. for milk purposes, while oxen are used by both Bhotias and Thakurs for agriculture related activities. Interestingly, there is one Thakur family who claims to have 40 sheep while there are around 220 goats in the village who did not find their mention in 2012 survey. One Nitwal family has around 80 goats while one Thakur and one Brahmin family have 30 and 60 goats respectively. Though these families do not have any sheep or goats with them within the village of Sharmoli, as these are the case where sheep and goats are outsourced to the ‘outsider’ in some other village who rears them on the behalf of the owner. The person who receives the herd (in known number e.g. say 100 sheep) as an outsourced commodity, rears and breeds the flock and sells meat and wool to others and return the herd (in the same number i.e. 100) to the owner with the certain fixed amount. The actual owner either takes the herd from the ‘other person’ during season time (summer) and uses them as a pack animal and returns them back to the rental person with the end of the season, or keeps it with the outsourced person on a fixed (half yearly or annual) rental. Two Martolia families have horses while one Dharamsaktu family has three mules. They use them as pack animals

222 either for carrying construction materials within nearby villages or food and other items during summer migration to upper Johar. There are just five rabbits with one Tolia family while hens or chicks are common among Bhotias as they are provided free of cost (or at a very subsidized rate) by the veterinary department.

Thus, cattle are the main animals (cows, oxen and buffaloes) among all castes in Sharmoli. Few inhabitants have sheep and goats but these animals are not present within the village as they have been outsourced to others in different villages. This also shows the lack of grass and fodder with in the village and restrictions and impositions of van–panchayat on the rearing of animals. About 35 families do not own any kind of animals which include 22 Bhotias, nine Thakur, and four scheduled caste families. They gave the reason of lack of space and poor income to feed animals for not keeping them. Besides, many of those who are in government services (even one member) or are retired pensioners did not own any animal.

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PHOTOS 6.4: Photos of animals in the villages of Sharmoli (above) and Darkot (below)

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PHOTO 6.5: Sheep / Goats (as pack animals) in the village of Bogdyar (Upper Johar)

PHOTO 6.6: Sheep / Goats during their winter sojourn in Munsiyari

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CHAPTER 7

ECONOMY OF TWO VILLAGES – LOW INCOME AND UNSKILLED WORKERS

The introduction about the economy of the Johar valley has already been provided in Chapter 3 where we have mentioned about the trade as well as provided a glimpse of the present economic structure of the valley. In this chapter, we will understand the occupational structure of the villagers of Darkot and Sharmoli (middle villages of Bhotias in Johar valley) and try to find the similarity and difference between the past and present scenarios. The first part of the chapter deals with the economy at the individual level (per-capita) while the second part provides the economic analysis at the level of family.

7.1 ECONOMY OF DARKOT AND SHARMOLI (Based on per-capita / individual)

The primary focus of this section will be on quantitative analysis and summarization of the economic data (of the population) collected during a survey of the villages Darkot and Sharmoli. The type of work and employment in which inhabitants are engaged along with their age and earnings define the economic and social wellbeing of that region. The analysis of the above mentioned economic parameters helps us to understand the occupational structure of both the villages under consideration. A few things are to be kept in mind before going ahead: This section mainly deals with the economic situation of the people who are currently living in Darkot and Sharmoli and does not consider those who belong to the respective villages but live outside of it. We will deal with each caste, i.e. Bhotia, scheduled castes and general, separately and at the same time try to keep the distinction alive between male and female working class population within each caste. The analysis represents the situation of the selected villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, and should not be inferred as the overall situation of Bhotia society or Johar valley. The rules and procedures that are followed in analyzing the survey data are mentioned along with explanations in each sub-section. In our chapter the term work/occupations, worker/ earner is used interchangeably.

We will start this section by providing the summarization of the results and analysis of the trends in the economy of the villages (at individual level), while the latter part provides the statistical analysis of various parameters. One can look into details about the types of occupations, age and education of workers along with qualifications based on caste and gender in the second half of the section.

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7.1.1 Trends in the occupational structure –

The inhabitants of both the villages (males and females) are engaged in multiple occupations. Some of the occupations produce monetary earnings while others are non-monetary in reward. Generally, a woman is engaged in non-monetary occupations such as taking care of household activities (cooking, washing, etc.). Earning population of the village is not age-specific, as inhabitants of all ages (workers to pensioners) are contributing in the economy of both the villages.

The earning population of both the villages falls under the category of ‘middle-age earning group’ as average age of earners in both the villages is beyond 40 years. This clearly shows the presence of large number of pensioners in the villages along with the migration of young (educated) people to outside the village in the absence of quality job market.

In Darkot retired pensioners (30% of total male Bhotia population surveyed) form the bulk of earners among Bhotia males, while manual labour is the leading occupation of shilpkars (45% of the male scheduled caste population surveyed). Thakurs are mostly (47% of male Thakur population surveyed) engaged in business and private occupations. Also, there is lack of labour class in Darkot among Bhotias and Thakurs, esp. because of the social stigma (in view of a few respondents) and they prefer to do other works instead of engaging themselves in wage-labour activities. The reason for this may be that as large numbers of male scheduled castes are engaged in manual labour activities in Darkot, they did not want to be associated with the same group/ class of work within the village. This also shows that scheduled castes are the lowest in the hierarchy of occupations in the village of Darkot.

The case is opposite for Sharmoli, where labour work is the main occupation of Bhotias, shilpkars and second important earning profession of Thakurs, as in words of many “it is the best way to earn money on daily basis and is a fixed source of income”. Does this mean that Sharmoli is less caste and class conscious and driven more by the need of earning money for the survival of family? This may be the reason but Sharmoli is inhabited by people who came to settle here from far off villages in recent times and they did not have any other work (and option) besides being engaged as manual labour and other quick income-generating occupations. On the other hand, there has been hardly any in-migration into Darkot in the last decades and those who are left, carry on the same old professions from generation to generation. They are more reluctant to carry out menial jobs because of their caste consciousness and reputation within the small populated village.

Overall, manual labour and other private occupations are the principle activities of the inhabitants of Darkot and Sharmoli, while engagement of scheduled castes in menial work is larger in comparison to the

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other two castes. There are very few who are in government jobs (within each village) (less than 15% of males in both the villages) and thus our hypothesis that Bhotias are engaged in state and central services as their prime occupation is not true in the vicinity of the village territory. Also, agriculture is not the prime occupation, esp. of male Thakurs (details provided in the previous chapter) and this results in the ‘lack of agricultural class’ in both the villages.

Handicraft is the main occupation among women of Bhotias and shilpkars, esp. in case of Darkot. Though they are not able to earn a huge income out of it yet they carry it on as a symbol of cultural heritage and preservation. In Darkot among Bhotias, handicraft is carried out as a family occupation, as both husband and wife are engaged in it, while in Sharmoli only women are engaged in handloom activities. Does this mean that notion of cultural heritage (in the form of handicrafts) does not hold value among males of Sharmoli? Does the notion of preserving culture change with the space? In my opinion, in case of Darkot, all those families who carry out handicrafts have been practicing it for generations as a kind of business and have their name established in it (there are a few Bhotia families in Darkot whose products are popular in the market and sangathans ) while in Sharmoli, many young recently settled males are looking for quick and easy money for survival while handicraft is practiced by women as a part of their daily routine activities governed by their age old culture. In case of Thakurs, women are mostly engaged in primary activities, i.e. agriculture, in Darkot. As there is hardly any income from the agriculture and it fulfils only a small amount of family consumption needs (because of presence of wild animals who destroy crops), males are not particularly interested in it.

Large numbers of young male inhabitants (up to 35 years of age) in both the villages are engaged in self– employment activities like labour, private jobs and business etc. This shows the lack of employment opportunities in the village as well as low educational qualifications of the working class. ‘Going to Johar’ is still one of the main activity of a few inhabitants among all castes in both the villages. They carry on agricultural, hotel activities in their respective villages of upper Johar and also devote their time in finding cordyceps. Sometime the whole family or single male member migrates to upper Johar for 3-5 months from May–September to earn his seasonal income which helps in taking care of his family for a whole year.

Brahmins continue their age old profession of acting as a priest and perform religious activities but their caste consciousness is not as rigid as it is supposed to be in case of Brahmins of the plains of India. There is one Brahmin who goes to Johar and sells meat, which is certainly not the activity one can imagine among the priest class in other parts of India (esp. in the Hindu heart-land of Indian plains). Thus, caste sometimes becomes secondary when it comes to economy and survival.

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One of the important occupations that has emerged in the villages in the last one decade is the evolution of home stays. One can earn around Rs. 10,000 per month (as a family) in the business. But as it requires investment, only a few rich families are involved in it. Among Bhotias, home stays are run as a family business but in case of Thakurs, mostly females are engaged in it while males do not associate themselves with the occupation. The possible reason for it is that many males from Thakur caste are engaged in other secondary occupations unlike Bhotia males who are completely devoted to one activity, i.e. home stays, e.g. there is one Thakur family in which the husband works in the nearby town Bageshwar while the wife runs home stays in Sharmoli. Another reason may be the gender consciousness among Thakurs (the warrior class), as they did not want to involve themselves in the so called women–driven occupation (as cooking food, cleaning home stays etc. are done by women) and give others the impression that they are surviving on the income of their female partner. The details about home stays will be discussed in later chapters.

Average income of male Bhotias in Darkot village is around Rs. 9,700 per month (average of income of all occupations), i.e. Rs. 320 per day (around $4.75 at current value of 1$=Rs.68). If we leave out those who are engaged in government service, the average income per Bhotia male is around Rs. 6,855 per month, i.e. around Rs. 228 per day or $ 3.36 per day. With regard to Sharmoli, the average income of male Bhotias (across all occupations) is around Rs. 5,900, i.e. around Rs. 200 per day ($ 2.9 per day). [The presence of higher individual male income in Darkot in comparison to Sharmoli is because of presence of retired pensioners].

The average monthly income of a scheduled caste male (taking into account average of income of all occupations) in Darkot is around Rs. 7,387, i.e. Rs 245 per day or $3.60 per day (1$=Rs. 68). But if one does not count the salary of (two people) those who are engaged in government service outside the village and are earning more than Rs. 20,000 per month, the monthly income of a scheduled caste male comes to around Rs. 3,600, i.e. Rs. 120 per day or meager $ 1.7 per day. While in case of Sharmoli, it is round Rs. 6,000 per month, i.e. around $ 3.0 per day. The presence of the huge ‘labor’ and ‘private job’ class in Sharmoli (among SC) clearly increases their daily income to a good extent.

The average monthly earning of a general male across all occupations in Darkot is around Rs. 7,000 per month, i.e. Rs. 233 per day or $3.43 per day (1$= Rs.68), while in case of Sharmoli the average Thakur male earning comes to around Rs. 7,400 per month, i.e. Rs. 246 per day ($ 3.6 per day).

Thus, on an average, individual male earning per day across various occupations, esp. in labor and private jobs and business (leading occupations of both the villages) in both the villages is around US $ 3, i.e.

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around Rs. 200. This clearly shows the poor per capita income among villagers and hence less purchasing power in turn.

Thus, in the end, one can say that, the economic space of both the villages is marked by low income groups who are engaged in private activities such as labour and other business opportunities. Both the villages are certainly divided into various classes, as inhabitants (migrant inhabitants) with white-collar jobs, esp. government jobs (who live outside the villages in towns and cities) occupy the tip of the class structure. Thus, the absent workers actually create the hierarchy structure of class. Living and working in cities is considered as a superior form of occupation followed by government jobs within or in the vicinity of a village. Thus, in our case, government jobs are considered to be the top employment opportunities followed by business (shop-keeping etc.) and other private jobs (taxi–operator, contractor, tour guide etc.). The last block of hierarchy belongs to labour class which forms the lowest section in the economic class structure of the villages. But in the opinion of inhabitants of the villages, “labour provides them easy and instant access to money” and hence is a lucrative occupation to follow which has led to the diminishing value of class consciousness even among Bhotias and high–caste Thakurs, esp. in a village of Sharmoli where society is less close-knitted in comparison to Darkot.

The average daily income of the villagers (across all occupations) is around $3, which is not a bad scenario, as in India there are around 60% people who are earning below the $3 mark [ Analysis from the socio-economic caste census, 2011 ]. Thus, we can say that inhabitants of our research area are not so poor (in a poor country). In terms of average (male) individual income in Darkot, if we exclude those who are in government jobs, Thakurs and Bhotias are almost equivalent to each other while scheduled castes are the poorest of all as their income is almost half in comparison to the other two high castes. In case of Sharmoli, almost every caste earns similar amount of money while Thakurs are slightly better than the other two castes (Bhotias and SC). Thus, we can say, in terms of income, Thakurs are the highest earners in both the villages which is a result of large percentage of engagement in business and other private activities 70 .

Hence, there is no doubt that both the villages are inhabited by less economically well-off people and there it is very difficult to find the economically dominant caste. But in terms of class, government job holders and retirees forms the dominant economic class among all. While there is no doubt that economic opportunities are weak in the villages yet one has to understand the quality of labor force in the village. In my survey, majority of male population, i.e. more than 50% across all castes (except Thakurs in Sharmoli,

70 Large number of low income Bhotia families (esp. labour class in Sharmoli) results in the overall lower average per-capita income for Bhotias; while on the other hand, the number of Thakur families is less (in both the villages) and many of them are engaged in middle earning business activities.

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every caste in both the villages has more than 75% male inhabitants who never attended the college) in both the villages have maximum qualification up to school level and there are very few skilled people in the villages. This is the reason why large numbers of people are engaged in labour and private activities. This also proves the hypothesis that “only those who are less educated and could not avail themselves the benefits of the reservation policy (Bhotias and shilpkars ) remain in the villages of Johar”. While business and other various private activities include people of all educational levels from zero to graduate, government servants across all castes have matric (class X) as their minimum qualification leading up to Master’s degree. Young people who are in the army have qualification between classes XII and graduation. Thus, those who are able to acquire minimum qualification (i.e. class XII) for lower government services are availing themselves benefits of reservation in it. Thus, there is no doubt that low level of education plays an important role in forming the lower income group in both the villages. Thakurs, because of lack of reservation in jobs, are usually confined to the Army as they are almost absent in other civil government jobs. Thus, economically and educationally, no caste seems to be dominant over others within the village.

The detailed analysis about the economic data of both the villages in terms of caste and class is provided below

7.1.2 Statistical interpretation of the occupational structure of Darkot and Sharmoli

A. Type of work -

Let us first start with the very important topic –“various types of occupations and ‘kinds of earnings’ that inhabitants of the Darkot and Sharmoli villages are engaged in”. ‘Various types of occupations’ include government service, handicrafts, business, physical contractual labor, agriculture etc. in which a person receives a monetary income or salary, while ‘kinds of earning’ include pensions and other social scheme benefits available to inhabitants of the village, though in our chapter ‘earner / worker’ usually refers to a person who earns money (whether through a pension or by working) for the survival of his family. The inhabitants who form part of the earning population are those who live in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively and earn/ receive money, and very few of those who send money to the dependent family living in the both the villages. (Individuals or families who belong to Darkot / Sharmoli and live outside but do not send money to family members or village are not considered). Only those males and females are considered who responded ‘yes’ to the question of ‘earning some income’ while much of the non-

231 monetary works are not considered, e.g. a large number of women claim to work as agriculturalists or carry out handloom activities but very few claim to earn any money from it. The case of non–monetary occupations will be dealt with in later chapters. Generally, with regard to the village, it is very difficult to understand the particular type of work in which inhabitants are engaged as both male and female members are engaged in multiple occupations for monetary earnings. One may be a pensioner but at the same time, he/she is also engaged in handicraft or business work. But not all occupations have income generating capacity.

Figure 7.1 represents the percentage of male Bhotias who are engaged in various types of ‘income generating occupations’ in the village of Darkot. If a person is engaged in more than one income generated works, he is included in both the occupations. The figure shows the data of male earning members among 39 Bhotia families surveyed in Darkot who are engaged in various occupations. As per Fig. 7.1, it is clear that the highest percentage of male Bhotias in Darkot is dependent on a pension which is generally of two types. Retired Pensioners are those who are getting pensions after retiring from various Government departments and the army, while social security pensions include old age and widow/ widower pensions. 27% of the male inhabitants in Darkot are earning through pensions and 20% are retired pensioners, i.e. 1/5 of the total surveyed Bhotia male population in Darkot. Only 14% are engaged in government services. These include people who are actually living in Darkot and are working in various govt. departments, or those who send money to family in Darkot while working alone outside the village. A similar percentage (14%) of earners is engaged in handicraft business. Only 7% of Bhotia males depend upon physical labor activities for earning money while 18% depend upon business (shops etc.) and other occupations like drivers, electrician, contractor, tailor etc. The interesting fact is that still 18% of the males are going to Johar (esp. Milam) for various activities like agriculture, finding cordyceps etc.

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Figure 7.1: Percentage of male earning Bhotias engaged in various types of work in Darkot

Percentage of male Bhotias engaged in various types of work in Darkot

2% Govt. Service 14% 18% Labour 7% Retired Pensioners Social Sec. Pensions Handicrafts 18% 20% Business and Others Going to Milam 14% 7% Unemployed

*Based on a survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

With regard to Sharmoli (69 Bhotia families, Fig. 7.2), 17% of male Bhotias are engaged in government services including the army, while 13% are retired pensioners from various departments of state and central government. The majority, i.e. 25% are working as manual (daily wage / contractual) labor and 21% are engaged in business (shop keeper) and other private activities like teaching, driver, electrician, tourist guide etc. Only 5% are engaged in home stays activities while a similar percentage of the male population is engaged in agriculture. 8% of male Bhotias (i.e. 10 respondents) go to Johar for carrying out agriculture and hotel activities while more than 50% of those who go to Johar (out of 8%) devote their time in finding cordyceps. Very few males (5%) claim to have been unemployed in the village.

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Figure 7.2: Percentage of male earning Bhotias engaged in various types of work in Sharmoli

Percentage of male Bhotias engaged in various types of work in Sharmoli

1% Govt Service 4% 8% 17% Retired Pensioners

5% Labour 2% Business and other pvt. 4% Jobs 0% 13% Handicrafts

Home stays

21% Social security pension

Agriculture 25% Going to Johar

Animal Husbandry

Unemployed

*Based on a survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

Thus, to conclude, the majority of male Bhotia earners in Darkot are retired pensioners while in case of Sharmoli the ‘laborer class’ makes up the majority. There is hardly any Bhotia male in Sharmoli who laid claim to the profession of handicraft and there is no male in Darkot practicing home stays activities. A similar percentage of males (around 15%) are engaged in government services in both the villages and much the same is the case for business and other private jobs (around 20%). A large percentage of male Bhotias, i.e. 18% (with regard to 39 respondents), in Darkot go to Johar while the case is opposite for Sharmoli where only 8% (with regard to 69 respondents) follow summer migration. Very few males are unemployed in both the villages. Thus, government service which claims to be the supreme occupation of Bhotias esp. after stopping of trade, does not seem to verify the postulation with regard to our area of research, particularly because all those who are in high status or white–collar government jobs havemigrated to other towns and cities while only lower class state jobs are available in and around

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nearby villages. At present labor, business and other private jobs along with pensions of old people seem to be the source of main income of male Bhotias in both the villages.

Figure 7.3: Percentage Of female Bhotias engaged in various types of occupations in Darkot

Percentage of female Bhotias in various occupations in Darkot

Govt. Service 2% 7% 11% Labour 9% Retired Pensioners Social Sec. Pensions Handicrafts 71% Business and Others Going to Milam

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

The economic indicators for Bhotia women are quite different from their male counterparts. Though they are engaged in multiple activities such as weaving, cooking, cleaning and other household activities etc. yet very few endeavors produce actual monetary income for them. Thus, it is not incorrect to say that they mostly act as ‘free labor’ for their home and society. Though every woman is engaged in a certain kind of activity esp. handicraft and agriculture, only their responses are recorded and analyzed who claim to work in a particular kind of income earning occupations.

Figure 7.3 presents the type of occupations that female Bhotias are engaged in Darkot. As mentioned earlier, like in the case of male Bhotias, if one female is engaged in two or more occupations she is included in both and all. As per figure 7.3, almost three-fourth of the Bhotia women present in Darkot comprising all age groups are engaged in handicraft industry. Every Bhotia woman in the village spends a minimum of 3-4 hours/ day on handloom installed in her house depending upon her age and physical strength. They weave carpets, shawls, stoles, caps, mats etc. and sell them to tourists or locals either from their house or through Sangathans (collectives) etc. Very few are engaged in government services, i.e.

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11%, esp. in the form of anganwadi 71 cook (who cooks in govt. pre-nursery school) and in education and forest departments, while only 2% are engaged in manual labor work. Only 7% of the females are going to Milam for agriculture along with their male counterparts or with their family, while 9% are dependent on social security for their survival. Interestingly, none of the females is present in the category of ‘retired pensioners’ which in case of male Bhotias is the main income generator group in Darkot. The reasons for this may be numerous. One of them may be because of the presence of patriarchal Bhotia society (esp. in past times). Females are not encouraged to pursue their education or take up a job which is considered to be low grade among Bhotias. They are supposed to get married at an early age (usually in their early 20’s) and dedicate themselves in fulfilling the cause of looking after the family, children and old parents; thus they have little or no time to pursue education. They are also absent in case of business and other activities, keeping the profession solely reserved for males.

To conclude, handicraft is the main occupation of the Bhotia women besides being engaged in other activities to generate money. Even those who have day jobs carry out the handloom and weaving activities in the evening time. Handicraft is not only their prime activity but it is the way of life for them. It is almost impossible to think about Darkot without keeping in mind the picture of women working on a handloom in her home. As women are not necessarily supposed to earn money for the family as in case of men, none of the females in the Darkot is considered to be unemployed. In fact, they are engaged in so many household activities that they hardly have free or leisure time for themselves. Even if they sit in the courtyard for some time in the winter sun, their hands are always busy in knitting clothes. Still, when asked about the work, the reponse of women is “ kuch nahi karte hay ” (we have nothing much to do). Though none of the women (as per their responses) is engaged in business and other activities, e.g. shop– keeping etc. yet they act as a chief seller of handicrafts to the tourists whenever they visit their home, thus making them the important entrepreneur group of the village. It is only because of the Bhotia women that age old industry of handicraft making is alive in the Darkot.

71 Started in 1975 by Govt. of India as part of Integrated Child Development Program to combat child hunger and malnutrition. They also provide non- formal pre–school education.

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Figure 7.4: Percentage Of female Bhotias engaged in various types of occupations in Sharmoli

Percentage of female Bhotias in various occupations in Sharmoli

Govt. service 3% 3% 5% 10% Family pension Retired Pensioners 10% 13% Labour

3% Business and other pvt. Jobs 5% Handicrafts

Home stays 11% Social security pension 37% Agriculture

Going to Johar

*Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

In Sharmoli also, in similarity with Darkot, the majority, i.e. 37% of the women are engaged in handicraft industry. Those who are in government service mostly work as anganwadi cooks while 10% receive a family pension (pension of a deceased husband) and 3% are retired from government services. 11% of Bhotia women carry out business work and private jobs in the form of running shops, selling eggs or as private teachers. Five women are engaged in home stays activities while two women claim to have been in agricultural activities. 5% of Bhotia women work as part-time physical labor for earning extra income. None of the women are unemployed in the village and very few, i.e. only one Bhotia woman respondent, go to Johar for kira – jhari . To conclude, handicraft is the primary occupation of Bhotia women in both the villages.

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Let us now understand the situation of shilpkars i.e. Scheduled castes .

Figure 7.5: Percentage of scheduled castes males engaged in various occupations in Darkot

Percentage of SC's males in various occupations in Darkot

5% 9% Govt Service 10% 9% Retired Pensioners Social Security Pensioners Labour 24% Business and others Going to Milam 43% Handicrafts

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

Figure 7.5 explains the occupational scenario of male shilpkars living in Darkot village. Views of 12 families were recorded. Majority of male scheduled castes work as physical labor (43%), while 24% work in business and other activities like shops, tailoring etc., 10% go to Johar (Milam) for agriculture and finding cordyceps, and 5% are engaged in handicraft industry. Only 9% are in government service and that too away from Darkot (but send money to families) while none of the scheduled castes living in the village is a ‘retired pensioner’. With regard to social security pension, only 9% are obtaining the benefits of it.

Similarly, figure 7.6 presents the working structure of scheduled castes male in Sharmoli. More than 50% of the shilpkar males are engaged in manual labor while 29% are engaged in business and private activities which include shop–keeping and temple care taker (religious). There is only one unemployed (i.e. 14%) male among SC in the village.

Thus, clearly physical labor is the main occupation of the shilpkar males in both the villages, followed by private jobs and business.

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Figure 7.6: Percentage of scheduled castes males engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Percentage of SCs male engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Govt. service

Labour 14% Retired Pensioner

Social security pensions

Business and other private jobs Agriculture 29% 57% Going to Johar

Handicrafts

Home stays

Unemployed

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SCs) done in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

Figure 7.7: Percentage of scheduled castes women in various types of occupations in Darko t.

Percentage of SC's women in various occupations in Darkot

9% 9% Handicraft labour 18% Social Security Pension 64% Family Pension

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

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Women of twelve scheduled caste families in Darkot were surveyed and their engagement in various occupations is presented in Figure 7.7. In a similar way as in case of Bhotia women, the majority of shilpkars women in Darkot, i.e. 64% of all scheduled castes females are absorbed in handicraft industry. 18% work as labor, while 9% are receiving social security pension and a similar percentage is drawing family pension from the government. With regard to Sharmoli (Fig. 7.8), the situation is very simple and clear. Only 4 respondents claim to work in some kind of occupation. Two females are in government jobs working as a teacher and an anganwadi worker while the other two are working as manual laborers. None of the shilpkar women in Sharmoli carry out handicraft activities (though knitting is common) while home stays and agriculture among scheduled castes women is missing in both the Darkot and Sharmoli villages. Interestingly, none of the SC women are in business and private jobs as in case of Bhotias.

Figure 7.8: Percentage of scheduled castes women in various types of occupations in Sharmoli .

Percentage of SC women engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Govt. service

Labour 50% 50%

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SC’s) done in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

Situation of Thakurs (General caste) –

This part of the section deals with the economic condition of Thakurs, i.e. general category. They are the people who have no reservation of any kind in jobs or in educational institutions. About 11 and 30 families are surveyed with regard to general category in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively.

Figure 7.9 presents the occupational engagement of Thakurs or General Category male population in Darkot. This is the only category where none of the males in the current generation is in government services while there are 18% retired pensioners. One male receives old age pension while one other goes

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to Milam with his pack animals. A huge proportions, i.e. 46%, are engaged in business and other activities which is the highest among all castes in Darkot. They are working as a shop-keepers, taxi drivers, truck conductors etc. None of the males are in handicraft industry while 18% (i.e. two in number) are working as manual laborers. Thus, general category prefers business and other activities as their predominant profession besides being known as the ‘agriculturalist community’ of Darkot. In my survey, none of the respondents claimed to be an agriculturalist, as in the opinion of all “there is hardly any earning from the fields”.

Figure 7.9: Percentage of General category (Thakur) males engaged in various occupations in Darkot

Percentage of General category male engaged in various occupations

9% Govt Service 18% Retired Pensioners Social Security Pensioners 9% Labour Business and others 46% 18% Going to Milam Handicrafts

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

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Figure 7.10: Percentage of General category (Thakur) males engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Percentage of Thakur males engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli Govt. service 2% 2% Labour 12% 20% Retired Pensioner

Social security pensions

Business and other 24% private jobs 34% Agriculture

Going to Johar 4% 2% Handicrafts

*Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

As in case of Darkot, majority of male Thakurs, i.e. 34%, are engaged in business and private activities such as driver, shopkeeper, milk seller, guide etc. 20% are in government service (particularly the army) while only 6% form the category of pensioners and that too dominated by social security beneficiaries (4%). 12% are working as agriculturalists but carry it out as a secondary profession next to either labor or business activities. 24% of the total general category males work as manual labor while only one person goes to Johar for kira–jhari . None of the males is engaged in handicraft and home stays industries.

Thus, it is very clear that male Thakurs are no longer the agriculturalist caste and are moving towards business and private activities as the main source of their income.

As per figure 7.11 with regard to Thakur women in Darkot, 25%, i.e. two women, are engaged in handicrafts while 37% i.e. three women are engaged in agriculture. This is the first time that any women among all castes claim to work as agriculturalists in the Darkot. They carry out almost all agricultural operations from sowing to harvesting, except ploughing fields with animals or by hands which require male support. Similarly, 13%, i.e. one person works as a business woman and one other receives social security pension. This is also the first time that we have to include ‘politics’ in the occupational category as one woman works as the Pradhan (chief) of Darkot village. None of the general category women are

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in government service or are retired pensioners or are working as manual labor. The other important feature is that agriculture, instead of handicraft, is the dominant occupation of the Thakur women.

Figure 7.11: Percentage of general category women engaged in various occupations in Darkot

Percentage of general category women in various occupations in Darkot

Handicrafts 13% Agriculture 25% 13% Social Security Pension

12% Business and Others 37% Government Services Politics

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

In case of Sharmoli, only one Thakur woman works in a government job as an agent of post office while 30% are engaged in the manual labor force. Two Thakur women carry out home stays activities while a similar number of women are dependent on family pension. None of the women are engaged in handicrafts, business or go to Johar for agriculture and other purposes. Only one woman claims to be engaged in agricultural activities.

Thus, it is very clear that agriculture among Thakurs is mostly carried out by women, esp. in case of Darkot, while in Sharmoli (Thakur) women are mostly engaged in daily wage labor activities.

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Figure 7.12: Percentage of general category women engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Percentage of Thakur females engaged in various occupations in Sharmoli

Govt. service

Labour 10% 20% Family pension

Retired Pensioner

Social security pensions 10% 30% Business and other private jobs Agriculture 10% Going to Johar

20% Handicrafts

Home stays

*Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

In the last, we will deal with Brahmin caste which is only present in Sharmoli. There are four families of the priest class, i.e. Brahmin in Sharmoli. Out of four adult male members, three are engaged in religious activities along with other secondary activities. One male runs home stays (did not involve in religious activities), while one other works as a laborer esp. sharecropper in the fields of Bhotia families. Interestingly, one other male also goes to Johar to sell meat and finding cordyceps (as Brahmins of plains of India usually do not touch meat and other non-vegeterain food). With regard to females, only one woman carries out the profession of home stay (with her husband) while the remaining did not say much about their work.

In the end of this section, let us conclude and summarize the engagement in various types of work of all the castes in the two villages. Table 7.1 lists the occupations carried out by the majority of people in both the villages. It is clear from the table that with regard to both the villages and their inhabitants, neither

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Bhotias are dominant in government jobs (with in the village 72 ), nor Thakurs are carrying agricultural activities at the fullest.

Table 7.1: List of occupations followed by majority among males and females across all castes in Darkot and Sharmoli

CASTE GENDER MAIN MAIN PROFESSION PROFESSION IN DARKOT IN SHARMOLI BHOTIA MALE Retired Pensioner Wage Labour FEMALE Handicrafts Handicrafts SCHEDULED MALE Wage labour Wage labour CASTES FEMALE Handicrafts ------THAKURS MALE Business and Business and private jobs private jobs FEMALE Agriculture Wage Labour BRAHMIN MALE Religious activities *Based on analysis of data of 62 and 111 families in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively.

B. Age of worker in various occupations -

As per survey average age of male Bhotia earner in Darkot is 44.5 years. Pangti male Bhotia earner has an average age of 50.7 years which is higher than the other two clans which include Dharamsaktu male earner having an average age of 39.4 years and ‘other Bhotia’ male earner having an average age of around 43 years.

According to my survey (Fig. 7.13), six Bhotia males between ages 24–42 years are engaged in various types of government services. Those who live in Darkot work in the Revenue department, banking sector while one male member (of Sayana clan) goes to Milam to work in Post office for six months. The rest

72 We are not concerned about people who are in government jobs in other towns and cities. We only look for government servants within the village or those who send money to families in the village though working outside.

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among them work in the Army or in the nearby Tehsil and send money to family in Darkot. {There are a few families whose children also work in various government services but are not included as they have individual families in towns and cities and do not send any money to older ones in Darkot}. Thus, as per the survey, very few Bhotia individuals who are presently living in Darkot actually work in government services and their average age is around 32 years. Only three Bhotia male individuals are engaged in the activity of manual labor. They either work in government projects as monthly contractual labor or on daily basis in construction activities. Thus, average Bhotia age of physical labour is around 31 years.

The pensioners form the majority among the earners in the Darkot. In my survey, 12 individuals (in 39 surveyed Bhotia families) in the age group of 50-80 are dependent on pension, while nine among them are retired pensioners from various departments of the government and the army. A large number of old age pensioners in the earning population results in the increase in the average age of the male earning population of the village of Darkot. The average age of government pensioners is around 64.5 years while those dependent on social security have an average age of above 76 years. Overall, the average age of a male Bhotia pensioner comes to around 67.5 years.

Those Bhotia males who are engaged in handicraft have age between 30–48 years. These male individuals work with their female partners or family as a whole, and carry it out as their main occupation. On the other hand, two old Bhotia males having an age of 82 years and 60 years carry on these activities as subsidiary to their main one. The average age of male Bhotias engaged in handicraft industry is around 48 years. With regard to migration to Milam for performing various activities which include agriculture (including herbs cultivation), animal transhumance and finding kira–jhari, many male members are engaged in it. In my survey, eight individuals (among 39 families) claimed to go to Milam either alone or with their families. The average age of males going to Milam is around 34 years. The rest of the earners belong to the category of private business and other activities. This occupation group includes members of all age groups from 23 to 65 years old. They work as a driver, electrician, tailor, egg seller, shop owner, contractor, trekker etc. They also form the substantial group among survey. Only one male member of Pangti clan aged 45 years claims to be unemployed and performs no work.

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Figure 7.13: Average age of Bhotia male earners in Darkot in various occupations

Average age of male Bhotias earners in various occupations in Darkot 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 Age in Age Years 10 0

Occupations *Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

Figure 7.14: Average age of Bhotia male earners in Sharmoli in various occupations

Avg age of male Bhotia earners in various occupations in Sharmoli 70 60 50 40 30 20

Age in Age years 10 0 Avg age

Types of occupation

*Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

With regard to male Bhotias in Sharmoli (Fig. 7.14), the average age of a male earner (across all occupations) is around 44 years, which is almost similar as in case of Darkot. Those who are in government jobs, business and private sector, manual labour or are carrying on agricultural activities are

247 below 40 years (average of all in specific occupations). Majority of government servants, esp. army personnel, are below 30 years of age and the average age of earner in all government jobs is around 36 years. The labor class forms the age group of 20–60 years while average age in this profession is around 34.4 years suggesting the engagement of a large number of young males in the hard physical activities. Similar is the case with the Bhotia males who are going to Johar. Except one old man having age around 60 years, everyone (who carries out summer migration to Johar) is below the age of 40 years, thus making the average age of the Bhotia males going to Johar around 35 years. Business and private activities form the age group of 20- 80 years old, while average age in the occupation is around 38 years.

The average age of male Bhotias engaged in home stay activities is around 44 years. All of them except one are above 40 years of age while the youngest one is around 35 years old. They, along with their female partners carry out the home stay business. The average age of retired and social security pensioners is around 63 years while the average age of unemployed Bhotia males is around 39 years (which includes males of all ages from 24 years to 50 years old).

Let us now compare age structure of Bhotia females in various occupations in both the villages.

Figure 7.15: Average age of Bhotia women in various occupations in Darkot

Average age of Bhotia women in various occupations 60 50 40 30 20

Age (in Age years) 10 0 Govt. Service Labour Social Sec. Handicrafts Going to Pensions Milam Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

The average age of Bhotia women working in a government job is 43.7 years. These women work as a teacher in a government school or private school, or are engaged in the forest department, or are working as an anganwadi cook. They are posted in the close vicinity of Darkot in nearby villages and are playing a major role in augmenting the income of the family and economically taking care of the dependent ones.

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Only two women are working as physical labor and carry it out as a secondary occupation. The 40 years old anganwadi cook also works as a part time laborer for extra income.

Those who are beneficiaries of social security have an average age of 54 years. These females are of age between 52 and 70 years and receive Rs. 800 per month. All these women also practice handicraft as their other occupation. The average age of Bhotia women going to Johar is around 36.5 years; as one gets older it becomes more difficult to trek the harsh mountainous terrain.

Those who are engaged in handicraft include almost all the female members of the family. Handicraft is the only occupation which is practiced by all females and range of age varies from 20 to 80 years old. Still, the average age of the female handloom weaver is around 43 years.

Figure 7.16: Number of Bhotia women engaged in handicraft in various age groups in Darkot

No. of Bhotia women engaged in handicraft in various age groups in Darkot

15

10

5 No. of No.Females 0 20 -30 30 -40 40 -50 50 -60 60 -70 >70 Age group in years

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

Figure 7.16 provides the number of Bhotia women engaged in handicrafts under various age groups. Many young women in the age group of 20-30 years are practicing handicraft while only a few women after 60 years are actually engaged in this kind of work. This shows that the occupation of hand making products is an art which is being transferred from the old to the young and even the young generation seems to adopt the making of handicraft willingly. As the handicraft industry is a tradition in Darkot and is directly linked to the cultural identity of Bhotias, thus to safeguard and promote it, many Bhotia families in Darkot pass their art to the young generation esp. females. Also as per respondents of various

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age groups, the average time spent on handloom by the young generation, i.e. 20-40 years old, is more in comparison to the old generation because of decreasing physical strength of the latter as this occupation requires good eyes and strong arms and legs. Thus, very few women carry out handloom activities after the age of 70 years. This is also the important activity for young women to keep themselves busy and at the same time earn some money for the family.

Figure 7.17: Average age of Bhotia women in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg age of female Bhotias in various occupations in Sharmoli 80 70 60 50 40 Age 30 20 10 0 Avg age

Type of Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

The average age of Bhotia women in Sharmoli (Fig.7.17) in almost all the occupations except pensioners is less than 40 years. Those who are in government services in form of anganwadi worker or teacher etc. have an average age of around early 30s. Those who carry out agriculture, works as manual labor, or perform business in the form of shops, selling products like eggs, grass etc., or are engaged in handicrafts and home stays industry fall in the average age group of 36-38.5 years old. While women of all ages from 20 years till 65 years old are engaged in business and handicrafts activities, the majority of women in home stays are under 40 years of age. Only one woman of the age of more than 50 years claims to go to Johar for kira–jhari . Pensioners, either in the form of family pensioners, retired pensioners or social security pensioners, are all above 60 years old.

Thus, the working Bhotia female (across all occupations) has an average age of 43 and 46 years in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively which is almost similar as in case of male Bhotias.

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Situation of shilpkars –

Figure 7.18: Average age of scheduled castes male income earners in various occupations in Darkot

Average age of SC male earners in various occupations in Darkot 80 70 60 50 40 30

Age (in Age years) 20 10 0 Govt Social Labour Business Going to Handicrafts Average Service Security and others Milam worker age Pensioners Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

The earning male in Darkot belonging to shilpkars (Fig. 7.18) has an average age of 42 years. Those who are in government services have an average age of around 24.5 years in which one male of age 21 years works in public works department while another one of age 28 years is in ITBP force, both working outside the village but sending a good amount of salary to the dependent family members. Those (two individuals) who are getting social security pension have an age of 77 and 66 years respectively, while the average age of all those who are engaged in physical labor is around 36.7 years. Similarly, the average age of an earner in business and other activities is 41.8 years, while those who are going to Milam have an average age of 32.5 years.

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Figure 7.19: Average age of scheduled castes male income earners in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg age of SC male earner in various occupations in Sharmoli 40 30 20 Age 10 Avg age 0 Labour Business and other private jobs Type of occupations

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SCs)

As scheduled castes males (Fig. 7.19) in Sharmoli are engaged predominantly in two types of occupations, i.e. labor and business, the average age of working SC men in Sharmoli is around 34 years. Those who are engaged in labor are mostly in their late 30s with an average age of around 37.5 years. Two men in their early 30s are engaged in shopkeeping and religious activities, while one 35 years old man did not carry out any kind of work and is currently unemployed.

Figure 7.20: Average age of scheduled castes women in various occupations in Darkot

Average age of SCs women in various occupations in Darkot 60 40 20 0 Handicraft labour Social Security Family Average Age in Age years Pension Pension earner's age Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs) done in Darkot in April- June 2016

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With regard to the age of working female scheduled castes women (Fig. 7.20), only one female member of age 50 years receives social security pension in the form of widow pension while one other 55 years old receives family pension, i.e. pension of a deceased husband who was in government job earlier. Those who are engaged in handicraft have an average age of around 35 years which includes a young woman of 22 years as well as an old lady of 60 years. Among seven women who practice handicrafts, six women are below 40 years of age while only one is above 40 years. Two young women of age 30 years and 36 years work as part–time labor. Thus, the average age of earning shilpkar women in Darkot is around 43 years.

Figure 7.21: Average age of scheduled castes women in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg age of SC women in various occupations in Sharmoli

48 47 46

Age 45 44 Avg age 43 Govt. service Labour Types of Occupations

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SCs) done in Sharmoli in April- June 2016

The average age of shilpkars working women in Sharmoli is around 46 years in which one 35 years old works as a teacher while another 55 years old works in anganwadi . Those who are working as labor have an age beyond 45 years.

Case of Thakurs (General caste) –

With regard to the age of working male general caste people in Darkot (Fig. 7.22), the retired pensioners and social security pensioner have an average age of around 60 years, while all those who are engaged in labor activities, business or are going to Milam are below 40 years of age. Overall, the average age of the general category male earner in Darkot (across all occupations) is around 46 years which is slightly

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greater than the other two categories of Bhotias and SCs. Those who work in business as shopkeepers are 35 and 43 years old, while a few others in their mid 30s work as a driver and conductor in transport service. A 60 year old Bisht male is living alone and is surviving by means of old age pension. With regard to the occupation of the laborer, one 48 years old Bhat male and one 30 years old Karki male are dependent upon it. Only one person belonging to Karki sub-caste (in his 30s) is going to Milam with his pack animals like horses and mules in order to provide food and other necessary items to the forces at the border.

Figure 7.22: Average age of general category male in various occupations in Darkot

Average age of male General earners in darkot in various occupations 70 60 50 40 30 20

Age in Age years 10 0 Retired Social Labour Business Going to Average Pensioners Security and others Milam age of Pensioners earner Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

In case of Sharmoli (Fig. 7.23), the average age of male earners in the general category (across all occupations) is around 46.5 years which is similar to Darkot. Those who are in government jobs have an average age of 35 years and more than 80% (among government servants) are in military service. A 60 years old man is a retired pensioner while other two individuals in their 70s are beneficiaries of social security pensions. Only one thirty years old male goes to Johar for kira–jhari along with sheep rearing, while another man of the same age is unemployed. Agriculture is carried on by males of age group 30–60 years, while labor class consists of a majority of young people in their youth of the early 30s (around 70%) with the exception of a few who are in their late 50s. Similarly, the class of business and private jobs consists of males of all age categories which include selling milk, grass, shopkeeping, private teacher, driver, contractor, guide etc. The average age of a working Thakur male in business category is around 40.7 years. The whole situation is summarized in Figure 7.23.

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Figure 7.23: Average age of general category male in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg age of male General caste in various occupations in Sharmoli 90 80 70 60 50

Age 40 30 20 10 0 Avg age

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

Figure 7.24: Average age of general category women in various occupations in Darkot

Average age of general category women in various occupations in Darkot 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 Age in Age years 20 10 0 Handicrafts Agriculture Social Security Business and Politics Pension Others Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

Two young women have an age of 32 years and 25 years respectively and carry out activities of handicraft besides the former being the Pradhan of Darkot village. An old lady of 80 years receives old age pension of Rs. 800 per month. Three women having age in early 30s practice agriculture. With regard

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to business and other activities, only one Bhat woman of age 45 years sells milk. The details about the average age of Thakur women in various occupations can be seen in figure 6.24. The average age of women in handicrafts is around 28.5 years, while in agriculture it is around 33 years. Thus, average age across all occupations is around 46 years.

With regard to Sharmoli (Fig. 6.25), only one 30 years old Thakur female works in a post office, while four other women in their age group of 45 – 65 years receive family and social security pensions. Two other women, having an age of 55 years and 36 years run home stays while other three women having an average age of around 33 years are working as laborers. Thus, overall, average age of Thakur working women in Sharmoli village is around 46.years.

Figure 7.25: Average age of general category women in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg age of General category women in various occupations in Sharmoli 70 60 50 40

Age 30 20 10 0 avg age

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

Lastly, we will deal with Brahmins –

With regard to Brahmin males, all those who practice religious activities have an average age of around 41 years, with all the three males being in their early 40s. Those who work as a laborer and go to Johar are 40 years old respectively while one 52 year old male runs home stays.

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With regard to female Brahmins, only one woman of age 43 years runs home stays along with her (previously mentioned) 52 year old husband.

Table 7.2 sums up the average age of earning inhabitants of male and female across all occupations in both the villages. It is very clear that average age of both male and female earner is beyond 40 years in both the villages. Thus, both the villages are in the category of ‘middle age–group earning society’, mainly because of the presence of a large number of pensioners (esp. among males) and presence of ‘handicraft class’ which is practiced by men and women of all ages. Besides that, the majority of labor and business class people are young within the age group of 20–40 years.

Table 7.2: Average age among males and females in all occupations and castes in Darkot and Sharmoli

CASTE GENDER Average age of Average age of earner in Darkot earner in Sharmoli BHOTIA MALE 44.5 44 FEMALE 43 46 SCHEDULED MALE 42 34 CASTES FEMALE 43 46 THAKURS MALE 46 46.5 FEMALE 46.5 46 *Based on analysis of data of 62 and 111 families in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively

C. Earnings in various occupations -

Lastly, we will deal with the average monthly earnings/ income of males and females of all castes in Darkot and Sharmoli. The income here represents the information provided by the respondents (based on their earnings) and is not based on any official documents or any other solid references. The income here represents male or female (individual) income associated with various kinds of occupations and should not be confused with the income of the family .

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Let us start with the earnings of male Bhotias in Darkot. Those who are engaged in government services (including the Army) or are getting pensions can easily provide the exact figure of the amount of income they earn. Generally, the higher the rank of a person in the government service, the higher is his income. In the same way, higher is the pension of the retiree who retired from higher government post as compared to others. Also with regard to Fig. 7.26, government service seems to be the highest paid as well as permanent source of regular income. The average salary among government job workers in Darkot is around Rs. 18,000 per month. (It also includes those who work outside Darkot but their family resides in the village and is dependent on their salary for survival). Those who are in the various government services, i.e. revenue department, banks, engineer, army etc. earn between Rs. 15,000–Rs. 30,000 per month (as per survey). (Army personnel send most of their salary home and only the amount received by the family is includ ed ). Though very few workers actually stay and work near Darkot yet mostly send good part of their income for the survival of their wife, children, and parents. (Majority of the Bhotias in Darkot who are engaged in the various top and middle class or white–collar government services reside in towns and cities along with their families. It is only the lower-middle service class that is actually living in Darkot and is working nearby).

Figure 7.26: Average earnings of Bhotia males per month (in Rupees) in various occupations in Darkot

Average earning of male Bhotia in Rs. from various occupations per month in Darkot 20000 18000 16000 14000 12000 10000 8000 6000 4000 2000 0 Govt. Service Labour Retired Social Sec. Business and Going to Average earning permonth in Rs. Pensioners Pensions Others Milam Sectors of Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

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Very few Bhotia inhabitants work as physical labor in Darkot and nearby places. They are either employed by road construction company on a fixed monthly wages as a contractual employee or work with some private contractor for the house and building constructions. They usually earn Rs. 300–350 per day (for 8 hours of work) and work for 15-20 days per month (in the opinion of the respondents). The average earning of a physical laborer is the lowest among all the occupations and stands at Rs. 5,333 per month. Thus, average working days of a physical laborer come to around 15-18 days/ month depending upon the wage rate (Rs.300/ 350). Bhotias belonging to this occupation category fall under ‘lower class’ strata (among their caste) and that is the reason very few among them took this occupation as a permanent source of livelihood. Only three Bhotia young males work as laborers among 39 Bhotia families surveyed in the Darkot. The reason for them to be engaged in such a work is low education, almost no agricultural land and no employment or earning opportunities in the village. They are left with no other option for the survival of their family.

The pensioners form the largest group of earners in the village. As mentioned earlier, there are two types of pensioners - those who retired from government offices and those who are getting old age/ widow social security pension. The average pension of the retirees is around Rs. 14,000 per month, and the range varies from Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 17,000 per month depending on the type of job and department. Eight male members of Pangti and Dharamsaktu clans are retired pensioners, while only one Nikhurpa male from ‘other Bhotias’ falls in this category. These retirees play the main role in the survival of their family as they are not only the second highest earners among all in the village but are also responsible for fulfilling the needs of all family members from young to old. There are cases where old pensioner father takes care of his adult son and his family who are not able to fulfill their every need and demand.

On the other hand, three Bhotia males survive by means of old age pension which is around Rs. 800 per month (as per respondents in 2016). The person who gets old age pension generally comes under BPL (Below Poverty Line). The benefit and usefulness of social security can be calculated from the fact that ‘amount of social security one receives is almost 20 times lower than the general pension’. Though a person belonging to BPL may get cheap food and other facilities from PDS (Public Distribution System) yet still the amount is far below required for the normal, healthy and minimum standard of living. Though the social security amount does not seem to be even near the survival income for a individual (Rs. 25/ day or $ 0.4/ day), still this little amount plays a good role when it is added to the overall ‘small income’ of the family as it can be used to pay the school fees of children etc. Thus, every penny is worth it in the life of an individual in the village where income and employment opportunities are very few.

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Business and other activities also play an important role in the economic life of the Bhotias of Darkot. More than ten male members (out of 39 Bhotia families) are engaged in various business and other activities that include shopkeeping, driver, tailor and even handicrafts. The average earning in such activities is around Rs. 8,000 per month. Those who work as drivers earn around Rs. 5,000–Rs. 6,000 per month while others are engaged in various activities such as egg selling (Rs. 900/month), groceries and daily need shop (Rs. 15,000/ month), and a private contractor (Rs. 10,000/ month). Though the income of those who are engaged in handicraft is not very clear (as the sale of handicrafts depends on many factors such as the flow of tourists, type of season, availability of raw materials etc.) their average monthly income is below Rs. 5,000 per month (as an individual). Thus, business and self-employed activities seem to be the good source of income to the people of Darkot who are not able to find any jobs and employment opportunities in other towns and cities.

The last group consists of those who still go to Johar (or Milam) to carry out various kinds of activities such as agriculture, finding cordyceps, carry loads for the army on their pack animals etc. The inhabitants going to Johar work only for 3–6 months because of the climate and terrain constraints of the region (May-October). They form the third highest group of earners and derive an average income of more than Rs. 8,000 per month. Those who run a hotel in Milam earn around Rs. 7,500/ month (Rs. 90,000–100,000 per season) while agriculturalists earn Rs. 5,000 per month on an average. One Tolia male has two–three horses and makes frequent trips to Johar for various purposes like trekking, sending food items and other articles to the ITBP force in Milam etc. and earns around Rs. 150,000 in a season (around Rs. 12,500 per month). Those who go for kira-jhari earn around Rs. 100,000 per season. Usually, a family (consisting of husband and wife and sometimes parents as well) goes to Johar for agricultural purpose and hotel running, while other activities such as kira–jhari , pack animals, trekking and rearing are mainly performed by male members.

Those Bhotia males (Fig. 7.27) who are in government services in Sharmoli earn (or send) average income of around Rs. 12, 500 per month. Those who are in the army send any amount ranging from Rs. 1,000 to Rs. 20,000 per month depending upon their individual and family needs. On the other hand, retirees form the highest earning group in Sharmoli with average pension per person per month being Rs. 19, 142. The pension of an individual varies from Rs. 8,000 per month to Rs. 54,000 per month depending upon his job. Thus, around 32 Bhotia individuals among 69 families form the group of government servants and retired pensioners that are highest earners in the village.

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Figure 7.27: Average earning of Bhotia male per month (in Rupees) in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg. earning per month among Bhotias in various occupations in Sharmoli

25000 20000 15000 10000 5000 0 Avg. Income earningpermonth in Rs.

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

Those who work as physical labour, earn an average income of around Rs. 4,400 per month. The individual can earn a maximum of Rs. 9, 000 per month (if wage rate is Rs. 300 per day) depending upon his capability and strength, but majority earns between Rs. 3,000–Rs. 6,000 per month. Very few individuals claim to earn around Rs. 8, 000 per month. This is the group where highest numbers of Bhotia males are engaged.

Those who are in business and private jobs form the third highest earner group in Sharmoli village with an average earning of Rs. 6,600 per month. They earn between Rs 1,000 per month till Rs. 30,000 per month depending upon the work. Drivers, shopkeeper earn around Rs. 5,000–Rs. 15,000 per month while a teacher can earn up to Rs. 30, 00 per month. Those who are engaged in secondary activities like selling grass or work as a guide earn averagely around Rs, 1,000 per month. Social security pensioners earn the meager amount of Rs. 800 per month while those in agriculture earn around Rs. 820 per month. Only one person has an agricultural income of Rs. 3,000 per month while all others only manage to earn below Rs. 300 per month. Those who are going to Johar earn around Rs. 3,500 per month by doing agriculture or by finding kira- jhari. They earn from as low as Rs. 10,000 to as high as Rs. 100,000 per season from cordyceps, depending upon the time and labour they devote.

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The last and important category is of home stay earners who are absent in case of Darkot. The average income from home stay is around Rs. 4, 200 per month ( Remember we are talking about individual male income, but home stays are run by families. So, we divide the income of home stay exactly half among male and female partners). Their income from home stay is between Rs. 1,750 to Rs. 6,250 per month. Those (families) who solely depend upon home stay income earn more than those who are already earning good amount from their primary sources of income (e.g. retired pensioner).

Thus, government service and the retirees’ pension are the highest-paid occupations / earnings in both the villages followed by the rest.

Let us now move to the case of Bhotia women in Darkot. The income of the female respondents engaged in various activities is very difficult to assess as the majority of the female respondents have “no idea” when asked about the question of monthly earnings. The ‘money’ in the village is still a masculine concept and female members of the family do not like to speak much about the monetary issues. They formulate their answer in such a way as to show that only males are responsible for the income and survival of the family and they just act as a caretaker of the kids and elderly. This shows the presence of patriarchy in the Bhotia society where work of women is not much acknowledged even if she works more laboriously and is earning more handsomely than her male counterparts. I still managed to draw responses from a few women and their results are summarized below-

Let us start with those women who are in service in various government departments. An Anganwadi cook gets a fixed salary of Rs. 1,500 per month while those who are engaged as a teacher in private and Anganwadi schools get a monthly salary between Rs. 5,500 andRs. 6,000. One Pangti woman who is a teacher in government school gets a salary of Rs. 18,000 per month while the one in the forest department refuses to comment on her earnings. The tangible difference between the salaries of female respondents of the teaching profession, though they belong to the same class of occupation, is their educational level and their belonging to the type of department and the permanency of their job. Anganwadi teachers are mostly on the contractual job while those in private schools are usually paid less in comparison to the government teachers. An Anganwadi cook spends 2-3 hours of her time per day in a school and cooks food for children, esp. under mid-day meal scheme, while teachers spend almost 5-7 hours of their time in work per day. Besides that, they also spend some time on handicraft and household work.

Those who are getting social security in the form of either old age pension or widow pension receive Rs. 800 per month equivalent to their male counterparts. Though the amount is very low, still it plays an important role in the overall income of the family. In the opinion of the villagers, the criterion for receiving old age pension basically depends up on the income of individual or family. There are cases

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where an old women in her 80s is living alone but could not avail herself of pension for her survival because her son or any other family member is earning handsomely in the town or city and thus she could not be considered to be BPL (Below Poverty Line) even though the latter is not sending any money to the former. On the other hand, there are a few who are receiving money while living with his/her family who are earning way above the poverty line. There are definitely certain discrepancies in the policy of pension and in my opinion much in the village depends up on the mercy of the ‘pradhan ’. But, without going into specific details and analysis, we are here (in this section) trying to confine ourselves to the statistics of basic economic indicators.

Women who are going to Johar for agriculture are earning an average of Rs. 2,500- Rs. 5,000 per month on the basis of the sale of crops (based on the seasonal earning). But this income is included in the earning of the family (or earning of the male head) and not in the individual woman’s name, even though they carry out majority of the agricultural operations in and out of the field. Thus, we did not consider agricultural or any kind of income from Johar to the credit of women. Even those families who do not get monetary benefits by selling any produce of Johar in the market are benefitted in kind by the hard work of women, as at least some food crops (grown in Johar) are available for free consumption for a few months while their stay in Darkot.

Lastly, we take up the scenario of handicrafts wherein majority of the Bhotia women are employed and it is the only sector where a few women have admitted to retaining some money for themselves after selling the products. Those who have responded, claim to earn between Rs. 500 and Rs. 3,000 per month by selling handicrafts but the income depends upon the type of season, the inflow of tourists and demand in the local and outside markets, availability of raw materials and time at the disposal of women for making products etc. As per 15 respondents, their average income per month from handicraft is around Rs. 1,366 per month which is far below in terms of the amount of time spent on making different items. (In a family where all male and female members are engaged in handicrafts, it is difficult to distinguish between the income of male and female members and it is usually considered as an income of the family, e.g. Martolia family in Darkot where all three young sons and their wives are engaged in handicrafts earns around Rs. 10,000 per month as a family). As the income from handicraft is irregular, large numbers of female respondents are not sure of their income.

To conclude, it is very difficult to assess the income of female respondents where the majority is in handicraft industry and income is not constant in comparison with the males who are engaged in fixed income earning occupations whether it is in the form of pension or physical labor. Also in Bhotia society, the male is supposed to earn and feed the house, thus freeing the woman from any pressure to generate

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monetary income. But the low income of male Bhotias and increasing requirements of the family along with the notion of preserving heritage culture that has the capacity to supplement family’s income make Bhotia women continue to keep themselves engaged in handicrafts in the scenario of weak employment opportunities in the village.

Similar is the case with Sharmoli. Those Bhotia women who are in any kind of government service earn an average income of around Rs. 2,800 per month. They are mostly engaged in anganwadi services. Family pensioners (i.e. pension of a deceased husband) and retired pensioners also form the highest earner group among female Bhotias as the average monthly pension is in the range of Rs. 7,000–Rs. 20,000 per month. Those who work as labor earn around Rs. 3,000 per month while business and private job workers earn around Rs. 2, 000 per month which includes shopkeeping, selling grass and eggs, milk etc.

Those Bhotia women who are engaged in handicrafts in Sharmoli earn around Rs. 1,100 per month (as per seven respondents) which is almost similar as in case of Darkot. They earn anything between Rs. 200 and Rs. 3,000 per month. Lastly, home stays emerge as a main and important source of income for the women of Sharmoli. This is the highest earning profession for women after we leave out the lucky ones who earn a pension. Their monthly average income is around Rs. 4,200 (as in case of the male of Sharmoli). Thus, there is no doubt that that the new economy esp. home stays, plays an important role in the emancipation of women.

Case of Scheduled castes –

Figure 7.28: Average earning of male Scheduled castes per month in Darkot under various occupations

Average montly earning of male SC's under various occupations 25000 20000 15000 10000 5000 0 Govt Service Social Labour Business and Going to Handicrafts Security others Milam Pensioners Earning permonthin Rs. Occupations

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

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Figure 7.28 explains the average monthly earning of male shilpkars under various occupations in Darkot. Those who are in government services, i.e. in ITBP and in public works department, send around Rs. 25,000 and Rs. 20,000 per month to their families respectively. Their average income comes to around Rs. 22,500 thus making them the highest earner group among shilpkars across all occupations in Darkot. Those who are eligible for social security pension receive Rs. 800 per month, i.e. only two males among SCs are the beneficiaries of it. A large number of youths and middle–age men are employed as a contractual labor either in GREF (Road Construction Company of the Army / Govt.) and earn Rs. 6,000 per month as a fixed salary or are under a private contractor. The average salary of a laborer is around Rs. 5,400 per month which depends upon the number of man-days work. Many people consider the job of a laborer as the fastest and easy way to earn money, esp. for daily purposes, which is not possible in any other unskilled occupations.

Business and other activities seem to earn less as compared to all other activities. Average earning of a male in business-allied activities is around Rs. 3,250 per month. In most cases, a person cannot evaluate his monthly earnings but still a person having a shop in Munsiyari earns a meager amount of Rs. 1,000 per month (and in his opinion, there is no earning to him from handicrafts), a tailor earns Rs. 2,000 per month while an electrician earns Rs. 8,000 per month. A few others who also have shop or work as a tailor are unable to price out their work.

Lastly, those who go to Milam for agricultural purposes and for cordyceps do not know the exact amount of income they earn. In the opinion of one 28 years old young male, he earns around an average of Rs. 5,000 per month from agriculture (based on seasonal agricultural output) while around Rs. 6,000 per month for finding and selling kira-jhari (Rs. 70,000 per season). Other individuals claim to keep the agricultural produce for family consumption

In case of Sharmoli (8 scheduled castes families), majority of shilpkars (57%) are physical labor and their average monthly earning is around Rs. 4, 750 per month. The rest (29%), are in business and private activities and earn between Rs. 5,000–Rs. 9,000 per month by engaging in activities like religious ceremonies and shopkeeping respectively. Besides labor and business, there is no other occupational category among scheduled castes in Sharmoli while there is one unemployed person as well.

With regard to scheduled caste women in Darkot, it is very difficult to calculate the income of an individual woman as none of them claim to have earned any significant amount with their hard work. Those who are in manual labor earn between Rs. 2,000–Rs. 5,000 per month, while social security pension is around Rs. 800 and family pension is Rs. 1,400 per month. Only three women responded to some kind of earning from handicrafts, as the majority do not find any kind of income from the

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occupation. The average monthly earning of scheduled castes women from handicraft is below Rs. 500. This amount is almost half in comparison to the earning of Bhotia women who practice handicrafts. Also with regard to handicrafts, shilpkar women do not find any help from their male counterparts as in case of Bhotias where both males and females carry it out as a family occupation. They mostly work on ‘outsource basis’ as they get raw materials from others to make handicrafts at certain fixed rates.

In case of Sharmoli, one SC female who works as a government school teacher earns Rs. 30, 000 per month while anganwadi worker receives around Rs. 2, 000 per month. The rest, employed as labor, earn a monthly income of Rs. 3, 250.

Case of Thakurs (General Caste) –

Figure 7.29: Average monthly earning of males (general category) in various occupations in Darkot

Average monthly earning of general category male under various occupations in Darkot 18000 16000 14000 12000 10000 8000 6000

Earnings in Rs. 4000 2000 0 Retired Social Security Labour Business and Going to Milam Pensioners Pensioners others Occupations *Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

As per figure 7.29, the average earning of a pensioner of the general category in Darkot is around Rs. 16,500 per month as two army pensioners receive Rs. 13,000 and Rs. 20,000 per month respectively. Two persons are engaged in the shopkeeping activities and earn Rs. 2, 000 per month. Those who are working as a driver and conductor in transport services earn between Rs. 5,000–Rs. 10,000 per month. Thus, Thakur males belonging to business and other private activities earn around Rs. 5,400 per month. A 60 years old Bisht male is living alone and is surviving by means of old age pension of Rs. 800 per month, while those who are laborers earn between Rs. 6,000–Rs. 9,000 per month, making an average income of

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Rs. 7,500 per month. Only one person is going to Milam (with his pack animals like horses and mules in order to provide food and other necessary items to the force at the border). His seasonal (May-October) income is around Rs. 60,000 which comes to an average of Rs. 5,000 per month.

Figure 7.30: Average monthly earning of males (general category) in various occupations in Sharmoli

Avg. earning of general category male in various occupations in Sharmoli 16000 14000 12000 10000 8000 6000 4000

Average earning 2000 Avg income 0

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

Continuing with a similar trend, retirement pensions along with government service is the highest earning profession among Thakurs in Sharmoli as well. Those who are retired earn an average pension of Rs. 15,000 per month while government servants earn around Rs. 13,000 per month which includes army personnel who send the fixed amount to the village as well as people from other professions, e.g. teacher. Labour class form the third highest earner group with an average earning of Rs. 6,500 per month while business and private jobs come next at around Rs. 6,100 per month. Selling milk is the main business activity of Thakurs and with it they earn between Rs. 3,000–Rs. 10,000 per month followed by other professions such as guide, selling grass, shopkeeping, teaching and private jobs, driver etc. Only one person is going to Johar and earns around Rs. 2,500 per month (based on seasonal catch of kira- jhari ).

With regard to Thakur women, a 32 years old woman carries on with handicrafts besides being the Pradhan of Darkot village. She earns Rs. 1,000 per month as Pradhan of the village, while income from

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handicrafts is not known. Another 25 years old woman also makes handicrafts and earns around Rs. 1,000 per month from the sale of products. An old lady of 80 years belonging to Bhat caste receives old age pension of Rs. 800 per month. Those who practice agriculture did not claim to earn anything from it. With regard to business and other activities, only one Thakur woman sells milk and earns Rs. 1,000 per month.

Similarly, in case of Sharmoli, a Thakur women employed in post office earns around Rs. 5,000 per month while two other women earn a family pension of Rs. 12,000 and Rs. 6,500 respectively. But, the interesting case is of home stays where women earn an average income of Rs. 10,500 per month making them the highest income grosser among all women among all castes. The reason being, Thakur male did not claim to run home stays as in case of Bhotias and thus, all home stays income are included in the female category. There is no income from agriculture and any other activities.

Case of Brahmins -

The Brahmins are present only in Sharmoli and are predominantly engaged in religious activities which are carried out almost whole of the year in good as well as in bad times. They earn around Rs. 3,000–Rs. 5,000 per month while a male who runs homestay earns around Rs. 6,000 per month. Another male, who goes to upper Johar (besides being engaged in religious activities) earns an extra income of around Rs. 2,000 per month.

With regard to women, only one lady runs home stays and earns the same amount as his husband i.e. Rs. 6,000 per month.

D. Educational level of workers

Let us understand the educational qualifications of villagers in Darkot and Sharmoli, esp. among males. The percentage of males having different types of educational qualifications is provided and summarized by means of pie chart, while occupation-based educational qualification is only provided by means of bar graph for further knowledge. Figure 7.31 presents the educational level of male Bhotias in Darkot. 38% of the Bhotia males have higher secondary qualification while 18% have attained matriculation certificate. Overall, 60% of the male Bhotia population is having qualification between class 10 and 12. Only 13% have Bachelor’s degree while meager 3% (only one respondent) have Master’s degree. 15% have

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education below class 10 levels, i.e. between classes 1-9 while 8% have never attended any kind of school. Thus to conclude, almost 85% of the male Bhotia population in Darkot never attended any college or are engaged in any professional course, i.e. their maximum education level is up to higher secondary school. Thus, one can easily correlate the type of work and low income of the people of Darkot with their educational qualification. With regard to educational level in various occupations, Figure 7.32 provides the summary on this account.

Figure 7.31: Percentage of male Bhotias having different educational level in Darkot.

Percentage of male Bhotias having different educational level at Darkot.

Matric (10) Class 11 15% 18% Higher Secondary (12) 8% 5% 3% Graduation 13% Master 38% No Education Below Matric

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias)

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Figure 7.32: Educational level of number of Bhotia male in various occupations in Darkot

No. of Bhotia males having type of qualification under various occupations

4.5 4 3.5 3 Matric (10) 2.5 Class 11 2 Higher Secondary (12)

No. of No.persons 1.5 Graduation 1 Master 0.5 0 No Education Below Matric

Occupations *Based on survey of 62 households (39 Bhotias)

Note with regard to Fig.7. 32: As same person can be in various occupations, his educational qualification is considered every time he appears in various types of occupation categories. Thus a person having qualification of higher secondary and working as handicraft and pensioner is considered in both the occupations.

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Figure 7.33: Percentage of male Bhotias having different educational level in Sharmoli

Percentage of male Bhotias having different educational qualification in Sharmoli

1% Below matric 6% 8% 19% Matric (10) Higher Secondary (12) 14% Graduation

28% Master 24% Doctorate No education

*Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias) do

With regard to Sharmoli (Fig. 7.33) 47% of the male Bhotias either have qualification of matriculation or below while, 24% have higher secondary as their highest qualification. Thus, more than 70% of the male Bhotias have education till high school level. Only 14% are graduate while 8% have Master’s degree. 6% Bhotia males are illiterate. The educational qualification with regard to occupation is provided in figure 7.34.

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Figure 7.34: Educational level of number of Bhotia males in various occupations in Sharmoli

No. of Bhotia males having differernt type of qualification in Sharmoli

14 12 10 Below matric 8 6 Matric (10) 4 Higher Secondary (12) No. of No.persons 2 Graduation 0 Master Doctorate No education

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias)

Case of male Shilpkars -

Figure 7.35 presents the educational status of scheduled caste males in Darkot. Though only 6% (i.e. one individual) have no education but a whopping 44% have educational qualification below class X. 31% have education till matriculation while 13% have higher secondary (class 12) degree. Only one individual has bachelor’s degree. Thus, 75% of the SC males have education up to or below class X level while only 19% have managed to get the high school certificate or more. To conclude, 90% of the scheduled castes males only have ‘some kind of school education’. Figure 7.36 provides the occupation based educational qualification of scheduled castes.

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Figure 7.35: Percentage of scheduled castes males having various types of educational qualification in Darkot

Percentage of SC's male having various qualifications 6% 6% Below matric Matriculation 13% 44% Class 12 31% Graduation No education

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

Figure 7.36: Number of Scheduled castes males having educational qualification under different types of occupations in Darkot

Number of SC's male having different educational qualification under various occupations

5 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 Below matric 2 1.5 Matriculation No. of No.persons 1 0.5 Class 12 0 Graduation No education

Occupations *Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs)

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Similarly, with regard to Sharmoli, 56% males are below educational qualification of matriculation while 35% have matriculation and above qualification till higher secondary. Thus, in line with Darkot, more than 90% of the scheduled castes males only have ‘some kind of school education’. 11% (i.e. one individual) are graduate and he is still studying, while no one among shilpkars claims to be illiterate.

Figure 7.37: Percentage of scheduled castes males having various types of educational qualification in Sharmoli

Percentage of male scheduled castes having different qualification in Sharmoli

Below matric 11% Matric (10) Higher Secondary (12) 22% Graduation 56% Master 11% Doctorate No education

*Based on survey of 111 families (8 SCs)

Figure 7.38: Number of Scheduled castes males having educational qualification under different types of occupations in Sharmoli

No. of SC male having qualification under various occupations in Sharmoli 4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 Below matric

No. of No.people 0.5 0 Matric (10) Higher Secondary (12)

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (8 SCs)

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Case of male Thakurs –

Figure 7.39: Percentage of Thakur (general) males having different types of educational qualifications in Darkot

Percentage of general category male having different types of educational qualifications

Below Matric 9% 9% 27% Matriculation High School (12) Graduate 55% No education

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

Here, we deal with the educational status of the general category men in Darkot. Majority of individuals, i.e. 55% have matriculation certificate while 27% have below matric qualification. Thus, more than 90% of males belonging to Thakur caste have education till class X which also include 9% illiterates. Those who are educated till class XII constitute 9% of the total Thakur male population. There is not a single person who is graduate or postgraduate among Thakurs.

Figure 7.40: Number of General category males having educational qualification under different types of occupations in Darkot

Number of general category males having different educational qualification under various occupations. 5 4 3 2 Below Matric 1 0 Matriculation High School (12) No. of No.Individuals Graduate No education

Occupations *Based on survey of 62 families (11 General)

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Figure 7.41: Percentage of Thakur (general) males having different types of educational qualifications in Sharmoli

Percentage of general category male having different educational qualification in Sharmoli

Below matric 16% 15% Matric (10)

6% Higher Secondary (12) Graduation 16% 25% Master Doctorate 22% No education

*Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

Figure 7.42: Number of General category males having educational qualification under different types of occupations in Sharmoli

No. of male General caste having different qualification in various occupations in Sharmoli

7 6 5 4 Below matric 3 Matric (10) 2

No. of No.persons Higher Secondary (12) 1 0 Graduation Master Doctorate No education

Occupations *Based on survey of 111 families (30 General)

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In case of Sharmoli, 40% of the Thakur males are either matric qualified or are below it. 22% have high school certificate while a similar percentage has Bachelor’s or Master’s degree. 16% are illiterate, thus making 56% of the Thakur male population below matric qualification which is still better as compared to other castes.

With regard to Brahmin males three people have matriculation certificate while the one who runs home stays has Bachelor’s degree.

7.2 ECONOMY AT THE LEVEL OF FAMILY

In this section we shall deal with economy at the level of family and try to analyze their saving and expenditure pattern.

In the above part of the chapter, we have dealt with the income of various castes and genders at the individual level but in this section, we will consider ‘family 73 ’ as a unit of observation. Saving is defined as the amount in Rupees saved by a family either in the bank or in the home per month (on an average) out of their regular / irregular income. On the other hand, expenditure is the amount spent by a family on various things like food, education, etc. out of total monthly income. Income, in this case, is the sum total of income of all the earning members of a family. Let us first start with the case of Darkot followed by the analysis of Sharmoli. The data collected is based on the ‘saying and knowledge’ of respondents and should not be correlated mathematically by the formula of ‘income = saving + expenditure’. There are cases, where, in the words of respondents “ expenditure is more than the income of a family ”. I want to relate my experience in the words of Swarup and Singh while explaining about the tribal village of Himachal Pradesh: “ it was observed during the survey that people in general have the tendency to over- state their consumption expenditure while reverse is the tendency in giving out figures for income ” [Swarup and Singh, 1988 ]. Also, in my opinion, those who are rich did not want to comment upon their income while the poor were eager to explain their problem (low income) whenever they got an opportunity. Analysis provided below gives a rough estimate about the income, expenditure and saving habits of families in Darkot and Sharmoli.

73 As mentioned in previous chapters, a family (in our case) may have any number of dependent and independent members that are living together and share food in a single house surveyed.

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Figure 7.43 provides the summary of average income, saving, and expenditure at the family level among all castes in Darkot engaged in various occupations. The average income of Bhotia families is the highest in the village, i.e. around Rs. 12, 000 per month, followed by shilpkars (SC) who are almost close to the former. The reason for scheduled castes occupying the second position (among highest earners) with respect to the family is because of the presence of a large number of small earners in one family 74 (esp. laborers) and a few others (i.e. two in number) who earn more than Rs. 20,000 per month in government services, while in case of Thakurs, there are no government servants besides one retired pensioner. Similar is the situation with regard to expenditure, where Bhotias have highest expenditure (i.e. around Rs. 7, 000 per month), followed by scheduled castes and Thakurs. But interestingly, the saving of Bhotias and Thakurs are almost four times higher than that of the shilpkars . The average monthly saving amount among Bhotias is around Rs. 1,500, followed by Thakurs, i.e. Rs. 1,120 per month, while in case of scheduled castes, it stands at mere Rs. 258 per month. This also proves our point of hand to mouth economic situation of scheduled castes: they are the second highest earners, only because of the presence of large numbers of low-earning family members. [On seeing the Fig. 7.43, one can estimate that if average income of Bhotias is around Rs. 12,000 and their expenditure is Rs. 7, 000 then their saving must be around Rs. 5,000. But the question of expenditure mainly deals with payment of necessary goods and items (food, education) while in reality there are other expenditures related to social functions, religious ceremonies, travelling, catering to habits like smoking and drinking, small items such as recharge of mobiles etc. and payments of loans (whether from a institution or from village people. Thus, Income is not always equal to saving plus expenditure in our case]

74 SC has highest number of members per family i.e. 5.3 in Darkot in comparison to around 4 in all other castes.

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Figure 7.43: Average income, saving and expenditure per family (in Rs.) among Bhotias, scheduled castes and Thakurs in Darkot

Average income, saving and expenditure per family among all castes in Darkot 14000 12000 10000 8000 Bhotia 6000 SC

Amount in AmountRs. 4000 2000 Thakur 0 Income Expenditure Saving Economic indicators

* Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakur) in Darkot

The expenditure of family mainly depends upon its structure. The larger is the family the more is the expenditure. Similarly, the more is the number of young and adult kids in the family, the more is the expenditure with regard to their education. Figure 7.44 provides the details of expenditure of families. Almost all the families esp. among Thakurs and scheduled castes, and 29 among Bhotias (out of 39) claim to spend the major part of their of their income for purchasing food items and vegetables while more than 50% families among all castes mention education of their young and adult children as the most important purpose of expenditure. Besides it, there are a few families (overall nine), who think ‘other items’ like monthly bills (phone, electricity etc.), loan installments, traveling etc. make most of the dent in their income. Four families among Bhotias and three SC families have no idea about their expenditure. [ If a family mentions “food, education and other” or “any two categories of it” as their main source of expenditure, it is included in all the three / mentioned categories ]

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Figure 7.44: No. of families among all castes (Bhotias, SC, Thakurs) having main expenditure on types of issues/ items in Darkot

No. of families having expenditure on various items 35 30 25 20 Bhotias 15 SC

No. of No.families 10 Thakur 5 0 Food Education Others Type of expenditure

* Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakur) in Darkot

With regard to saving, most of the families, esp. females save some money regularly in various financial institutions in the name of their children, so that it can be used in future for their education and other purposes. They save anything between Rs. 200 per month and Rs. 2,000 per month while there are a few retired persons who save more than Rs. 5,000 per month from their monthly pensions. There are eight Bhotia families, six scheduled castes families and four Thakur families who do not save any amount and they are earning between Rs. 800 to Rs. 35,000 per month. Thus, saving is more dependent upon the responsibility and structure of the family, e.g. there is an SC family who earns Rs. 35, 000 per month as one of its male is in the army while another works as a laborer, but do not save anything because of the presence of eight family members among whom three are young kids.

With regard to investment, esp. in insurances and bonds, very few families, i.e. seven Bhotia families and four Thakur families, have infused their money in various types of life insurance (where you invest every year for a long time period and get back minimum interest amount after every fixed time frame). There is no shilpkar family among investors in life or other insurances. With regard to loan, five Bhotia families have a loan of over Rs. 50, 000 (per family) for house, car, purchasing animals etc. Similarly, four SC and four Thakur families have loan between Rs. 20,000–Rs. 10,00,000 for house construction, agriculture, car, wool works etc. There are cases where people have taken a loan for one item, e.g. wool works, purchasing an animal or for agriculture but have used it for other purposes, esp. family functions

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(marriages etc.) and for medical treatment etc. (In my survey, three–four families have claim to have used loan for other purposes).

Thus, to conclude, the low monthly income of families results in a low saving by families in Darkot because of expenditure on food, education etc. With regard to our analysis, a family (average of all Darkot families) on an average spends around 98% of their earnings, while only less than 2% of the income is saved, although expenditure on necessity items (education, food) comprise around 60% of the income.

Let us now move to the Sharmoli. Figure 7.45 provides the summary of average income along with saving and expenditure of all families. Again, Bhotias are the highest earners with an average income of around Rs. 14,000 per month, followed by Thakurs at Rs. 11,120 per month, and finally, shilpkars with Rs. 9,000 per month. The low income of scheduled castes is because of the absence of government service earners among males (only one woman works as a teacher in govt. school) in all the families where the majority are laborers and the working members are fewer in number in Sharmoli in comparison to Darkot. The expenditure also follows the same trend, i.e. the higher is the income, and the more is the expenditure. The average expenditure on basic items of food, education and a few other purposes per family is about 68% of the income in case of Bhotias while Thakurs and scheduled castes spend about 75% and 85% of their income respectively. Thus, clearly, the average ratio of expenditure of all castes on basic items (in terms of percentage) in Sharmoli is greater in comparison to Darkot (which stands around 50%-60%). In terms of Rupees, inhabitants of Sharmoli also spend more money as their average income (of all castes) is more than average income of inhabitants of various castes in Darkot and hence, greater percentage of expenditure to (more) income results in greater spending of money One of the reasons for it is that as large number of people are settled in Sharmoli, expenditure esp. with regard to education of their children and school fees is more in and around Sharmoli (which is core and market area, and is surrounded by good quality schools), esp. in private schools 75 , as in comparison to Darkot, and hence, inhabitants are bound to spend more.

75 The fees in private school are around Rs. 600 – Rs. 1,000 per month while its almost free in government schools.

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Figure 7.45: Average income, saving, and expenditure per family (in Rs.) among Bhotias, scheduled castes and Thakurs in Sharmoli

Average income, saving, expenditure per family among all castes in Sharmoli

16000 14000 12000 10000 8000 Bhotias 6000 SC Amount in Amount Rs. 4000 2000 Thakurs 0 Income Expenditure Saving Economic Indicators

* Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakur) in Sharmoli

Around 35 families among Bhotias have food and education as the main purpose of expenditure. Besides that, 25 Bhotia families give sole priority to food while five other families mention education of their children as their main cause of expense. 16 Bhotia families also have ‘other kind’ of main expenses such as on animals, bills etc. Overall, more than 40 Bhotia families in the survey (around 60%) have major expenditure on food and education.

30 families among Thakurs have education and food as their priority among items of expenditure while in case of scheduled castes, food and education are the main expenditure purpose for almost six families. The summarization of ‘kind of expenditure’ is presented in Figure 7.46.

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Figure 7.46: No. of families among all castes (Bhotias, SC, Thakurs) havingmain expenditure on types of issues/ items in Sharmoli

No. of families having main expenditure on various items 70 60 50 40 Bhotias 30 SC

No. of No.families 20 Thakurs 10 0 Food Education Others Type of expenditure

* Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakur) in Sharmoli

With regard to average saving, a Bhotia family saves Rs. 1,425 per month, followed by Thakurs who save almost one–third of Bhotias, i.e. around Rs. 560 per month, while shilpkars save around Rs. 230 per month, making them the lowest category among all with regard to saving, as in case of Darkot. The range of saving for scheduled castes is between Rs. 200–Rs. 1,000 per month, while in case of Thakurs it lies between Rs. 200–Rs. 3,500 per month. Generally, people with high income save more but it is not always the case, e.g. the SC woman who earns Rs. 30, 000 per month as a teacher saves only Rs. 1,000 per month because of unemployed husband and three young children, while there is a Thakur family who earn around Rs. 16,000 per month but did not claim to save even a penny because of one earning member and four dependent ones. Bhotias, on the other hand, save anything between Rs. 200–Rs. 10,000 per month. Most of the retired pensioners among Bhotias are able to save between Rs. 8,000-Rs. 10,000 per month thus increasing the average saving amount of Bhotias. Besides that, 27 Bhotia families, 11 Thakur families, and four SC families did not save anything. Large numbers of respondents (i.e. more than 90%) among all the castes save money for the future of their children.

With regard to loans, 24 Bhotia families have taken a loan for various purposes such as house and shop construction, marriages, automobile, animals, agriculture, wool works and home stay. The amount may be as low as Rs. 20,000 to as high as Rs. 7,50,000 depending upon the type of loan. There are seven Bhotia families who have no idea about the amount of loan. Similarly, 11 Thakur families have loan up to a

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maximum of Rs. 3,00,000 in the similar categories as mentioned above. As in case of Darkot, there are a few families who have taken agriculture or animal loan for other purposes like marriage and medical expenses. Interestingly, every scheduled caste family in Sharmoli has a certain type of loan ranging from Rs. 10,000–Rs. 2,00,000. There is only one shilpkar family who claims to have taken education loan among all castes in both the villages. 24 families in Sharmoli invest their money in insurances which include 18 Bhotia families and five Thakur families.

Table 7.3: Average income, expenditure, and saving (in Rupees) of families of all castes in Darkot and Sharmoli

CASTE VILLAGE INCOME EXPENDITURE SAVING Bhotia DARKOT 12082 7076 1442 SHARMOLI 14321 9679 1425 Scheduled DARKOT 11545 5500 258 Castes SHARMOLI 9000 7625 213 Thakurs DARKOT 8480 4730 1120 SHARMOLI 11120 8296 566 * Based on a survey of 62 and 111 families in Darkot and Sharmoli resp.

Table 7.3 provides the conclusion for the section. The income of Bhotia and Thakur families is more in Sharmoli in comparison to Darkot and so is their expenditure, while the income of scheduled castes is more in Darkot than Sharmoli. Thus, shilpkars are poorer in the village Sharmoli which is marked by higher per–capita average income among other castes. The presence of home stays also plays an important role in augmenting the income of families in Sharmoli, esp. Bhotias and Thakurs who earn on an average of around Rs. 12, 500 per month–Rs. 20, 000 per month. Scheduled castes in Sharmoli are in majority laborers (4 out of 5 male respondents) while in Darkot there a are few who are in business and government services besides being laborers, which automatically increases the income of SCs in Darkot. There is no doubt that people in both the villages are dependent on ‘hand to mouth economy’ as a large part of their incomes goes for the purpose of food and education. There are hardly any savings, less than 2% of earnings in case of Darkot and less than 1% in case of Sharmoli (average for the total population).

Thus, with regard to the two villages, whatever their distance to Munsyari, the ‘economics of families’ across all castes does not seem to make a solid case of differentiability, i.e. there are little differences

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among incomes of families in both the villages. Does this mean that distance from the core has nothing to do with the income of inhabitants? Actually, it has, if we consider the individual occupation separately as in case of the previous section. Tourism and travel industry is more prosperous in Sharmoli, esp. home stays, while the income of Darkot is augmented mainly by the presence of pensioners and private business. In terms of economic dominance, we can say that Bhotia families form the largest income group, followed by the rest, but the reality is that there are no substantial differences among them. In comparison to the national level where the average rural household income stands at Rs. 1,900 per month and the state (Uttarakhand) rural household income is around Rs. 2,400 per month, our research area seems to be far better [ IHDS 2004-05 Data ].

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CHAPTER 8

SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE – ANALYSIS OF HOME STAYS, HANDICRAFTS AND UNDERSTANDING OUT-MIGRATION

After understanding the relation between physical space, economy and culture in the last seven chapters of the thesis, here we will have a brief idea about their impact on the village society. The poor income and low educational qualifications of the majority of inhabitants along with the presence of low-skilled manual jobs, caste and class consciousness have moulded and provided the current pattern of the physical and social landscape of the villages of Darkot and Sharmoli as described in the last few chapters. In this chapter, we will try to focus on the neo-economy of home stays, the traditions of handicrafts and analyse the situation of women and the impact of migration along with brief knowledge about other aspects of the society.

8.1 HOME STAYS AND THE SITUATION OF WOMEN – A BOON TO AN OPPRESSED CLASS

In the last chapter related to economy, we have analyzed that home stays play an important role in augmenting the incomes of families, esp. women, as it is one of the highest income generating occupations. Here we will understand the other impacts of home stays on the society of Sharmoli.

A home stay in our context is defined as a room having facilities of attached bathroom and sometime equipped with other facilities such as kitchen appliances etc. designed specially to cater to the needs of national and international tourists. Generally, the owners of the home stay have two–three separate rooms (besides their home) that are used for the purpose of staying tourists. Running home stays comes under one of the largest income generating occupations among families of Sharmoli. Home stays are only present in Sharmoli and nearby villages (which are close to core Munsiyari) while they are absent in Darkot mainly because of its distance from the main village center and bad road conditions. Home stays are mainly constructed with modern facilities which include bedding, western toilet and bath facilities, big glass window either in front or in the side, cooking facilities, well painted walls which are decorated with photos and pictures etc. Besides that, food is provided by the owner family for the guests. All home stays are facing snow–peaked Panchachuli Mountains. Thus, the main aim of the home stays is to make an ‘outsider’ familiar with the daily village life and its customs, esp. with food and culture and at the same time enjoy the picturesque view of nature. It not only provides mesmerizing experience to the tourists but also an important means of earning to the village families and esp. women. The social and cultural impact

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of home stays on the women and families will be discussed in later part of the chapter, but here we look into the economic aspects of it. As per revenue records 2011, there are 24 home stays in and around Sharmoli run by Bhotias, Thakurs and one Brahmin family. There is not a single scheduled caste family who is engaged in home stays. There may be many reasons for it which may be discussed later, but the investment required for construction of home stays is certainly big (starts around Rs. 2,00,000 for one room-bathroom set) and could not be afforded by everyone.

There are three categories of home stays depending upon the facilities available to the guests. The range starts from Rs. 800 per day/night (i.e. 24 hours) till Rs. 1,500 (rates as per 2016 survey) depending upon facilities of kitchen, hot water, type of construction (old or new) and its beautification etc. The rates have increased in comparison to last years and may vary depending upon the duration of stay. The number of tourists (as per the home stay records obtained from the organization) who stayed in a home stay in 2015- 16 is around 450 (2000 nights overall, as individual/ group/ families stay for different number of days/ months). Though home stay activity is carried on throughout the year, it is usually at its peak in the months of April-June and September–November.

In my survey five Bhotia families and two Thakur families are engaged in home stay activities. They earn around Rs. 7,000–Rs. 15,000 per month depending on the occupancy, turn and their other sources of income. Majority of home stay owners among Bhotias (3 out of 5) are big landlords (mentioned in the chapter related to land) and a few among them are retired pensioners or are carrying out other activities like subsistence agriculture, selling milk etc., while two Thakur families might have small amount of land (i.e. 2-8 nali) but their male head is working in some other occupation. One Brahmin family solely depends upon the home stays for its survival. Thus, to conclude, the activity of home stay, in my opinion, economically attracts only those who have the capacity to invest money (for constructing modern rooms) and have extra space for construction on their available land, or are already rich enough to have extra rooms in their house, while the majority of financially weak and poor people are automatically sidelined. Though various subsidies and grants are provided to construct toilets etc. (up to Rs. 10,000) by forest and other related departments, still more than 90% of the cost has to be borne by the family which is not possible with small income and limited space (not everyone’s house is at a strategic location with good view and slope). Though one can take a loan for construction of home stay, its repayment (which usually takes 5 years or more) is a major hurdle for many, as villagers (esp. SC) do not want to put the financial burden on their family. Loan in a village is still considered as a burden rather than an opportunity to invest. ‘Small is good’ is the view of 80% of people when asked about the question of ‘economic happiness’, i.e. ‘are they happy with their income?’ In my opinion, the villagers are happy with their small earnings as long as they are able to meet their daily basic needs and avoid taking any kind of

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financial risk related with small duration of the touristic season, geopolitical situation (foreigners prohibited till 1993), etc.

The home stay activity was introduced in the year 2004 within the village by a woman (Ms. Mallika Virdi) who came from outside the state and settled here in the village (after purchasing land and building a house). She is not a original inhabitant of Johar or Munsiyari but came to settled there in and around last 25–30 years. She along with 13 families started the enterprise of home stays and later on 25 families became part of the successful program. The women heads of all the home stay families form the organization ( sangathan ) and participate in meeting and share their economic, social and personal problems and views, and try to bring out a solution for it. In the opinion of Ms. Mallika “ Tourism is one way to bring people (of the village) together and to augment the income of the families ”, while keeping the view of environmental conservation intact. As she was the sarpanch (village head) of the van panchayat (community forest) of the village Sharmoli from the year 2000, a few rules have been established in order to become a member of the home stay community such as active participation in meetings, shram-dan (voluntary physical labour) such as for cleaning water bodies, roads, planting trees etc. In the initial years of establishing of home stays, 7% of the earning of home stay families went for van panchayat (i.e. for conservation of nature) which at present (2016) exists at 2% of the total home stay income of the family (The current share of 2% is more than the initial year share of 7% because of increasing profits). Thus, the enterprise of home stays not only has economic benefits but also provides a platform for upliftment of women and has social consequences along with environmental protection. In 2013, the organization of home stays formalized their business and identity by registering as a business enterprise in the name of ‘Himalayan Ark’. Now, in the opinion of home stays owners “Sharmoli is one of the famous and trusted names in the field of home stays in India and abroad”. Thus, the identity of Sharmoli and home stays are intertwined, i.e. ‘Sharmoli means home stay, home stay means Sharmoli’.

The home stays have got support in form of a small subsidy (Rs. 10,000 per family for constructing toilet) from the Forest department, while some other aids have been provided by various departments of ministry of environment and forestry for training and other purposes. The home stays have led to the emergence of other subsidiary occupations and prove to be a boon to those who could not afford to construct home stays. One of such secondary occupations is the ‘trained nature and bird guide’, who provides information about the flora and fauna of the village to the tourists. Besides it, a sangathan (collective / organization) known as ‘Mati’ (meaning soil, i.e. related to earth) is a self–help group of women who sell various handicrafts woven by local artisans of Sharmoli and other villages, agricultural and horticultural products grown by locals in their fields and in upper Johar, along with addressing the social and economic need of ‘mountain women’. The aim behind setting up of the Mati collective is that there is not much money in

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traditional occupations and in order to keep the work of handloom alive and thriving, one has to find the profitable means to carry on the profession besides strengthening the livelihood of villagers. Under Mati , at least 95% of the mark–up price goes to the producer (maker) while 5% goes to the collective. This 5% supports the marketing, design and sale function of the organization to sync with the competition of outside world. They sell shawls, stoles, rajmah (red kidney beans), pulses, millets, local Himalayan spices (Black cumin, etc.), and dehydrated vegetables etc. which are the hot–selling products of the organization.

As mentioned earlier, the home stays are run by families belonging to Bhotia, Thakur and Brahmin castes while there is a complete absence of home stays in the scheduled caste households. The reason may be economic and social as well. The lack of money and interest to invest in the activity, and shyness in accommodating the person of high caste and foreigner is one of the few reasons. In the words of an old shilpkar man “ hum nahi chahte ki koi bahar wala hamare ghar me ake rahe, unka swabhav humse alag hay ” (We don’t want anyone from outside to stay in our house as their culture / beliefs / nature is different from ours). This statement also shows the reluctance of the scheduled castes in mixing with the others in the caste based rigid societies of the villages of India. One young scheduled caste male provided the reason of lack of rooms and extra space along with monetary issues for not adopting home stay activities. In my opinion, there may be a possibility that high caste Indian tourists (who want to stay in home stays) may not want to stay and eat food from the lower caste service provider, but in the opinion of home stay owners ‘it is not the case as many people (esp. city dwellers) do not believe in such biased system’. According to Ms. Mallika, many shilpkar youths are engaged in subsidiary activities of home stays such as guides, porters etc. Interestingly, Brahmins who are on the tip of the caste structure and are supposed to follow strict caste rules, did not feel any problem in hosting the outsider and sharing their rooms with them. In fact, one more Brahmin family (relatives of the Brahmin family who is already a member of home stays) join the group of home stays in 2017, thus increasing their number to two. They provide the economic reason (i.e. income generating capacity) for joining the home stay group in order to cater to the needs of the family. Does this mean that Brahmins are more liberal in shedding caste consciousness than the scheduled castes when it comes to economic gains? Though I am not sure, yet certainly many scheduled castes males (esp. middle aged and old people) are not interested in accommodating outsiders in their homes.

In the opinion of home stay owners, one of the hurdles in working of the home stays is to address a dichotomy of “accommodating ‘guests’ and make them feel at home (like a family), and at the same time commodify the services provided to them”. The guest in India is usually treated as God and in the opinion of a few women (home stay owners) ‘it is difficult at first to attend to the guests and treat them as their family by taking money from them’. Thus, the very first barricade for the local people is to get adjusted to

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a professional approach by maintaining the balance between interaction with ‘guests’ (i.e. social approach) and ‘professional commitments’ (economic benefits). Home stays have certain rules which in my opinion help people of all castes, esp. Brahmins, to perform and carry out the work of home stay while keeping their values intact. Prohibition of alcohol and homemade food (usually vegetarian) to the guests (cooked by the owner’s family) are the two important criteria that have to be followed by the guests in order to stay in home stays. The owner thus has (sort of) power to control the environment of home stay by maintaining his / her values and beliefs (even by controlling the type of food served in the home stay). The second rule, the important one, is the principle of equity. There is a criterion set up by home stay organization that those who are poor or don’t have any other primary source of income, they will get the first chance to accommodate the tourist so that the weaker has opportunity to earn more (or equal) in the occupation of home stay (there are a few home stay owners who are pensioners or have other jobs and are earning well from those occupations). Thus, tourists have no choice of choosing a particular home stay or room of their preference and have to stay as per the rule of adlo-badlo (in order of turn) of the home stays organisation. Hence, though the physical landscape (construction of home stays etc.) is moulded as per the need of tourists yet the social landscape is maintained (rules and regulations) as per the desire of the owners / community of the village (home stay owners).

There are many benefits of the business of home stay as well. The important one is the emancipation of women. As women are the ones who generally take care of each and every activity (cooking, taking care of guests etc.) of home stay and also take care of all the financial transactions (women receive the rent of home stays), it generally makes them economically viable and decision maker in the spending habits of the family. Though most of the women (home stay owners) did not claim the ‘attainment of complete economic freedom’ in decision making but certainly found the change in attitude of their husbands towards them. Almost every husband acknowledges the hard work of this wife in running the home stays and improving the life style of their households, and there are a few families esp. in Bhotias where husband–wife carry out the profession together by dividing the work among themselves. A few Thakur males on the other hand, solely associate the home stay business with their wives as they do not want to show that they are thriving on the earnings of their female counterpart. There are cases in the village where males did not want to carry out the home stay business (even though they can) or want to associate with it, as this enterprise is associated with the women (because of sangathan ) and thus, did not want to show that they are living on the earnings of their wives, which somehow impacted their male ego which is based on the fact that ‘males are the only bread winners of the family’. But the important benefit of the home stay is social emancipation of the women of not only home stay owners but of Sharmoli and other villages as well. The presence of sangathan along with the guidance of intellectual, social worker and

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feminist-oriented leaders (Ms. Mallika and a few other women) help the village women to share their problems and find out the solution for the same. The problems may be economic (need of loan), personal (family or husband–wife dispute), or, public (deforestation, cruelty to nature) etc.; they are dealt with in a judicious and timely manner. There are cases of destroying of forests or where drunken husband beat their wives which are solved by the interference of the women’s organization. Thus, women have found the trust, confidence and hope in the sangathan where they can discuss and solve their problem resulting in the independence of their thinking and beliefs and hence breaking up of the orthodox system of patriarchy. They usually meet or hold meeting at a specific interval period and groupthink on various personal and village matters. This sort of liberation of women was seen in antipathy by a few people esp. males within or outside the village and considered as a threat to their culture and society. In the opinion of a few: “ agar aurat aadmi ko jawab dene lag jaye to kya hoga” (What will happen if women starts questioning the (acts) of men or their behaviour). This statement shows more of jealousy of men towards economic and social independence of the women and hence prevailing of patriarchal society within the village.

The other benefits of home stays include exchange of culture. As people of different regions, religions, beliefs come to stay in home stays, one develops a sense of understanding, acceptance, tolerance and mutual respect towards each other and their culture. In the opinion of a home stay owner “we were able to learn new words as many foreigners come to stay in our homes”. Though the women of home stays speak only Hindi or local language, it never came as a barrier to them in catering to the needs of foreign tourists.

When asked about the identity of home stay owners, interestingly, they like to associate themselves with the ‘kisan’ (farmer) and ‘ bunkar’ (handicraft weaver). They have an ideology that they are deeply connected with nature and work as a primary producer first. Every woman associated with sangathan spends some time in the various agricultural processes, i.e. harvesting, sowing etc. (i.e. community farming) either in the common farm (located near the house of Ms. Mallika where they perform collective farming and produce organic foods) or on individual land. As handicraft is the ‘culture of Johar valley’ and all the women (even home stay owners) make some handicraft items that are sold in the Mati sangathan , they associate themselves as the bunkars. Thus, ‘entrepreneur’ is the second identity of the women of Sharmoli home stay owners.

In the end, we can say that home stays are a conservation initiative which is linked with the livelihood, resulting in the nature-based tourism in a region where resources are very few and are contested. It is less focus on wealth creation and more on livelihood formation. The income of the home stays is spent primarily for daily household needs of food and education of children while the remaining amount

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(around 10%-30%) is used for renovation and improvement of infrastructure and other facilities in home stays. I put a question in the previous chapters, whether an outsider can become a patron in the village which is marked by the presence of neo-economies such as home stays and absence of primary activities. The answer may be ‘Yes’, esp. with regard to women, as many female inhabitants of Sharmoli (as well as of a few other villages) consider Ms. Mallika as a leader and an ideal to follow (esp. women engaged in sangathan activities) while home stay families (of all castes) support Ms. Mallika in all her initiatives and work. They have started a social organisation (a kind of NGO) known as ‘Himal Prakriti’ where they provide economic help to the poor inhabitants of the village to construct their houses (esp. those who lost their land in floods in upper Johar and got land in Sharmoli and other villages as a part of relief from the government). They also celebrate and organise various cultural festivals (as explained in the chapter related to physical space) based on environment, ecology and tourism, and thus try to make a cultural imprint on the landscape (as the temple makes cultural imprint on Darkot) by means of modern, secular and democratic means. The position of the patron in the new world is not only based on the caste, assets and material strength, but on capability of generating new ideas to augment economy, income and modernity in the life of people as well. As it is said, ‘the innovators in the village are generally from the elite group / high-caste [ Grover and Singh, 2004 ]. This is the reason why Ms. Mallika (feminist-elite as well as of high-caste) wins the election of the head of van-panchayat (chosen by democratic means) as her works and ideas related to village people have greatly emancipated their life in economic and social fronts. But, village society is always defined by factions and marked by the truth of ‘myth of community’. There are a few factions within the village of Sharmoli (esp. belonging to Bhotia community) who are jealous of her having become so relevant in the village community (despite being a outsider) in such a small time. The differences come out in the form of political rivalry, either in the elections of village or van panchayat, or sometimes in a form of social rivalry (such as boycotting certain functions by the opposite faction) or even at personal level (in the opinion of Ms. Mallika). But, there is no doubt that her endeavour of creating new employments (by giving new income opportunities to the people who are left in the bleak-opportunity land of Johar) and her role in conservation of forests and promoting handicrafts and agriculture (that are close to the life of village people), thus mixing the innovation of ‘bringing new ideas of tourism and traditional values of preserving nature’ together, have earned her a great reputation within and outside the village. Her experience in the social sector along with her contacts outside the village, i.e. in other towns, cities and countries, help her to bring tourists, foreigners and (groups of) students to Sharmoli, and this plays an important role in the diffusion of innovation within the Sharmoli village. Though her ideas are still limited or have reached only within the vicinity of the core (Munsiyari), yet may be in later years and with improvement of roads and communication, facilities of home stays may reach beyond the limit set up by distance and time.

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In the previous section, we have discussed about the emancipation of women triggered by the impact of sangathans and home stays resulting in their economic and social wellbeing. This might show that Sharmoli (where home stays and sangathans are situated) is superior esp. in comparison to other villages of Munsiyari. With the increased participation of women in social and economic decisions of life, the village has shown the trend of moving towards gender equality, but this privilege is confined to a few women, generally those who are associated with the sangathans. This does not mean that overall condition and situation of women is appreciable in every aspect of the village life and society. In this section, we will define and understand a few parameters that will help us to recognize the actual status of the women in the two villages.

The situation of women was always worse than men’s before and after the advent of Hinduization in Johar. Earlier, a woman were considered as an ‘object of enjoyment’ and her life revolved around the ‘four walls of houses’. Cooking food, taking care of children, making woollen clothes and bringing grass and woods from the jungle was her main work. Women as such were never a part of the dominant economic system (trade) and were considered inferior and dependent on males for their needs. On the other hand, the male who survived on women’s income was considered less ‘manly’ and was a matter of a shame. After coming of Dham Singh, the condition of women became more helpless. She had to remain in veil like Rajput women of Rajasthan, even though the phenomenon is absent in Garhwal and Kumaon. Besides that, she had to be secluded from the family and had to stay in a separate room (outside the house) during menstruation and pregnancy period. Remarriage of widow was prohibited while polygamy among males was common. The marriage of young men and women depended upon the mercy of their parents and family. As per Dr.Pangti, there have been incidents of ‘sati’ (to burn alive along with the dead husband) among women of Johar. There were different types of marriages in Johar which included Kanyadan (giving away daughter on parent’s discretion without any dowry), Damtaur (to give price of a daughter), Apaharan (to kidnap a woman, esp. a widow, for marriage) etc. Inter-caste marriage was prohibited while dowry was a common practice. By 1913, after coming of British administration, many efforts were taken with regard to women’s education and upliftment by local Joharis and the situation of women started to improve, e.g. the age of marriage of a woman increased to 18 years, women started to gain education till secondary school etc [ Pangti, 1991 ]. Let us understand the contemporary situation of women in Darkot and Sharmoli as it may give the general overview of the Johar. We will begin our discussion about education of women and provide the summary of our results (while the details statistical discussion is provided in latter half of the section).

The educational level of women in Darkot and Sharmoli across all castes is poor as majority, i.e. more than 50% of women among all the castes have education till school level (i.e. up to or below class X

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level). There are very few graduates while more than 30% women across all castes have no formal education at all. Scheduled castes women are in the worst position as more than 45% of SC women in both the villages are illiterate while Thakur women are not far behind them. This clearly shows the plight of educational status of women in the villages irrespective of high and low castes. Besides that, all the current generation women, i.e. age group of 20-30 years, have some kind of education and all the ‘graduates and above’ belong to this category.

All the young girls till the age of 3–15 years are studying in some kind of school. There is no doubt that the importance of education of girl child has increased as many families across all castes send their girl child to school. But the cultural and social difference lies in the fact that majority of families (more than 90% of the surveyed families) send their girls to the free Hindi medium government schools in comparison to the boys (there is hardly any family except few among SCs) who are studying in the private English medium schools, which later provide better jobs and incomes. Thus, gender plays an important role in choosing the type of school for the children by the families as expenditure on a girl’s education is still considered to be a ‘wasted one’. Overall, the present situation of women’s education with regard to Darkot and Sharmoli (or if the interpretation is extended to the general analysis of villages of Johar) is not very encouraging as the majority are not able to study beyond the school level. The details about the educational level among women is provided below

Figure 8.1: Female Bhotia educational level in Darkot

Percentage of Bhotia women having different educational level in Darkot

Matric (10) 0% 13% Class 11 24% Higher Secondary (12) 17% Graduation Master 28% 9% 9% No Education Below Matric

*Based on survey of 62 families (39 Bhotias) done in Darkot

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Figure 8.2: Bhotia women having different educational level in Sharmoli

Percentage of Bhotia women having differernt educational qualification in Sharmoli

Below matric Matric (10) 0% 20% 35% Higher Secondary (12) 5% Graduation 11% Master 11% 18% Doctorate No education

*Based on survey of 111 families (69 Bhotias) done in Sharmoli

As per figure 8.1, more than 50% of female Bhotias in Darkot have either no education or are below matriculation level. 13% of female Bhotias have cleared class X examinations while 17% have high secondary degree. Thus, 80% of the female Bhotias in Darkot have either no education or education up to higher secondary level. Only 18% of female Bhotias have graduated or have master’s degree. Similar is the situation in Sharmoli (Figure 8.2), where 35% of the Bhotia women have education below matriculation level while 20% have no education at all. Only 18% have completed matriculation certificate while around 10% have education till higher secondary. 15% of the total Bhotia women in Sharmoli are graduates or above. Those who are graduates and above generally comprise young population, i.e. 20 - 35 years old.

Figure 8.3: Scheduled castes women having different educational qualification in Darkot

Percentage of SCwomen having different educational qualifications in Darkot

0% 9% No education

46% Below matric 45% Matric Class 12

*Based on survey of 62 families (12 SCs) done in Darkot

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In case of Darkot (Figure 8.3), 46 % of SC women have no education and almost similar percentage of women have education below matriculation level. Only one woman has education till class XII. Thus with regard to education, Shilpkars women seem to be the most marginalized of all. There is not a single graduate among them. Many young women of age 20-35 years have education till class 5 while the women with the highest educational qualification, i.e. class 12, is also the youngest one, i.e. 22 years old. All the women who are above 50 years have no education at their disposal.With regard to Sharmoli (Figure 8.4), 80% of the scheduled castes women have either no education or are below matriculation level (class X). Only 10% have cleared matriculation examination while similar percentage is graduate among shilpkars women. Many young women (8 respondents out of 10) in the age group of 20–35 years have education below matriculation level. Thus, it is not wrong to say that majority of SC women are illiterate.

Figure 8.4: Scheduled castes women having different educational qualification in Sharmoli

Percentage of SC women having different educational qualification in Sharmoli

Below matric Matric (10) 40% 40% Higher Secondary (12) Graduation Master Doctorate 10% 10% No education 0% 0% 0%

*Based on survey of 111 families (8SCs) done in Sharmoli

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Figure 8.5: General category women having different types of educational qualification in Darkot

Percentage of general category women having different educational qualification in Darkot

14% No education

14% 43% Below matric Matriculation High school (12) 29%

*Based on survey of 62 families (11 General) done in Darkot

As per figure 8.5, 43% of the Thakur caste women in Darkot are illiterate, i.e. have no formal education. The highest educational qualification, i.e. high school, is obtained by the youngest 25 years old woman (Bhat) among the general caste women. The Pradhan of Darkot village has matriculation certificate. None of the women has graduated while almost 30% have lower level of school education. Overall, the educational status of Thakur women is also poor and their educational conditions and opportunities did not seem to be any better than scheduled castes females. In case of Sharmoli (Figure 8.6), 50% of the Thakur women have education till class X level in which 33% have matriculation degree. 38% have no formal education while only 12% are graduate. Those who have graduate degree are young women in the age group of 20-30 years while many middle age women (30-50 years) are uneducated.

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Figure 8.6: General category women having different types of educational qualification in Sharmoli

Percentage of general caste women having different educational qualification in Sharmoli

Below matric 17% Matric (10) 38% Higher Secondary (12) Graduation Master 33% Doctorate 0% 12% No education 0% 0%

*Based on survey of 111 families (30 General) done in Sharmoli

Let us now look at some other indicators which will throw some light on the social status of the women. Table 8.1 analyzes the two important parameters, i.e. age during marriage and number of children based on the responses of those surveyed in the two villages, which includes people from the last two generations (i.e. last 40-50 years). The average age of marriage of Bhotia women is around 19.5 years in Darkot and Sharmoli while in case of Thakurs the average age of marriage of a woman is 17.6 years in both the surveyed villages. The shilpkars women were in the worst position among all, as their average age of marriage lies between 16–17 years. Thus, with regard to Thakur and SC women, their average marriage age is below the legal marriage age of 18 years for the women in India.

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Table 8.1: Average age (in years) of marriage of females and males and average numbers of children among all castes in Darkot and Sharmoli

CASTE VILLAGE Average age of marriage in Average No. years of children FEMALE MALE BHOTIA DARKOT 19.6 27 2.4 SCHEDULED DARKOT 17.1 22.7 2.3 CASTE THAKUR DARKOT 17.6 21.8 2.7 (GENERAL)

BHOTIA SHARMOLI 19.3 25.1 2.2 SCHEDULED SHARMOLI 16 20.1 2.8 CASTE THAKUR SHARMOLI 17.6 21.5 2.3 (GENERAL) *Based on survey of 62 families and 111 families in Darkot and Sharmoli respectively.

From our analysis, we can conclude that average age of marriage of women in Darkot and Sharmoli is around 17.8 years, i.e. woman gets married as soon as she attains (or is close to) the age of 18 years. This may be one of the reasons for poor educational level among women, as once they get married they don’t find time for reading and educational purpose. This also leads to the fact that majority of women (almost 100%) become mothers in the age group of 20-22 years. There are many cases where the difference between the age of mother and child is very low e.g. (1) a Thakur woman in Sharmoli is 30 years old while her son is 16 years old indicating the teenage marriage and pregnancy of a mother, (2) a 40 years old Bhotia woman has 25 years old son while his (son’s) wife is 20 years old etc. Hence, the marital status of women does not seem to be in a good position, as early marriage sometime also leads to early widowhood (there are women in both the villages who became widows by the age of 35-45 years). In spite of it, a few things have improved for the women in last 4-5 decades. There is no doubt that average age of marriage has increased to near about 18 years in comparison to the past where women got married as early as in the age of 10-12 years. Earlier, a woman used to give birth to 7–8 children [ Pangti, 1991 ] while at present the average number of children per couple (husband-wife) is around 2.5. The present

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young generation have a maximum of two–three children. There are hardly any cases of polygamy 76 or polyandry in both the villages. On the other hand, average age of men for marriage across all castes is around 23 years which makes the average age difference between male and female partners of about 5 years. Bhotia males have an average marriage age of above 25 years in both the villages while Thakur and SC males have an average marriage age in range between 20-22 years. The greater age of Bhotia males is mainly due to absence of ‘inter-caste marriage’ among Bhotias as it is not easy to find a bride (within Bhotias and within Johar) for marriage. Also, low level of education (difficult to get married to an educated woman or city woman), and lack of work and earning capacity in the villages results in further delay of marriage. There are many couples esp. among Bhotias whose age differences are beyond 10 years. Besides that, the marriage relationship occurs within particular villages or clans [e.g. Brijwal can marry Martolia (both Bhotia sub–castes belonging to two different villages of upper Johar)] and in general, both the bride and groom families know each other well from the very beginning and hence it results in a close-knit society

Two important features of marriage in Darkot and Sharmoli are the practice of ‘non-inter-caste marriage’, i.e. endogamy, and ‘preference for male child’. Endogamy is observed strictly in both the villages across all castes, and as per my survey, none of the married couples have inter-caste marriage (though with regard to migrated Bhotias in cities and towns, there are several cases of inter-caste marriage). Thus, most of the marriages are arranged marriages in which the groom is chosen by the family instead of the bride. The endogamy among Bhotias is one of the important social customs and it is believed that (Bhotia) society does not permit deviation from the specified practices (esp. in the case of orthodox village societies). Many Bhotia authors show their displeasure towards inter-caste marriages of Bhotias (with regard to those who have migrated to cities and towns and are marrying people of other castes) and consider it to be a deterioration of Shauka culture because of assimilation with the others (caste groups). There are few cases in the villages where a person is not able to find the ‘perfect’ partner for him / herself once he/ she becomes more educated or misses the ‘marriage time–frame 77 ’ limit: a 40 year old educated Bhotia woman working as a Govt. school teacher and living in Darkot is not able to find a suitable groom (educated) for herself and has decided to remain single (probably against the wishes of her parents). On the other hand, a 35 year old educated scheduled caste woman working as a teacher in government school (living in Shankhdhura hamlet) had to marry an uneducated and unemployed groom within the village as

76 None of the respondents claim to have more than on wife, except one Bhotia male (in Sharmoli) who married twice as the first wife was not able to reproduce any heir (child) for the family (Both the wives live together). There might be the cases where people got married again after divorce or death of a partner, but did not actually have two wives at the same time. **Respondents (male and female) do not feel comfortable when asked about the marriage related questions 77 There is a view among villagers across all the castes that a woman should get married as early as possible (say up to 25 years) but no such criterion for men.

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it is difficult to find a partner outside the caste. Thus, when it comes to the marriage of a woman, besides the pressure of age, there is hardly any consideration for her choice (esp. with regard to groom). Hence, both the villages are orthodox where the sexuality of a woman is mainly controlled by the society.

The other important feature of married life in Darkot and Sharmoli is the ‘preference for male child’. Though there are families who have two or more daughters and are living happily and satisfied, but mostly prefer at least one male child among children. There are families among all castes who have three– four children (e.g. two elder daughters and a younger son) mainly because of the need of a boy. Thus, the ‘desire for a male child’ (esp. with regard to the opinion that he (boy) on growing up will take care of old parents, while a daughter on the other hand is always ‘outsider / stranger’ as she is supposed to get married and take care of her in-laws house) forces many families to have three–four children (esp. in case where first born children are females) until a male child is born. There are three-four families in my survey (among Bhotias and SCs) who end up having four daughters, particularly in need of a male child.

In spite of its official prohibition, dowry is also a common phenomenon in the surveyed villages of Johar either in the form of money or in kind. There is a social pressure on the bride’s family (among all castes) to provide a particular amount/ kind of dowry to satisfy the groom’s family along with hosting a good quantity and quality of feast. This leads to economic pressure esp. on the poor, as they have to take loan or borrow money from others in order to maintain their ‘social status’. Thus, in this case, social status is more important than the economic status as one tries to maintain the former by sacrificing the latter. This is also one of the important reasons why women are considered a burden on their family and it is also a cause of early marriage. As said by respondent who is working as a physical labourer: “ As we have to give something to the groom’s family, it’s better if a daughter get married at an early age so that we can repay the money back as long as we are in a working position ”. There are families in Darkot and Sharmoli who have taken loan from bank (officially agricultural or home loan etc.) but used it for the wedding of their girl child.

The concept of pre–marital sex and widow’s sexual desire is still considered to be a matter of indecency and immorality. Sex before marriage (for young girls) is unacceptable and considered as a blot on the image of a woman and her purity (of character), while widows are supposed to control their (sexual) desire. Still, there are very few cases of ‘ Tikua’ in the surveyed villages, i.e. a widow keeping (another) man in her (ex–husband’s) house after the death of the husband, esp. for sexual desire (or for not being alone or out of pure love). For the village society of Johar or in particular as per Hindu traditions, these things are still considered to be taboo and of low morality. In the opinion of local scholars the cases of Tikua exist mainly because of availability of modern pregnancy–control instruments like condom, birth

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control pills etc. which were not available earlier and as a result, a woman (widow) had to marry a man to enter sexual relations in order to keep her ‘social purity’ intact 78 . Thus availability of modern techniques has created a challenge to the social customs and beliefs of a particularly orthodox society.

Besides that, there are many other practices which are losing their significance with time and are early indicators of a society that is moving towards liberalisation and modernisation. Purdah system, i.e. covering of face with veil, has lost meaning and it is difficult to find a woman (esp. in our surveyed villages) who still follows this ‘age old Rajput tradition’. Earlier there was a ‘conversation gap’ between a bride and her husband’s family members, e.g. a bride could not have a conversation with the groom’s elder brother, or, could not make a decision about family matters esp. related to economy, etc., but with changing times, situation has become more palliative for the women. The reasons for this may be many but the prime factor is the emergence of migration which results in more nuclear families or sometimes there is a situation where a wife has to run a house on her own (in the absence of working migrated husband) and take care of all family members (young and old). Thus, there is no doubt that participation of women in family matters has increased.

In conclusion, there is a difference in the situation of women with regard to urban and rural spaces. In my conversation with a few Bhotia families (esp. with women and girls) who are living in cities and towns, their situation seems to be better in comparison to those women who are living in the villages. As majority of Bhotia families living in cities are well educated, their women are more liberated in the field of education and other prospects of life. In the general view of five Bhotia families (living outside the village), “ Every family in city / town provides equal opportunity for their girl child to study (till they want). Many young girls are carrying on their professional education and graduation from various colleges in different parts of the country while wives of a large number of Bhotia males are engaged in various occupations such as teacher, doctor, banking, nurses etc. There is no age bar to marriage and caste is not important for many families ”. But, these are only views of five Bhotia families and could not be inferred as the view of every Bhotia household living in the city / town. The situations in the two researched villages are definitely opposite to the above statement. Though there are a few Bhotia families (who are rich and are working in jobs, or are running home stays) in Darkot and Sharmoli whose female children are studying in various cities and towns and who do not believe in the caste–based marriage, but majority have the opposite view as mentioned earlier. Thus, one can say that modern views (with regard

78 As women is not bothered about the pregnancy (with use of modern tools), she can have coitus with any number of partners resulting in increase in cases of ‘ Tikua ’ Earlier, with the absence of modern birth–control tools, women on having sexual intercourse might get pregnant resulting in the birth of a child [from ‘not a legal’ father (without marriage)] which is not accepted by the society, resulting in the social boycott of mother and child.

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to women) are confined to a few or the elite class (those who are educated and in jobs or those very few who come under the influence of sangathan and collectives and understand the meaning and benefits of women empowerment) while the rest carry the same old traditional view about women. With regard to three castes in Darkot and Sharmoli, scheduled castes women seem to be more marginalised and oppressed [from patriarchy with regard to their own caste, and with caste–discrimination on the basis of gender (by females of higher caste) as well].

Besides the above factors, the opinion of male inhabitants (previous generations) about the women is also not very supportive. Though there are husbands (few in number) who have liberal views about the women and their freedom, esp. among Bhotias and Thakur caste (and that too in Sharmoli), yet the majority have conservative views. The scheduled caste males (esp. the last generation) did not support the modern dressing sense (jeans / shirts) for women and in the opinion of a few it is considered as a ‘deterioration of their culture’. The ‘appropriate behaviour of women’ (in terms of taking care of family, husband and household work) is the main concern for the Thakurs of Darkot while many have a response of “ acchi honi chahiye ” [she must be good (with regard to behaviour, attitude and looks)] when asked their views about the women. Still, many young couples have modern views (at least in response to the ‘outsider’) about their wives. There is an example in Sharmoli where a newly-married wife is allowed to study and complete her education by her in-laws and husband; on the other hand, there are cases where a young woman (in her mid 20s) has to take care of her drunkard husband and young children.

Among women in both the villages, there is another class of ‘forgotten females’ comprising old women (usually in their 70s and 80s) who live alone in the village and are abandoned by their families and children who reside in town and cities. Four women in Darkot and three women in Sharmoli (mainly Bhotias) belong to this category and are supported either by social security pension (Rs. 800 per month) or by the villagers / neighbours. Some of them are also engaged in knitting or agricultural activities (in a small portion of the house) in order to utilize their spare time. The situation of a few of them is very depressing as their eyes become teary when they talk about their life and situation within the village community. This is one of the cons of migration where old ones are left alone in the village at the mercy of God, while it also depicts the changing values (about family and in my opinion, morality) in Bhotia society. But it also shows the community value in the villages where all the neighbours / members of a village take care of a dependent by providing all sort of help and moral support.

In the end, one can say that the situation of women has improved in comparison to the past, but still needs a lot of reformation which will only come with the development of education and change of orthodox views of the village society. The poor status of women in both villages is a result of social (orthodox

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views) and economic (poor income) factors and meagre education level of the society. Though women are gaining and improving their social and economic status with the help of neo-economy and sangathans , yet it is confined to a few lucky women (and that too in Sharmoli or nearby villages) as it has to go a long way to make an impact at a bigger level.

8.2 HANDICRAFTS – CARRYING ON THE TRADITION WITH LOW INCOME

Handicrafts are the main occupation of many Bhotia and shilpkar families and particularly women. But in the opinion of villagers and as per our survey in the previous chapter related to economy, the amount earned from selling the products is very less. Let us understand the work (in time) and price relation of handicrafts in this section based on the survey of women (around 50 women) in Darkot and Sharmoli.

There are varieties of products made by the local people such as carpets, shawls, caps, stoles etc. Time taken to complete one product, their sale price, and the income from products is shown in Table 8.2 after surveying families in Darkot and Sharmoli who are engaged in handicraft activities. Here we deal at the level of individual handicraft makers who make products in his/ her own house by using his/ her raw materials (wool etc.) and manual handloom pit. They either sell them in sangathans (community markets) or directly to customers. An individual (esp. female) usually spend 5–8 hours on handicrafts depending upon his/ her age and physical strength and that concludes a day, i.e. 1 working day = 6 hours (on an average). As mostly women are engaged in making handicrafts, and they also have to carry out other household activities, e.g. cooking, cleaning etc., which do not generate any kind of income, they usually spend 5–8 hours on handloom pits. The process of making handicrafts has to go through various procedures such as Chhatai (removing rough and thick hair), Dhulai (washing), Carding (making thread soft through hand–operated machine), Katai (making roll of single thread), Batai (making roll of double thread), Bunai (making product on handloom) and finally ( Dhulai) washing the final product. These processes take different amounts of time to complete depending upon the product to be manufactured.

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Table 8.2: Work–Price–Earning relation with respect to various handicraft products in Sharmoli and Darkot

Products Average Time Average sale Average Cost Average Average taken for price of the of raw Earnings of the earning of completion (1 product in materials (e.g. manufacturer manufacturer product in Rs. (To the wool etc.) to (when the per day (on no.) in days buyer) the product is sold) the basis of manufacturer in Rs. time spent on in Rs. manufacturing product) in Rs. Carpet 70-90 6, 000 2, 000 4, 000 45

Shawl 30 10, 000 1, 500 8, 500 283 (Pashmina) Shawl 30 4, 000 600 3, 400 113 (Angora) Cap 5 350 150 200 40

Muffler 15 1, 000 250 750 50

Stoles 20 3, 000 500 2, 500 125

Aasan (kind 10 800 250 550 55 of small carpet) Pankhi (kind 30 1, 200 500 700 23 of carpet) *Based on analysis after surveying villagers in the handicraft sector in Darkot and Sharmoli

Table 8.2 explains the average earnings of handicraft workers in various products. An individual can earn between Rs. 20–Rs. 300 per day (excluding cost of raw material) depending upon the amount of time spent on making products and their sale. A family whose main business is handicrafts (a few families in Darkot) can complete the making of products (together) within half of the time described above and thus

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can increase the margin of profit and hence, their daily income. But as many families have single pit loom and are operated by women, the average time for making different products may vary from 5 days to 3 months (see Table 8.2). An individual woman can only make one or two different kinds of products in a month, e.g. either shawls or carpet or combination of items such as muffler and cap etc., and put them on sale. The average income from handicrafts, esp. in case of women (in our survey in the previous chapter related to economy) is less than Rs. 500 per month and depends upon the sale of the item. The sale is particularly dependent on the tourist season, i.e. April-June, September–November. But that is not the only factor. Besides season, quality, design, and beauty of products also matter. There are people whose products are sold within days or weeks after manufacturing while there are others who have to wait for months to make their first sale. But the important parameter that determines the sale is the ‘distance from Munsiyari’. As tourists mainly reside in hotels and home stays in and around the main town of Munsiyari, as a result of it many handicraft makers try to sell their products in shops and handicraft markets situated near the core. Many communities-based handicraft selling centers such as Mati Sangathan, Saras Bazar have come up in Sharmoli, where manufacturers from various villages and castes (who joined the community) can put up their stuff for sale. In case of Darkot, there are Bhotia families, esp. two Pangti families who sell their products directly to the customers while one of them also keeps their products in Mati Sangathan in Darkot. As Darkot is famous for handicrafts, many tourists (who know this fact) visit there. But again, here in case of Darkot, height plays an important role in the sale. As Darkot is located on the slope of a hill and one has to climb down from the main gate to reach the village (and thus has to climb up again), sellers who are situated nearby (the main gate i.e. top to bottom) make a good sale in comparison to others. There is a complete absence of any collective or market centre in the Darkot as very few inhabitants (4–5 Bhotia families) are actually engaged in the profession while others (esp. shilpkars) make handicrafts on outsource basis either from a village or outside of it. As Sharmoli is visited by a number of tourists because of presence of home stays and lodges, along with nearness to market, many weavers (from various villages) prefer to place their products in the sangathan . Also, by associating with the sangathan, women have a certain privilege of interacting and discussing the issues faced by them and are sure of all possible help at the time of distress.

The amount of time spent for making one item on one handloom set is given in Table 8.2. A carpet can take as many as 3 months while a cap can be made within 5 days. These are tentative time periods and depend upon the capacity (age, strength etc.) of an individual. As per female respondents, they do not get the right wage for their hard work. In the words of a few “ lagat kam hay aur mehnat jyada”, i.e. though the cost of raw materials (i.e. wool) is less, the amount of time spent for the manufacturing is huge (esp. due to hand operated looms), and women do not get the right amount for their consumed time. There are

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cases where people sell their products at a very cheap rate as they are not able to make any sale for last few months or the product is not able to sell itself in a market for a very long time. Women also make handicraft products on ‘outsource’ basis. They make the products and take the manufacturing cost, i.e. bunai, while the raw materials are provided by the outsourcer. The average costs of bunai for various products are - Rs. 40 for a cap, Rs. 1,500 for a shawl, Rs. 150 for a muffler etc. and they have to complete the task in the stipulated time period. This relieves the pressure of selling products in the market as they are sure of getting the cost of making products, while selling of the product is responsibility of the outsourcer. This is the reason many low–income families esp. scheduled castes are engaged in such activities. Pashmina wool items seem to be profitable in comparison to others (as their sale price is high) but Pashmina wool is available in very low quantity and that too to selected manufacturers. The manufacturers (almost all surveyors) use angora wool which is easily and cheaply available (as some of them rear rabbits) and use different (local) designs to enhance their outlook.

To conclude, the manufacturers input costs in handicrafts is in form of his/ her time and physical endeavor on a pit loom, but the output price is very low in relation to his/ her efforts. The problem is not with the cost of raw materials but with the time of manufacturing process as everything from spinning to weaving is done manually. That is why a large number of inhabitants of Sharmoli and Darkot, esp. women, did not claim to earn anything from the handicraft industry. They generally sell a few products (e.g. between two–three pieces of shawls) per tourist season and thus their monthly income comes below Rs. 500. But, still these small incomes help women to save money for their small needs as well as for the future need of the family.

By means of handicrafts and home stays, women are able to associate themselves with the tradition as well as modern culture of the society and more importantly with the sangathan . By means of handloom they are able to keep their centuries old tradition alive while home stays have made them and their families financially strong. It is true that the income from home stays is manifold in comparison to the income from handicrafts, but there is no doubt that home stays and collectives have played a major role in reviving the income of handloom weavers by providing a platform for selling products to the tourists as well to the buyers in international market by establishing contacts with the foreigner entrepreneurs. In present times, many weavers from Darkot and other villages are going for exhibitions organized in different parts of the country by Khadi and Gramodyog department / KVIC (Khadi and village industry commission) or community organizers for selling products. There is no doubt that handicrafts have lost their dominance in comparison with earlier times (because of cheaply available ready-made factory garments) but still many local affirmatives are doing their best in order to uplift the business of hand- made products.

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Lastly, on analyzing the handicraft and handloom industry, one can say that home stay activity has definitely augmented the income of associated inhabitants of Sharmoli, but in my opinion, it only helps those families who are already well–off in terms of money or space (though the sangathan members deny my claim) while excluding the less-well to do families. Home stays have created a new economic class in Munsiyari which is earning far better in comparison to other private occupations. Thus, it might have created economic disparity (and made the already well-off a little better) but it really helps women of all castes (even those who come for help and are not members of the sangathan ) to fight for their equality and rights and plays an important role in conservation of nature.

Photos 8.1: Various photos of home stays

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Photos 8.2: Photos of women collective and meeting (Mati sangathan )

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Photos 8.3: Handicrafts related photos (in Darkot)

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Photos 8.4: News clippings about handicrafts (Year 2016-17/ 18) (showing positive and negative views about the handicraft industry of Darkot and Munsiyari)

Headline depicting: Handicraft is still practiced (and is not losing its identity) and is main source of income of people in Darkot

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Headline depicting: Darkot handicrafts are being sold and are in great demand in the town of Guwahati (Assam) in an exhibition organised by Ministry of Tribal Affairs

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Headline depicting: The handicrafts work of Darkot / Munsiyari is losing its significance and demand with regard to synthetic clothes from China

8.3 OUT-MIGRATION IN DARKOT AND SHARMOLI

Migration has been a important component of the lifestyle of Johar, esp. Bhotias, from the time of the trade. Earlier, Bhotias used to practice transhumance all around the year from plains of India to Tibet and back along the well-defined routes with the purpose of trade while later on, with stoppage of trade and coming of reservation, they migrate permanently to various towns and cities for jobs. We have already provided a brief idea about the in-migration in Darkot and Sharmoli in the chapter related to land (i.e. how many inhabitants have bought land in recent times), and in this chapter, let us understand the present scenario of out–migration among inhabitants of Darkot and Sharmoli. Only those families are considered in the survey who are currently living in either of the villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, but one or more members of the family are migrated (permanently or temporarily) to other places for various

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reasons 79 . Thus, our data on migration only includes current migrants (may be in last 5-10 years and a few of those who are living outside for many decades but often come to the village and participate in social and cultural activities) while many of those migrants who had completely shifted elsewhere many years ago (like there are few houses in Darkot which are empty) are left out. They might be forgotten by the family members or the villagers as they have been living in other parts of the country for many decades and are not active members of village social and cultural affairs. We will consider two types of migration in the villages of Munsiyari, one is permanent migration where inhabitants move to other cities / towns and visit their home village once in one-two years, while the other one is seasonal migration where family members migrate to upper villages of Johar for the small time period of three–six months. Those who are in jobs (in cities / towns) usually visit the place once in two–three years while students (studying in towns / cities) visit their home village once or twice a year. In this chapter, we have only considered those female migrants who are mentioned by their respondent family members (or, neighbors) in the village while in reality there are large numbers of women migrants, as the wives have to migrate when their husbands migrate to different cities / towns for jobs (except in case of Army, where families are not allowed to stay). They are not considered as ‘migrants’ by the villagers as in India, it is a tradition (esp. in villages and small towns) that the bride goes and lives with her husband after the marriage.

Case of Darkot –

In case of Darkot, 60 people are out-migrants among 62 families surveyed across various castes. Out of 60 migrants, 53 are Bhotias while the rest seven are from Thakurs (3) and scheduled castes (4) families. Men form the majority of migrants which include 40 male Bhotias, three male scheduled castes and two male Thakurs, i.e. 45 inhabitants are male (75%) out of 60 migrants. Thus, clearly Bhotia male form the substantial group among all migrants in the village of Darkot. The summary of migrants is provided in Table 8.3.

79 Note: The number, age, qualifications etc. of out–migrants have been provided by the respondents, who are their family members, in the village. There are cases where a few parameters of the migrants (e.g. age, qualification level etc.) are not known to respondents and thus, only known parameters of the out-migrants are included in the different types of analysis related to age, education etc..

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Table 8.3: Number of out-migrants among various castes with regard to gender from Darkot.

CASTE GENDER MALE FEMALE OTHER BHOTIAS 40 13 - SC 3 1 - THAKURS 2 1 - *Based on survey of 62 families of Darkot (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakurs)

Figure 8.7 presents the age group of various out-migrants (among families) in Darkot. It is clear from the figure that more than 50% of the migrants (male and female) are in the age group of 20–30 years while only four migrants are above 40 years of age. Thus, more than 90% of the migrants are in the age category of 0–40 years and fall under the group of ‘young age migrants’. All those who are below 20 years of age irrespective of the gender have gone for some kind of higher education, whereas those who are above 20 years are either studying, doing a job or are migrating to Johar. Six Bhotia males and four Bhotia females, one Thakur male and one Thakur female above 20 years are studying in various graduate schools either in towns and cities within the state or in other states. Only 12 Bhotias are migrating to Johar (alpine upper villages) for seasonal migration (or were in Johar at the time of survey) of which 10 are male having age between 22 years–50 years while only two females of age 21 years and 60 years respectively are in Johar. Four Bhotia males in the age group of 20–30 years are unemployed or are searching for jobs in the other cities/ towns.

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Figure 8.7: Age group of migrants among various caste and gender from Darkot

Age group of migrants among various castes (gender based) from Darkot 20

15

10 <20 20 - 30 5 No. of No.migrants 30-40 0 >40 Bhotia SC male Thakur Bhotia SC female Thakur male male Female female Caste/ Gender

*Based on survey of 62 families of Darkot (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakurs)

Overall, around 75% of the migrants (male and female) are either in a job or are studying outside the village. Job category is dominated by males as 22 migrants out of 26 (85%) who work in some kind of jobs are male, which is further dominated by Bhotia males who are 18 in number (out of 22). With regard to education, 11 male and seven female migrants form part of a group in which one male and one female are from Thakur caste while the rest are from Bhotias. Thus, there is no SC man or woman who is studying outside the village and are very few in numbers in various jobs as well. This might show that the poorest of the poor (scheduled castes) did not migrate as they may not have contacts in other towns and cities like Bhotias which can initiate chain migration. Those who are in a job, work in various occupations such as the army, teacher, hospital, and engineer etc. and even as factory labor in a few cases. A few among those who are in the jobs outside the village esp. in the army or are posted in nearby towns send money to their family ranging up to Rs. 20, 000 per month.

With regard to qualification of out-migrants who are in a job, everyone has a minimum educational level of higher secondary (class plus two). Almost 50% of the working migrant males (i.e. 9 out of 20 male migrants; based on answers provided by the families with regard to migrant’s qualifications) are graduates or above, while almost similar percentage are high school pass. Similar is the situation with women where all have studied minimum till class ‘ten plus two’ while two among them hold a bachelor’s degree. Thus,

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it is clear that all the migrants irrespective of caste and gender have minimum required qualification for job, i.e. class 12, and many of them are graduates and above. Those who have migrated to Johar also have school level qualification, i.e. class X and class XII, and two male migrants have bachelor’s degree. This shows why the less educated (with education below class X level) who are staying in the villages of Johar (and not able to find good jobs in towns / cities) are present in large percentage in the villages while anyone who achieves a minimum level of education (esp. among Bhotias) tries to migrate to other places for finding opportunities.

Finally, Figure 8.8 presents the aggregate percentage of out-migrants who migrate to different kinds of towns and cities from Darkot. 26% of the migrants (male and female) migrate to other villages within the state that include people going to Johar as well as other government servants who work in nearby villages. Similar is the percentage of migrants who are migrating outside the state. All those who are migrating either outside the state or within to other villages are all Bhotias (except one Thakur male who is in Bangalore city). Those who are migrating to other towns and cities within Uttarakhand form the majority, i.e. 48%. It includes 22 Bhotia migrants, four shilpkars and two Thakur migrants.

90% of the migrants, who have migrated because of education purposes, live in other towns and cities within the state e.g. in Pitthoragarh, Almora, Haldwani etc. Similarly, more than 60% of the migrants who are in job live outside the state.

Figure 8.8: Percentage of out-migrants to various villages/ towns/ cities from Darkot

Percentage of migrants to various villages/ towns/ cities from Darkot

Migrate to other village within state 26% 26% Migrate to other town/ city within state Migrate to other state 48%

*Based on survey of 62 families of Darkot (39 Bhotias, 12 SC, 11 Thakurs)

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Case of Sharmoli -

Out of 111 families surveyed, there are about 95 out-migrants (male and female) who have migrated to various villages, towns, and cities from Sharmoli, while their family members are living in the village. Out of 95 migrants, 72 are male (76%) while the rest are females. Among 72 male migrants, 53 are Bhotias (74%) and 15 are Thakurs, while shilpkars and Brahmins are in minute numbers. Similarly, with regard to women migrants, 70% are Bhotias while the rest are from other castes. The summarization of the number of migrants among various castes, gender-wise, is provided in Table 8.4.

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Table 8.4: Number of out-migrants among various castes with regard to gender from Sharmoli.

CASTE GENDER MALE FEMALE OTHER BHOTIAS 53 16 - SC 3 1 - THAKURS 15 4 - BRAHMIN 1 2 - *Based on survey of 111 families of Sharmoli (69Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakurs, 4 Brahmin)

Figure 8.9 provides the age–group analysis of migrants of Sharmoli. 85% of the migrants (male and female) are in age–group of 0-40 years while 66% are in the 20–40 years age group. On the basis of gender, 70% of all the males are in the age group of 20–40 years while 50% of the females are in the same age group. Thus, like Darkot, Sharmoli also has the maximum percentage of ‘young age migrants’.

All the male and female out-migrants who are below 20 years of age are engaged in studies in various educational institutions. This category mainly includes students at school level or for bachelor’s degree. They form 15% of the total migrant population. Besides that there are other 13 migrants who are in the age group of 20–30 years and are engaged in various graduate courses. Thus, the total percentage of migrants who are students is around 30% in which female students are one–fourth of the male. 75% of the students are from Bhotia caste while the rests are from Thakurs and shilpkars .

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Figure 8.9: Age group of migrants among various caste and gender fromSharmoli

Age group of migrants among various castes (gender based) from Sharmoli 30 25 20 15 10 <20 5 No. of No.Migrants 0 20 - 30 30-40 >40

Caste/ Gender

*Based on survey of 111 families of Sharmoli (69Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakurs, 4 Brahmin)

45% of the migrants are engaged in various types of jobs. Among working migrants, 65% are Bhotias while 25% are Thakurs. More than 90% of the migrants who are in the job are males while females make a very low contribution. Among working male migrants, Bhotias contribution is around 70% while 26% are Thakur males. Thus, shilpkar males hardly play any role with regard to the jobs outside the village. With regard to age group, 44% of the working migrant males (of all castes) are in the category of 20–30 years, while 31% are in the 30–40 years category. Thus, more than 70% of the working male migrants are below 40 years of age. Only a few females (i.e. 3) are engaged in jobs and they are in the age group of 20- 40 years. Though the number of migrant females (in the form of wife, daughter–in–law) is more but the surveyed families in the village are not able to respond to the question of their age, education, job etc.

15% of the migrants are going to or are in Johar. These include eight Bhotias, four Thakurs, and three Brahmin migrants. There is no SC migrant to Johar from Sharmoli. Among Bhotia migrants, six are male while two are females. The age group of male Bhotias going for summer migration is between 28–60 years old, in which majority (i.e. 5 out of 6 males) are above the age of 30 years. With regard to Bhotia women, both are in the early 50s age group. Two males and two females from Thakur caste go to Johar but respondents in the family (in the village Sharmoli) have no idea about their age (may be in their mid 40s). In case of Brahmins, a 40 year old male along with his wife (36 years) and daughter (18 years) goes

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till the village of Tola (Johar). Remaining migrants are either unemployed or have gone recently to other towns and cities in search of jobs.

With regard to qualifications, all those who are in jobs have minimum educational level up to class X. 60% of the working migrated male Bhotias are graduates or above, while more than 35% have completed class plus two. Similarly, 50% of the male migrant working Thakurs are graduates and the only shilpkar working male also has a bachelor’s degree. Thus, clearly, the educational level of the migrant male workers is quite high in comparison to the local working class within the village. With regard to working migrant women, they have a minimum of bachelor’s degree. Those who are going to Johar have qualification below school level, i.e. below matriculation, while only one young Brahmin female has education till higher secondary school. Thus, those who are migrating within villages have lower educational qualification in comparison to those who are going to towns and cities for jobs.

As per figure 8.10, more than 50% of the migrants from Sharmoli go to other towns and cities within the state of Uttarakhand while 31% migrate outside the state. Only 16% migrate to other villages within the state, particularly to Johar as summer migrants who include Bhotias, Thakurs, and Brahmins. All those people who have migrated for better education, with the exception of two individuals, migrate within Uttarakhand to various places like Pitthoragarh, Almora etc.

68% of the Bhotias migrate to other states for jobs while the remaining 32% have migrated within the state. Similar is the situation with Thakurs where 64% have migrated to other states for jobs while scheduled castes migrate within the state for various occupations. Overall, around 64% migrants migrate to other states for various kinds of the jobs from the army to being a white-collar worker.

Figure 8.10: Percentage of migrants migrated to various villages/ towns/ cities from Sharmoli

Percentage of migrants migrated to various vilages/ towns/ cities from Sharmoli

Migrate to other village 16% within state 31% Migrate to other town/ city within state 53% Migrate to other state

*Based on survey of 111 families of Sharmoli (69Bhotias, 8 SC, 30 Thakurs, 4 Brahmin)

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Thus to conclude, there are many similarities with regard to out–migrants in both the villages which are mentioned below –

1. Among all the out-migrants, 75% are males in both the villages and Bhotia males form the majority (> 75%) within the male category. 2. More than 85% of the migrants (male and female) in both the villages are in category of 0-40 years age group. 3. 75% of the migrants (male and female) in both the villages are either in a job or are studying in various villages, towns or cities within or outside the state. 4. More than 85% of the migrants who are pursuing jobs are males. 5. More than 50% of the migrants who are pursuing jobs are graduates or above in qualification. 6. Majority of the migrants (> 50%) move within various towns and cities of Uttarakhand i.e. within the state. 7. More than 90% of the migrants who are studying in various courses (or are in education) have migrated within the state while more than 60% of the migrant workers are outside the state [this also shows the lack of working opportunities (for educated class) in the state of Uttarakhand].

Thus, with regard to out–migration, males hold the dominance esp. Bhotias who are travelling far to pursue their education or for various types of occupations. As many of them who are in jobs are graduates, it clearly shows the inability of the villages to absorb them in the better-suited occupations (as per qualifications). This also proves the point that those who are educated or have studied in college, do not remain in Johar and move out in search of better jobs. Scheduled castes, on the other hand, are the category that has least migrated inhabitants which apparently throws light on their poor economic and social status. Thus, one can say that migration from both the villages is a kind of ‘skilled migration’ as there are very few inhabitants (one–two in survey) who are working in manual labor-oriented jobs in cities / towns. Those who are low–skilled usually stay in the villages and carry out different kinds of work as mentioned in the previous chapter on economy. In our case, the out-migration in the villages of Darkot and Sharmoli is mainly confined to ‘rural to urban migration’ as large numbers of migrants are educated and skilled, unlike the other parts of India where ‘rural to rural’ migration dominates the scenario because of presence of rampant poverty and illiteracy.

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CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION

In this last chapter of the thesis, we will briefly synopsize the important points of our analysis of physical space, economy, society and culture of the villages of Darkot and Sharmoli and determine the truth of our hypothesis.

I have started my thesis by providing the introduction about the core Munsiyari. I have shown Munsiyari more as a touristic place besides having elements of administrative and market functions. In my opinion, the reason for this is the presence of a large number of hotels, lodges and home stays that occupy the bigger part of the physical space of Munsiyari. The tourism department of Uttarakhand also interprets Munsiyari as akin to Kashmir of India which is mentioned in their touristic information pamphlet (Photo 9.1). As Kashmir in India is analogous to ‘heaven on earth’ and is known as ‘Switzerland of India’, one can understand the beauty and importance of Munsiyari in the tourism sector of Uttarakhand.

Photo 9.1: Description of Munsiyari in the pamphlet of Tourism department of Uttarakhand

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The tourism department in its information has tried to create an image of Munsiyari as an ‘adventurous place’ for the tourists where trekkers, skiers, para-gliders, glacier enthusiasts, nature lovers can find their true love for the unexpected undertaking. Besides it, the department also provides very brief information about various mountain ranges, passes, rivers, trees, bugyals etc. along with the mention of Tibetan trade, Shaukas (Bhotia community) and Johar valley. Thus, my interpretation of Munsiyari as a touristic core is not wrong. But, as mentioned in Chapter 2, the tourism element of the core is peculiar in the lack of availability of the transport element. Besides it, there are limited infrastructure for the trekkers and glaciers enthusiasts, and there is very little help and services provided by the army with regard to tourists. The core provides duality as it is marked as a touristic core (with many hotels and home stays) but at the same time is identified by the constraint of transport and travel element (with regard to public transport) and infrastructure. Still the presence of market, hospitals, various government departments, schools etc. that provide the low-order/rank services for the whole Tehsil and block, make Munsiyari exhibit core-like characteristics (in the context of rural peripheral areas).

The third chapter of the thesis provides information about the inhabitants of the villages and their caste. The question here arises about the identity of the inhabitants in the village. Thakurs are the high-caste Kshatriya Hindus while Bhotias established their identity as high-caste Rajputs in both the villages by completely discarding the theory of any close proximity with the Tibetans or Buddhism. As both high- caste inhabitants, i.e. Bhotias and Thakurs, belong to warrior caste ( Kshatriya ), both try to establish their superiority over the others. The caste as an identity plays a very important role in the village. Besides the structure of houses, there are other visible objects which can depict the status of inhabitants, such as one can find the caste of a person written on the windows of cars or on bikes (see Photos 9.1 A and B). Bhotias and Thakurs are very conscious about their caste while the shilpkars are less vocal about their identity. Bhotias take pride in their caste and their identity as Shaukas along with their glorious past of the trade. They try to avoid the identity of ‘tribes’ in their social or village life and proudly mark themselves as Rajputs or Kshatriya warriors. This Kshatriya identity helps them to make their status equivalent to Thakur caste and their effort to remain in the top of caste hierarchy as well as to firm their Hindu identity. Ironically, when it comes to education and jobs, their tribal identity becomes supreme (because of reservation) and thus their economic status (i.e. high-paid jobs) is generally acquired by low social status (i.e. scheduled tribes). Here, Bhotias do not feel ashamed of their tribal status but actually provide the example of their struggle of living in the border areas and their fight for tribal status (after stoppage of trade) for the current achievements in jobs and education. Thus, Bhotias provide duality and dilemma in their identity when it comes to social and economic life which establishes their dominance in different ways. Thakurs, on the other hand, also establish their identity as Rajputs but try to forget their past (as

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Kashtkars ) and do not associate themselves with the agriculture or cultivator class (mainly because of lack of dominance of agriculture in both the villages) though they take pride as landholders. Scheduled castes do not speak much about their identity and try to avoid caste-based conversations.

An interesting difference between the identity of Thakurs and Bhotias can be seen in Photos 9.2 A and B. The car in Photo 9.1A belongs to Thakur caste as it is clearly engraved on the glass ‘Thakur Rajpoot’ to distinguish themselves from the ‘Bhotia Rajputs’. Thus, the imprints of identity (of high-castes) can be found in a number of tangible ways from houses to cars etc. But we cannot find any tangible objects (house, cars or any other thing) where we may observe the positive impression of the identities associated with the lower castes, though it is present everywhere in negative ways (e.g. the structure of the temple and shanty shops in Darkot). Sometime, the cars (or any other object) also provide the identity of the class of a person along with the caste as seen in Photo 9.2 C where information about the occupation of the owner (related to tourism) is displayed on the glass of a car. On the other hand, a car can also be subject to religiosity by inscribing the name of god (see Photo 9.2D, ‘ Jai Alak Nath’, written in Hindi on the front glass of the jeep) on the car which provides information about the caste of people (e.g. name of a god belonging to a Bhotia caste). Thus, the imprints of high-caste people can be viewed in a number of ways in the tangible/non-tangible, stationary/moving objects of the physical space.

Photos 9.2 A, B, C and D: The car and the bike showing the identity of the owner by means of printed name/ words on the glass of the car and bike

9.2A

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9.2B

9.2 C

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9.2 D

After analysing the physical space of Darkot and Sharmoli along with studying the impact of culture on it in the chapters 4 and 5, we can deduce that the landscape of Sharmoli is more secular, developed and modern in comparison to that of Darkot. The secular and modern character (at least in the public domain) of Sharmoli is imparted by the presence of a mixed society (inhabitants of all castes and clans live there), large percentage of modern-design houses, home stays and hotels, sangathans and handicraft marts, and the influence of tourists which is almost absent in the case of Darkot. Though diffusion of innovation has percolated in both the villages in terms of communication (mobile phones), electricity and road, still Sharmoli provides the more modern view than Darkot because of its nearness to other facilities such as schools, colleges, market, etc. along with existence of basic modern conveniences and appliances such as personal vehicles, fridge, washing machines, and computers which can only be found in Sharmoli while television is present in both the villages.

The landscape of Darkot is predominantly constructed by the locals (and that too by the high-caste) who got settled there in the last 100 odd years, and the imprint of their beliefs, values and culture traits can be easily found in it. The presence of a large number of old-design houses and the role of the temple in village life of Darkot is an example of it. On the other hand, Sharmoli’s landscape is a result of the

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influence of the locals (who settled there in the last 40-50 years) and the tourists (whose presence has increased in the last 20 odd years) along with the impact of a few outsiders who play an important role in moulding the landscape. Though the religious and cultural beliefs of the inhabitants are similar (in their private life), yet the inhabitants of Sharmoli (esp. those related to home stays and sangathans ) try their best to show the less caste-based characteristics of their society in public life. Darkot, on the other hand, tries to give a glimpse of mutual harmony by means of the temple, but that myth can be easily busted once one enters and looks at the constructed landscape and carries out conversation with the inhabitants. My woman helper Ms. Geeta (in Darkot) did not go inside the houses of scheduled caste villagers or drink tea / water in their household as she has a fear that if somebody came to know about that, she might bring embarrassment to her family (Bhotias). Also, many SC families did not offer any drink to me as well as to her in the fear that I or she might get offended or might not like to have food / drink from the low caste as well as poor class of the village.

The perception of people about their landscape is also based on their experiences of life, their status in society, their struggle and legacy, economy, religion, etc. Their views about the landscape may be different when they talk about it to a local or to a third person (outside the village). In my opinion, the knowledge of the landscape of many of the respondents is generally based on the comparison with regard to some distant (imaginary) landscapes, e.g. a few respondents (esp. from high castes) in the village were always interested in my caste and the place of my belonging, whether to Himachal (which establishes my identity as one of the Mountain people and a lifestyle similar to them) or to France (which establishes my identity as a researcher as well as an outsider, and a lifestyle alien / opposite to them). They try to frame answers about their view of the landscape by comparing it to the landscape of the places which are associated with me. The response of a Bhotia male on a question about the landscape is: “ waisa hi hai jaisa aapka Himachal hai, kuch alag nahin hai ” (It is the same as Himachal, there is nothing different here). Another person’s view (belonging to Thakur caste) is: “Paris to bahut sundar hai, wahan sab facility hai, yahan khubsurti to hai par aur kuchh nahin ” (Paris is beautiful and comprised of all facilities. Here (in Munsiyari) there is a natural beauty but no facilities). People of different castes see landscape as per their perception based on positive or negative connotation. Bhotias in Darkot see landscape based on the elements of religion (temple), trade legacy and fake equality; home stay owners see landscape based on beauty (Panchachuli Mountains), tourists and economy (earnings); Thakurs in Darkot see landscape as an uncultivable land, the scheduled castes see it as a site of low income while admiring the natural beauty. Also, the behaviour and practices of the inhabitants change as per the part of the landscape. They behave differently as per their location in public spaces (e.g. temple, community ground, dhara, sangathans etc.) and private spaces (e.g. houses) based on the relation of caste-class, rituals of purity-pollution, gender etc.

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The landscape of Sharmoli and Darkot is also sculptured by the presence of other forces such as the BRO which is constructing motor-able road and carrying out ruination of the houses that leads to change in the physical landscape, social ties (many people lose their spaces and their close relation with the neighbours after settling at a different location within the village) along with the income (one home stays family lost their house and home stay; one family running grocery shop in Sharmoli lost its source of income).

Chapters 6 and 7 provide information about the economy as well as changing roles of agriculture, animal husbandry and land use in both the villages. The low income and the large dependency on manual labour work are the chief characteristics of both the villages. The labour work has come up as an option of quick and daily income in the low-opportunity landscape of Munsiyari marked by low educational qualifications (of workers) and no-skilled force. Many people have migrated to Sharmoli and nearby villages such as Naya-Basti, Jainti etc. (from other villages of Johar) mainly because of labour work whose instant income can cater to the needs of education, food and medical assistance to the family. The increasing importance of labour work in the economic landscape of Munsiyari can be seen in Photo 9.3 (clipping of newspaper published on March 20, 2018). It is mentioned in the news that inhabitants of the the border area of Pitthoragarh district (such as Munsiyari) are getting attracted towards the BRO (road widening project) which has increased the monthly salary to Rs. 10,800 (from the earlier Rs. 7,100) for the work of a manual labourer. The increased salary has led to increase in the number of local people engaging in manual work which was earlier dominated by the workers belonging to the state of Bihar and Nepal. The bottom part of the clipping shows that the women are also attracted towards the manual labour work because of increased emoluments.

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Photo 9.3: Newspaper clipping

The lack of agriculture and decreasing role of animal husbandry in the village life of Darkot and Sharmoli has automatically led the working force to move from the class of agricultural cultivator / labourer to the

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contractual one. Both villages seem to be sharing the same economic status in overall individual / family income and educational qualifications, but the difference lies in the types of opportunity of occupations available in Darkot and Sharmoli. Sharmoli, because of its nearness to the core, accommodates tourism as the biggest source of income (esp. to those who can afford investment) in terms of home stays, hotels, handicrafts marts, tourist guides etc. which are absent in Darkot. The out-migration of large number of young people from both the villages to pursue jobs and education show the weak state of affairs in the mountainous border areas with regard to skilled work, college and professional education, and other basic facilities. The changing use of land, i.e. inhabitants are diverting land to home stays and other tourism- based activities, shows the changing value of land esp. near the core areas. The inhabitants of both the villages have low income but they are not poor as per my survey, i.e. many are earning above $1.90 (Rs. 120) per day, though there are a few families who are below poverty line (around 10% in my survey in both the villages) and in official terms (as per data maintained by Block office) there are about 80 inhabitants in Sharmoli and around 30 in Darkot (of all castes but ST are in large number) who are below poverty line.

When asked about the level of happiness in the place of living, almost 85% of the inhabitants (of all castes) are happy with their present life style but also complain about low income and few opportunities along with lack of facilities of education and medical treatment. But in the views of the locals “yahan par shanti hai, aaram hai, khoobsurati hai, bas yahi kafi hai ” [Here (in Munsiyari) the life is peaceful and relaxed (in comparison to cities) surrounded with natural beauty, and it is enough]. Thus, low income of the inhabitants is compensated by the serene, smooth and placid life of the village.

In my thesis, all my interpretation, analysis and discussion revolve around the caste, which is still the main determinant of the life of an individual in the villages as well as towns of India. Though some scholars claim of decreasing caste-consciousness in the villages, still majority of the Indian authors in the village context (esp. Marxist scholars, sociologists) define caste as an important premise of social, economic and political discussion in India. The Constitution of India also acknowledges caste-based oppression and social inequality in India, and therefore the policy of reservation and other affirmative acts are prescribed in order to palliate the situation of the oppressed. Though in our case, economy is less driven by the caste as people (of all castes) are engaged in same kinds of occupations (e.g. inhabitants of all castes are engaged in the occupation of labour work) to fulfil their basic needs of food, shelter and clothing, yet it is more apparent in the social and political sphere. Let me give a few examples from my own experience and discussion with the people of Darkot and Sharmoli about the caste relations in Munsiyari –

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In our analysis, the situation of scheduled castes seems to be marginalised of all the castes in terms of space, economy and social relations, while women are marginalised with regard to gender. The SCs have very small amount of land, the majority work as labourers and do other menial jobs, have low income, and are facing caste-based discrimination in the society, while women are living under the patriarchy and have less freedom in comparison to their male counterparts. The village as such is never a homogenous and harmonious unit, and factions are integral part of the rural life. In our research villages, the faction is more visible (in public domain) within the high castes while it is obscure in case of low and high caste communities (opposite to the Indian scenario in general, where “atrocities” over Dalits and lower caste are clearly visible in the society). Though discrimination with shilpkars is a cultural and social phenomenon within villages, yet cases of atrocities are not heard of in Darkot and Sharmoli. The presence of so-called cordial relations between high and low castes may also point towards acceptance of the dominance by the lower caste and their inability to voice against the (bias of) high-caste because of their low numbers and low status (economically and socially) in the society. Also, as mentioned earlier, the illusion of equality provided by the high-caste people (e.g. by means of temple) may further enhance the ignorance of the low-caste people.

Thakurs and Bhotias are two main faction groups (caste-based) in the village of Darkot (as well as in other villages of Munsiyari) as Bhotias envy Thakurs because of their loss of land to them, while Thakurs envy Bhotias because of the facility of reservation available to them. This rivalry of Bhotias and Thakurs is common across Munsiyari and beyond it. The rivalry is best viewed in terms of politics within the village or even up to the legislative assembly seat of Dharchula (Munsiyari comes under Dharchula legislative assembly). In modern times, both communities try to exert pressure on each other by showing their dominance in the form of power obtained by various means and one of them is politics. Bhotias show their economic dominance and social dominance while Thakurs try to put political pressure over the others esp. in legislative assembly elections of Dharchula seat, where Thakurs are in majority while Bhotias occupy the back seat. In the 2002-07 election of the state assembly when the seat of Dharchula (Munsiyari) was reserved for the scheduled tribe category and prospects of the Bhotia candidate seemed to be bright, Thakurs played an important role in keeping the Bhotias out of power by supporting an ST candidate from Van-Raji community (a very small ST community in Johar and other valleys) who stood against the Bhotia candidate and won the election because of support by Thakurs. In the opinion of one Bhotia inhabitant of Darkot ‘ Caste is more significant than development, as Thakurs in order to maintain their status-quo in politics chose an illiterate candidate over Bhotias who did nothing for 5 years and displaced an educated Bhotia candidate who had vision for the constituency ”. Thakurs in 2012 retained their power when the seat was reserved for general category candidates and hence continue their

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dominance in the political space. They also tried to put political pressure to get reservation under ‘other backward communities’ by virtue of their settlement at the border and non-developed area but failed to get recognition from the central government. Thus, Thakurs have done their best to compete with Bhotias esp. in political terms to counter the effect of their economic and cultural influence in Bhotia-dominated villages. Other communities, such as Scheduled Castes seem to be closer to Bhotias (because of their close relationship at the time of trade) than to Thakurs , but they are also small in number and lack any political power.

Bhotias try to compensate the political dominance of Thakurs and others in the Bhotia dominated villages such as Darkot and Sharmoli. The political power has become an important element of dominance in the villages by means of election of gram panchayat (village council) and sarpanch (village head), though 75% of the respondents in Darkot claim to be neutral, i.e. did not have any (ideological / party-based / caste-based) preference in politics. The election of gram panchayat as well as the post of Pradhan has undergone a significant change from the past. In the words of a Bhotia respondent in Darkot , ‘Earlier there was no election and inhabitants used to choose their candidate by mutual understanding . The eldest and intelligent person of the village was chosen as the head while the works of all castes were performed on priority basis’. In present times, there is a competition among candidates even in a small village like Darkot where two women candidates stood in election within a small community of Thakurs (having around 10 families and those too are heirs of three-four main families). Thus, even intra-caste relations are not very harmonious when it comes to acquiring power and thus the role of Bhotias and other castes becomes important in choosing the candidate (when your own caste vote is divided). That is why politics at the village level is different, and a dominant caste, i.e. Bhotias in terms of number, economy and social behaviour maintain their monopoly in the village of Darkot which is opposite to the situation at the legislative assembly constituency level. The post of gram Pradhan has become a lucrative one in recent times, mainly because of the availability of large funds (for developmental work) and the power of Pradhan (though village has a saying in the expenditure of the budget) to utilise it as per his/her wisdom.

The caste solidarity is best seen among Bhotias not only within the village but also outside of it as everybody tried their best to participate in good and bad times of the community. Bhotias form many organizations in various towns and cities of Uttarakhand as well as in Delhi and Mumbai. They organize annual festivals in places like Haldwani etc. which feature exhibitions, cultural dance and feasts, debate and discussions etc. Munsiyari also has an annual cultural festival organised by Bhotias in the month of May/June which is marked by sports meet, local dance and songs, exhibitions etc. and attended by many Bhotias who come from various towns and cities to meet their families and enjoy the festival. Bhotias by forming a strong group carry out many assistance and relief works (esp. those who live in towns and cities

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and are earning handsomely) by means of providing education to the poor, helping them in need of financial distress etc., e.g. there is a Bhotia person who was accused of murder in Haldwani but did not have financial power to fight and defend the criminal case; Bhotia community tried its best to help the accused by collecting money and providing other necessary support to him and his family. They also claim to help other people (outside the caste) as well . In the opinion of a few Bhotia inhabitants, the coaching classes are run by Bhotia organization in Munsiyari (for competitive examinations) and poor students of every caste are provided free tuition.

In the end, we can say that the landscape of both the villages, i.e. Darkot and Sharmoli, is influenced by various cultural factors such as religion, caste, income (economy), values and beliefs etc. and thus changing villages in terms of development and modernity. There is a technological change in both the villages with the advent of roads, communication and other facilities; there is an economic change in the villages with respect to occupations, income etc; and there is a cultural change in the villages brought about by the new-economies (home stays), education facilities, migration etc. There is a view that decline in cultural diversity is a modern trend, but the way people of Darkot are trying to keep their age old profession of handicrafts (by passing it to the new generation) along with construction of Darkot temple, and people of Sharmoli present their culture (of food and hospitality along with a glimpse of village life, forests etc.) to the outsiders in form of home stays, shows their endeavour to preserve their culture and identity, but decrease in the number of old-design houses and the move towards new-design construction, losing handicrafts and moving towards labour-oriented occupations esp. in the villages near to the core, increase in nuclear families (because of migration), etc. show the movement of society towards imitating city culture and trying to assimilate in it. As culture can unite and divide humanity, we can find the duality in many cases such as religion (Darkot temple unites and divides people at a same time), home stay economy (unites the people of sangathan but increases inequality with respect to those who are poor and have less space). Thus, changing culture may have both positive and negative impact on the landscape and people, depending upon which side one is standing.

It is believed that modernization depends upon the adaptability of society concerned. In my survey in both the villages, almost 98% of the respondent families are willing to adopt modern ideas, esp. related to technology and development such as use of mobile, computer, television etc. They are happy with the construction and broadening of roads, electrification of villages, water and sanitation supply etc. as it is seen beneficial and useful for the villagers. But it is not easy to adopt modern ideas with regard to their age old beliefs and norms of the society, as even a (western) dress of women can trigger criticism among a few males in both the villages. The foundation of religion is very strong in the life of the inhabitants, esp. in Darkot (where every religious festival is celebrated with grandeur), while caste-system is an

335 integral part of the society. The economy is playing a little role in breaking the hierarchical caste -relations in the villages (because of lack of primary activities) but it is very difficult to bring about a change in the social and cultural views of the people in a short time span. This also proves the fact about modernity in India: ‘Modernization is a continuous adaptive process which might not oppose tradition’ [Verma, 2009].

Photo 9.4: Celebration of Hindu new year (March, 2018) by the inhabitants of Darkot in the temple

Sometimes, even a tradition may lose signif icance if community / society understands the importance of adaptation to modern views and approves of it s acceptance (even if it is forced from the outside ). During my visit of Darkot village in the end of 2017 (Photo 9.5), the inhabitants of Darkot decid ed to stop the ‘bali-pratha ’ (sacrificing of animals to the god) inside the temple premises, which has been an important element of the religious life of Himalayan villages, after the Uttarakhand High Court imposed a ban on the sacrificing of animals. Thus , sacrificing of animals, despite being an age old tradition of the society of Johar, has been stopped by the forced idea from outside the society (or by an authority) that led to change in the customs and beliefs.

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Photo 9.5: Signboard showing ban of ‘ bali-pratha ’ in the temple of Darkot in an order passed in a writ of 2011 (and implemented after 2015)

To conclude, the landscapes of Darkot and Sharmoli are inhabited by the majority Bhotias and their impression on the land can be seen in different ways. They have tried their best to keep the hegemony over the physical, economic, social and political landscape of both the villages and thus keep the power in their hands. Even those Bhotias who live outside the village (i.e. in cities / towns) play an important role in establishing the superiority of Bhotia community over the local landscapes (Bhotia villages) by providing economic and social support. Thus, even migration and decreasing population of Bhotias in the villages of Johar, so far, has not led to the decrease of control of Bhotias over the village life of Darkot and Sharmoli. Bhotias have established their identity in the whole landscape of Uttarakhand and an example of it can be seen in Photo 9.6, which shows presence of ‘Bhotia market’ (selling handicrafts and other goods) in the Nainital district of Uttarakhand (Bhotia market / centres / community hostel etc. are

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also present in other places of Uttarakhand such as Haldwani, Almora etc.). The other two castes, Thakurs and SC, do not depend economically on the dominant Bhotias, but their social and cultural life definitely revolves around the superior group (within Bhotia villages).

The modernity, on the other hand, depends upon the adaptation level of different caste and class groups in villages and thus our hypothesis shows different results in diverse situations. It is true in the cases where home stay owners accommodate new ideas and norms with regard to earnings in Sharmoli and shed their orthodoxy; it is true if one compares the working class of Sharmoli (dominated by labourers) with Darkot (dominated by pensioners); it is true when one compares the cultural festival of Sharmoli with religious- based festivals of Darkot; it is true if one compares the general landscape of Darkot (caste-based) and Sharmoli; but it is false if one compares the caste-based interactions of the inhabitants (in their private life) in both the villages along with the situation of women, etc. Thus, society can be modern and quick in the adaptation of new ideas, technology that improve their economy, income and prove beneficial to them, but it may remain traditional in terms of views, norms and age old beliefs, unless forced by an external agency or their own wisdom to change their social views.

Photo 9.6: Signboard showing ‘Bhotia market’ on the Mall Road of Nainital town (Headquarter of Kumaon) of Uttarakhand

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GLOSSARY / IMPORTANT NON-ENGLISH TERMS USED IN THE CHAPTERS

Anganwadi

Anwal

Bali-Pratha

Bazar

Bhabhar

Bhagwat Katha

Bhakhali

Bhotias

Brahmins

Bugyals

Bunkar

Cheenakoni

Dalit

Dev Bhoomi

Dhakariya

Dhara

Gamgiya

Garhwal

Goth

Gur

Halduva-Pingluva

Janshakti

Jau

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Jimbu

Johar (Malla / Talla Johar)

Kalakendra

Kashtkars

Kholi

Kira-Jhari

Kiratas

Kisan

Kshatriyas

Kumaon

Kund

Madua

Mitra

Muthi

Nali

Oova

Pahari

Panchachuli

Panjwari

Panjwari

Pankhi

Pashmina

Phaphar

Pradhan

Rajmah

Rajputs

Sangathan

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Sarson

Sattu

Shaukas

Shilpkars

Suhaga

Tehsil

Tehsildar

Terai

Tipari

Zamindar

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APPENDIX: Photo of questionnaire used in the survey

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