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AUTHOR Gammage, Philip 'TITLE Children and Schooling Issues in Childhood Socialisation. REPORT NO ISBN-0-04-370118-3 PUB DATE 82 NOTE 215p. AVAILABLE FROMAllen & Unwin, Inc., P.O. Box 978, Building 424,, Raritan Center, Edison, NJ 08817 [Cloth (ISBN-0-04-370117-5), $29.50; Paper, $12.95, plus $1.50 shipping]. PUB TYPE Books (010) -- Viewpoints (120)--,Tests/Evaluation Instruments (160)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC09 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Academic Achievement; *Children;"'Curriculum Development;;Elementary Secondary ; Foreign Countries; H ,istory; Language Acquisition; Presdhool Education; *; Questionnaires; School Role;

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I 3 ABSTRACT % . Intende# for teachers in training and inservice, courses, the seven chapters ofthis book focus on children and schooling, on some of the ways.childdevelopment and learning have been perCeived, and ohow such appear to have affected or informed the proc ss offormal education. Fundamental to the organization of the/book is the attempt to reflect .agradual development of some/of the major issuesin the socialization of , children aSsseen from,a social 'spe5spective. Specifically, the seven chapters are:(1),Perspectives of. Childhood: .., Historial OvervieW; (2) Schooling; (3) Psychologyand Education; (4) Language, Communication, and the Curriculum;(5) Socialisation and Achievement; (61 Constraints on the CurriCulum;Social-Psychological Issues; and (7Y Self - Esteem and SocialLearning. Three problems are - focused on thOughoutthe book: thedisjuncture between theory and practice; the mismatch between the curriculum -and thechild; and the relevance of/social learning and attribution theories, which, though important to/ social , seem neglectedby educationists.. A "rough, linguistic/cognitive socialisation chart"showing changes in conceptual/growth and development, the CARAOC (Childien's Attribution. of Responsibility and Locus of Control) pupil questionnaire4 and a copy of "Twenty Official Rules ofthe Schools in the USSR" re appended. (RH) 0 / 9

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I PHILIP G MADE Unwin Education BoOks Education Since 1800 IVOR MORIfISH, for,Teaching BARBARA CHURCHER Organising and Integrating the'Infant-Day, JOY TAYLOR , The : An,Introduction 'HARRY SCHOFIELD Assessment and Testing: An Introduction HARRY SCHOFIEW Education: Its Nature and PurposeM. V. C.,JEFFREYS Learning in the KENNETH HASLAM 1, The : An Introduction,' IVOR MORRISH Developing a Curriculum AUDREYAncl HOWARD NICIJOLLS and Cultural Change H. DUDLEY PLUNKETT alid JAMES LYNCH and. Writing in the First School JOY TAYLOR Approacties to Drama DAVID A. MALE Aspects of Learning BRIAN O.:CONNELL Focuson.Meaning JOAN TOUGH Moral Education WILLIAM KAY Concepts in JOHN E. SADLER Moral Philosophy for Education ROBIN BARROW Principles of Classroom Learning and RICHARD J. MUELLER Education and the Cominunity ERIC MIDWINTER Creative Teaching AUDREY and HOWARD NICHOLLS ---T& Preachers of Culture MARGARET MATHIESON Mental Handicap: An Introduction ,DAVID EDEN Aspects of Educational Change IVOR MORRISH Beyond Initial Reading JOHN POTTS The Foundations of.Maths id the Infant School JOY TAYLOR Common Sense and the Curriculum ROBIN BARROW ThrlSecond'R' WILLIAM HARPIN The Diploma Disease RONALD DORE The Development of Meaning JOAN TOUGH pie Place:of Commonsense ln Educational Thought LIONEL ELVIN Language in Teaching and Learnin HAZEL FRANCIS Patterns of Education in the British IslesNIGEL GRANT and ROBER4' BELL Philosophical Foundatioris for the Curriculum ALLEN BRENT " World Faiths in EducationW. OWEN COLE Classroom Language: What Sort? JILL RICHARDS. Philosophy and Human Movement DAVID BEST Secondary Schools and the Welfare Network DAPHNE JOHNSON et al. Educating Adolescent GirlsE. M. CHANDLER Classroom Observation of Primary School Children RICHARD W. MILLS Essays on EducatorsR. S. PETERS. Comparative Education: SomeConsiderationsof Method BRIAN HOLMES Education and the Individual BRENDA COHEN Moral Development and Moral EducationR. S. PETERS In-Stirvice Education Within the School ROLAND W. MORANT ' Learning to Read HAZEL FRANCIS 1 Children and Schoolidg PHILIP GAMMAGE Childfon .and Schooling Issiwpin Childhood Socialisation

PHILIP GAMMAGE School of Education, University ornist.ol

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LOndon GEORGE ALLEN & UNWIN Boston 0 Philip Gammage, 1982 This book is copyrightunder the Berne '"Covention. No reproduction without permission. All rights reserved.

George Allen& Unwin (Publishers)Ltd, 40 Museum Street, WCM1LU, UK George Allen & Unwin (Publishers)Ltd, 'Park Lane. Hemel Hempstead.Herts HP2 4TE. UK Allen & Unwin. Inc.. rWinches.ter Terrace, Winthester, Mass. 01890,USA , George Arlen & Unwin Australia PtyLtd, 8 Napier Street, NorthSydney; NSW 2060, Australia First published in. 1982

British Library Caialoguing inPublicationiData

Gammage, Philip Children and schooling.(Unwineducation boiiks)' 1. Educational psychology2. .0: ° I. Title 370.15 L-131051 ISBN 0-04-370117-5 ISBN 0-04-37011g-3Pbk

Library of CongressCataloging in Publication Dahl-

Gammage, Philip Children and schooling. (Un.win education books) Includes bibliographies 'and index. 1. Socialization,2. Educa)ion sociology. 3. Child development.4/Education of children. I: Title. II. Series. LC192.4.G35 370,19' 82-6643 ISBN 0-04-370117-5 AACR2 ISBN 0-04-370118-34 (pbk.)

Set in 10 on I I point Times byGilbert COmposing Services, \ 'Leighton Buzzard, andprinted in Great Britain by Biddies Ltd, Guildford, Surrey 1,

5 Contents

Acknowledgements pate 9 Introduction 11- f 0 1 Perspectives of Childhood: Historical Overview 15 Religious belief and romantic ideology; scientific child study and education 2Schooling, 33 Culture and learning; the role of the teac4r; ihe Changing pattern;, 2 3,Psychology and .Education 62 Theory with practice; behaviourism and school learning; cognitive and developmentaLthekiryi psychodynamics and education 4 Language, Communieation and the Curriculum V. 5 Socialisation and Achievement 121 The work ethic; historical antecedents and sociological implications;; socialisation and childhood . Constraints on the Curriculum: Social- Psychological, Issues 157 Actuality, a note on evaluation 7 Self-Esteem and Social- Learning 173 .Personality and self-esteem: an introduction; attribution, causality and locus of 'control; some implications for schooling . Appendix Rough Linguistic/Cognitive Socialisation 7-203 Chart Showing Changes in Conceptual Growth and . Development , Appendix B: The CARALOC Pupil Questionnaire 205

Appendix C: Twenty Official Rules of the Schools in . 207 the USSR Index. 21

.ti Aeknowledgements

I gratefully acknowledge permission from Basil Blackwell, Publisher, to use material first published in New Universities Quarterly. vol. 32, no. 35 (Summer 1978), and from the Ablex Publishing Corporation to use material from L. Katz et al,(eds), Current Topics in Early' Childhood Ejucation, Vol. 3.11980) QMy special thanks t go to Mrs Anne Mallitte for sopatiently preparing the typescript. For my father, 0.T. G.

41 Introduction

This book is!about children and schooling, aboutsome of the ways in which child development and learning have been perceived andhow such perceptions appear to have affectedor informed the process of formal education. Schooling is seen as part of socialisation, itselfa proceSs of social learning which centres upon the gradual internalisation of values, norms and culture. While socialisation in. its entiretycan be thought of as a cumulative- cum- interactive affair bearing upon our human developme,nt and decline throughout ,the life-cycle, schooling cannot. True, schooling is now long, rather than short, an expepence often endured rather than enjoyed, but in most modern societies it stops for the vast majority of adolescents at the age of 16years or so, and that majority then 6scapcs with relief into the adult world. What follows are seven moderately lengthy chapters eachof which is, in effect, self-contained and can be readon its own. These essays are intended to provide, basic commentary, some synthesisOr overviewand, one hopes, stimulation for discussion and further study. Notes and suggestions for further reading are provided at the end of each chapter. Fundamental to the organisation of the book is an attemptto plovide a gradual development of some of the major issues in the socialisation of children as seen from a social- psychologist's perspective. Childrenare viewed very much as social products: and the interrelatedness of theories of child-rearing with thoseof the growth of cognition andan creasing awareness of self arc important themes which arc gradual! y extended throughout the book. Additionally, the complexity of the issues increases as the book develops. Some may be surprised to mite that classroom interaction and studies of teaching styles have (for the most pa rt) been omitted. Itwas felt that these have been dealt with at ,..length elsewhere and thatconstant exposure and the political capital made have created as much heat as light, coupled with a tendency for 'educationists to perceive classroom interaction itself as the social psychOlogy of education. Moreover, such topicsareessentiallybaseduponempiricalinvestigationof personsituationinteractionsand theappropriatenessoftheir methodologies is still hotly disputed. Consequently, much of therecent debate on classroom interaction is couched in terms which have little real meaning for class teachers and which seem to have surprisingly little purchase on the methodology of organisation and teaching. The perspectives of these chapters arc broader, more discursive and, in pare, concerned with aspects of eduisetion which do not appear to have been adequately synthesised in terms relevant to teachers. The lives of children are shaped by interaction with their caretakers, their friends, their teachers and within the institutions provided by adult

li 9 12Introduction society. Inthis book the reader will find Fivebroadly discursivc summary chapters dealing withchanging beliefs about child-rearing; with the roles of schools and teachers in theculture; with the twisting *strands of psychology and their relativeimpact on schools; with perspectives of achieVement; and with self - esteemand locus of control. Additionally, two more polemical chapters arc included onthe interplay` of some of these issues in respect offormal education and the curriculum. '- Certain problems in particular have preoccupied mein the shaping of this book. One is the age-old problem of adisjuncture between theory and practice; another is that of thefrequent mismatch between the curriculum and the child; the third concerns sociallearning and attribution theories, which, though animportant part of social psychology, seem yet so neglected by educationists.In particular there has been relatively little written in the U1 onperceived personal control and academic achievement, despite much on the moreobvious social correlates of school success, The final chaptertries to redress this imbalance by reminding one how fruitful might be the workstemming from Julian Rotter's social learning theory, howcritical some of it may still be for a finer understanding of tlic processesof socialisation (and education) and how.clearly much of it relates to themotivation of the child and his beliefs in himsclf. The essence of social psychology is socialinfluence, how the real, imagined, expected and implied behaviothr and attitudesof others affect our behaviour. Definitions ofchildhood and education have such cultural salience that teachers and children bring a cargoof cultural bric- a-brac to the schoolroom; a cargo which sensitises,alters, inhibits and modifies the interaction taking place.Furthermore, many categories employed in cducation are notoriously vagueand seem more intended as rallying crics for the faithful,than as accurate descriptions of what docs or does not go on. Discussions of cducation herein arcprcdicatcd on thc following beliefs: cultural institution which selves '(I) The schoolisa social and prinMrily as an environment in which to*exchangc ideas, resources and people through a networkof communications systems. The curriculum as taught is an exampleof such a communication system.* (2)Education is primarily conccmcd withhuman development; and schooling is a vehicle for mobilising anddirecting that development, at the hchest of adults. V

Skilbeck, M., appendix A. in Valton. J. andWelton, J. (cdI), Rational Curriculum Planning (London: Ward Lock, 1976), p.154. 10 IntroAcrion/13 , . (3)Curriculum theory (of which there is certainly no dearth) is bound up with theories of learning, with perceptions of the validity of knowledge and with views of culture. (4)In theclassroom transactionfrequently overridescontentand personal perception of the 'messages' transmitted is a crucial fcature of all learning. (5)Physical, economic and estruml social constraints inevitably impose pragmatic shapc upon educationalists' intentions.

Lastly, it should be pointed out that this book is not written with the sotc intention of informing educational thcorists, but rather that it should serve the purpoce of placing some of the main issues. as Isee them, before teachers in training and on in-service courses.Itis presented as an attcmpt to put some of the problems which teachers have frequently discussed with me into a context recognisable by teachers and relating to theory and to their concerns.' Inevitably the arena is larger than schooling itself. Schooling is embedded in the formal organisation of a society's attempts. to perpetuate itself and to direct its regeneration. But, as is well known, socialisation proCesses have a tendency to 'solidify'; and despite the uniqueness of individual schools, teachers and pupils, one cannot but be aware that schools; as a vital part ofthatsocialisatiop,moveeasilytowards conservationand confirmation of existing social rolcs, norms and values, as well as towards a perhaps unwilling orieuizp unwitting preservation of existing social-class structures.

NOTES. REFERENCES AND RECOMMENDED At the end of each chapter are notes and references which provide additional information to the chapter content preceding. There then follow shortlists of recommended reading, designed to expand particular topics or to act as catalysts for further reading and rctarch: For the serious student, it is usually both helpful and advisable to keep.. one's own references to additional reading in some systematic and consistent manner:

jl / TIMEE TlithGS TO REMEMBER

It Sec MI to me likely that humanistic education will continue to provide the educators' ideology. but th.it managerial education will continue to represent the reality. that is to say.the most likely development may be that educators 1,401 continue to place. primary importani:e on distribution saltics 4,r,iexplainingtheirWorts to rticru..ch, Mir schcn important isses arc tatted influencing the structural relations between schools and communities, the-taggregate values of ftlAnairnal,education arc likely' to prevail in their actions. So the professional ideology is likely to he humanistic. butthe operational ideology is likely to he one of social utility. (T. F. Green. 'Schools and communities: a look for ss ard', /J.:min/ Fitricinso.7.;/ Review. so!. 39, no.., IWN, pp, 236-7)

There is no more dangerous inn than the c xrcrt with one, or perhaps two. years of schoolteaching experience except the legion who have none, ' (F. Musgrove, Schoolcr7,1 ihe Social Order.New York. Wiley, 1979. pp. 1-2)

Most children accept school as a necessary evil. as do mostteachers. The two minorities, those who value its experiences too highly (asI do) or hate it obsessively, arc relatiyely (A. R. Barton,School for Love,London, Hutchinson. 1976, p. 153)

19 ti

4t Chapter Perspectives of Childhood:

Historical Oveyview,, .

RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND ROMANTIC IDEOLOGY Presumably, any recognition that education is aranstitutionaliied form. of socialisation,. and one specifically designed by the state, must itself take cognisance of the `State of childhood! and of the states towards which those children must be directed:Thus,.when a society decides, presumably. collectively, or through the medium of some government decipion, that the time is ripe for,a national system of education, its firit thoughts are usually to diitil some overall purpose and to set this out in the form of specified aims and objectiVes for the total system. What is thought most desirable for children is, however, rarely the sole fictor guiding such a deciration. Expediency in terms of market forces, in - terms of feasibility, in terms of political stability' may also be: a crucial factor for consideration.0 In particular it is usual forfor such a distillation. . . to very clear soundings/tiot merely of the dOrnint N4lues, but of the political and financial-conditions current in that oCiety. The state's aims and objectives are made public and are then reified to some degree, becoming the principles of action. In England the Education Act 1944 is concerned with the edueation Ofall citizens `to the full extent of their interests and capacities, from cradle to grave, to participate in a democratic and technological society and to serve their country loyally"; and many , even today, see such a statement as epitomising the major objective of schooling. As. well as ensuring that these principles are fulfilled in respect of subsequent national and local organisation, of state sehooling, they are *ally- implicit in the selection of knowledge regarded as impoitant, for presentation at differ4nt ages of sahoolifig. Bernstein has referred to this - the curriculuM - as `what counts as valid: knowledge'.2 Clearly, the nature of that curriculum will itself be affected both by ideologies. current in the culture, and by the persons responsible for their.. presentation and selection. Likewise, the ideologies are not only in part: reflected in the organisation and content of teacher education and' training, Put will also affect the selection, of personnel considered- 0 suitable for teaching and overall viewpoints about the teacher's role. M What is often forgotten is that the learners themselves will have a critical Lo effect upon the nature of the information presented ,.within that 4v) curriculum and that, moreover, different ideologies will often lead to I6 /Children and Schooling very different views concerning whatis appropriate for children of different itg6 andlevels of ability. In short, what the culture diems tobe the Chiracteristicl of childi-en will oftcn critically affect ther-cofitetitand nature of the 6-ahsactions made between onegeneration and another. Curricular transactions within the school are no exception to this rule, except in so fat' as one must take account of the processes of institutionalisatihn and, consequently, of a sometitnes4lower rate-of change in the nature of the transactions thanmay' be.exhibited In society generally. Different perspectis;es of children, different assumptions about their 'character', lead to different views ofknowledge and different views concerning appropriate modes of prescntation. There is no current dearth of written advice upon theupbringing and education of young children, nor was there in the past.During the seventeenth, eighteenth and possibly the .first half of thenineteenth centuries, however, perspectives on xhild-rearing were clearlylinked with what the Newsons call, 'expectation of death,ratheti than with the hope of a balanced and integrated life'.' Such perspectives werefor the mosrpart related to two main features oflife; the one consisting of the reality of high infant mortality, the demographicactualities of an age which (almost of necessity) followed practices oftaidening' the child; the other conceping a viewpoint of ultimatesalvation which has some of its origins in Calvinisin, Pietism andMethodism, and which are often loOsely categorised as Protestant orPuritan belief. Certainly, children were often treated with what wewould nowadays regard as unwarrantable harshness: 'Severity was doubtlesshallowed by puritan and stoic traditions; but the quasi-medicalpractice of hardening had been advocated by the , JohnLocke, and found ready acceptance in at3 age wItich discovered the principle ofinnoculation.'4 Clearly, whereeducatihn and child-rearing areinseparably linked, as indeed they were prior to the mid-nineteenth century, one musttake account of pronouncement and tract,religious letter and medical advice, since such statements formed thebackground to family opinion and to the socialisation of the child in Europeand North America. As Sunley remarks, it followed from such'advice as that ofthe. Protestants that many parents tended to regard allchildren as inherently sinful, to believe that play might well be thedevice of the devil and that strict discipline resulting in perfect obedience andseriousness was the only possible route to salvatidin5 Such viewsclearly sprang from what might be regarded as an earliei generic protestantism, andwhile it,would be simplistic in the extreme to regard them asrepresenting the only coherent view of children during the sixteenth,'seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they were certainly extremelypervasive in Europe and America and, moreover, were commonwell into the nineteenth, century.i One should, of course, bearin mind the fact thatmost' education prior to the nineteenth century wasinformal rather than Perspectives of Childhood/17 institutionalised, and that the comments of Crispus (see below) and others were often couch0 in the form of advice.to mothers or to parents o-n-tlii iiikiiiiing of their children generally. But formal education and its curriculum were certainly thought of in like vein, in terms of itligious and moral training. Lesson content and transactions were imbued with the Protestant Ethic. The ominant cultural ideology, largely dictated'

thereactions- of theoft.. erationtotheyoUnger.Child , Characteristics were thought toe those of sinfulness, with ever- watchful death looking or a chance to clutch the pranksOme idler to his bosombeforesalvation had been assured. As has been said earlier,Such a view was at any rate Highly realistic as regards infant mortality. Many a 'pretty bud' was doomed to an early grave. Thus considerations of material suitable for learning, whether at home, at Sunday school, or school proper, were based upon adults' beliefs that the child should rapidly acquire a desired moral state, rather than upon any real under- standing of the immediate needs olchildren. The essential distillation from a Calvinist view of child-reagihg is ) well illustrated in Crispus's. (pseud.) On the Education of Children, written in 1814:

The root and foundation of misconduct in childrenis human depravity; depravity in the parent and depravity in the, child. This ought never to be overlooked, nor forgotten in any of our systems of education, but should be perpetually kept in view. Corrupt ourselves, we look with a more favorable eye upon the faults of our children, and feel a reluctance in conveying a censure to them which will recoil upon ourselves.6

There is much to suggest, therefore, that the Protestant Ethic, as it is often loosely termed, had a profound effect uppn seventeenth-,, eighteenth- and' early nineteenth-cen*y views of children. But to pretend that the Protestant Ethic can een as some unified whole and a cohesive force would be to flout the historicaevidence. Undoubtedly, the combination of high infant mortality, the emphasis upon salvation and notions of predeterminism (springing from Calvinism), and what Weber referred to as the subtle combination of the 'four principal forms of ascetic Protestankise, namely, Calvinism, Pietism, Methodism and the Baptist inoversent,' all produced views of childhoV which were remarkably consistent in Etfrope and North America forwellover two centuries. The represented nature of childhood was one of wilfulness and idleness, one which was inherently sinful; thus education was usually heavily weighted in favour of the inculcation pf humility, industry and obedience. The nineteenth-cniury Protestants were, however, much more Open than many to the' impact of Darwinism during the latter half of the century and also to pressures from emerging 18/Children and Schooling intellectuals and scientists. This later led to differentpositions within protestantism, from which in part emerged such totallypolarised viewpoints as fundamentalism and positivism. The admittance of differinga'ndevolving 'creeds' within protestantism was possibly one of the vital aspects which later .distinguished some of the mainstream evolutionary modernistsfrom, their forebears and may have been gradually responsiblefor thcshift in emphasis from faith to good works. In part, of course,this shift from faith to the striving,.competing ambience of the nineteenthcentury, is one of the central issues dismissed in Weber'sfamous essays of 1904-5. Very approximately the effect upon views of. childhood(especially during the latter half of that century) was to increase theemphasis upon industriousness as a desirable learning experience duringchildhbod, a change of emphasis frommere passive obedience tothat ofeffective outcome,or as Little remarks of puritanism: when it appears,'the moral pressurewillbe on for _ thevoluntary,self-initiatedeconomic behaviour'.8 (This themeisdiscussed againinthe, context of socialisation and achievement in Chapter 5). One must reiterate, however, that much of. this ethos is more concerned with the socialisation and upbringing ofchildren in the home than in formal educational institutions. For inEngland at least, schemes of national education were relatively late on the sceneand even the Forster Act of 1870 was not fully implementeduntilthe local government acts of 1880-6. Consequently, muchof nineteenth-century English education was dependent upon religiousfoundation and philanthropy. (Up to 1833 there was no grantboVirliament for education and schools were financed by religious fndations and by charity support.) Such religious foundations, while oftenmotivated by the highest ideals, were not necessarily capable ofviewing childhood with aty sort of objectivity. Moreover, many suchfoundations had their root's/ in the Calvinism of the past and still regarded children 'and childhpod as the battlefield between the forces ofgood andevil. Thus it can be said that, however described, theProtestant-cum- Puritan traditions of Christian nurture held considerabke sway overthe ideas of many concerned with the upbringing ofchildren between the mid-seventeenth and mid-nineteenth centuries in England,North America and non-CathOlic Europe. Such traditions, though, were not the only ones, and, *tile by the 1850s a transformation wasslowly coming about in the writings of the Christian advisers in parthastened by the impact of Darwin, a transformation epitomisedby the term 'romantic' was also slowly gaining ground. Many might arguethat Rousseau, writing in the second half of the eighteenth century, wasthe .father of such an ideology, but in part its origins lie back in suchdiverse roots as Aristotle's 'learning bydoing' apd in the deist theories of natural goodness. 11-ousseu, however, gave itlife and immediacy. He Perspectives of Childhood/19 was nn impassioned and articulate critic of his society and in, his writing on education saw possibilities for reform through the education of childree In Emile he proposed that the child should be nurtured 'naturally', growing up as Nature intended, free from the corrupting influence of urban France and residing .in a southern French village where his learning, under the watchful eye of Li tutor, would be true learning unadulterated by th,c sophistications of sOciety. The tutor's task was not so much to teach as to enable Nature to work her miracle for him. Society, full of unnatural and harmful' influences, must be kept from the child. It is heady stuff, powerful and persuasive. Moreover, it has had a continuing influence in part good, in part bad upon perceptions of child-rearingandtherelationshipbetweenthe' development of the child and the cultural context. It contributed to the closer observation and understanding of children and to a greater recognition of their real state and development. It laid useful emphasis upon the corrupting evils of a society moving towards increasing urbanisation and industrialisation. But it was dangerous in so faras it led to an oversimplification of the relationship bctwccn child develop- ment and culture. It was good in that it helped lay the foundation for the great interest in childhood shown later by such people as Darwin, Preyer, Froebel, Watson, Hall, Thorndike and Freud; an interest which can be thought of as being centrally concerned with the 'original' nature of man through observation and understanding of the child. It gave strength and purpose to the eloquence of some of the romantic poets (notably Wordsworth), as well as heart to those impoverished Chartists who saw education as part of the way to establish greater dignity for all men and women, But like the so-called Protestant Ethic, it should not be represen- ted as some single, consistent and dominant ideology; it, too, is a ragged and fractionated conglomerate of ideas from a variety of sources, which happened to push veryroughly,in the same direction: And, for much of the first half of the nineteenth century, the two dominant ideologies of child-rearing those of the 'free and the un-free child'ran side by side.") The Protestant/Puritan model, while usually in the ascendant, was the one concerned with restraint,discipline and salvation; the Rousseau/Romantic model was one concentrating upon the essential innocence of children. Needless to say `Rousseauphiles' were disapproved of and actively discouraged by the writings of the evangelical reformists, such as .Hannah More or Wesley." English reformeis' of the .1800s took up the ideas of Rousseau, modified, developed, or adapted them. From then on the dissolution of the essentially Calvinist ideology quickened, and though that ideology continued as a powerful force, a force to be reckoned with, throughout almost the entire nineteenthcentury,its overthrow can be considered assured by 1900 (assured but not absolute).'2 Boas once referred to the flowering of views of childhood innocence A20/Children and Schooling as 'the cult of childhood'.This 'cult' had origins stretching at least as far back as those ofCalvlalsm, Forinstance, Earle (1628) wrote that 'A acquainted ehilde .knowes no evil, norhat h made means ,by sin to be with milery'.14 But the. innocence ofchildhood is a view particularly associatoid with the writing of Wordsworth,andBlake. Wordsworth's famous line

The Child is father of the Man

is often quoted without the two subsequent ones:

And I could wish my days to 'be Bound each to each by natural piety."

It is quoted as exemplifying a view,held in part by Rousseau and the Romantics, finding fruition perhaps inFreud (and perspectives of a subsequetit loss of innocence ?) and continuedright through to the optimistic, though culture-bound, perspectivesof modern humanistic psychology. There is little doubt that inThi Prelude or 'Ode, Intimations of Imnortality' Wordsworth doesdisplay a conviction that the child is born in 'Freedom and innocence',that 'Nature' is, if not the most secure, perhaps the best tutor,' and that

Heaven lies about us in our infancy! Shades of the prison-house begin to close Upon the growing Boy.'6 0.-- As such his influence has beenwell documented; as indeed hasBlake's." Blake's Angel no doubt incurredmuch Calvinist criticism 'in saying 'Little creature, formed of Joy andMirth,/Go love without the help of anything on earth'," lest such anexhortation be taken as advice to advantage of being i children, too.But Blake's views of childhood had the both securely-and obviouslyrelated to Christianityjat the same time as representing to his readers the non-corruptnature of the child wholesomely and attractively. Other poets and essayists such asLamb and Hazlitt may be clearly associated with views of childhoodrunning directly counter to those of Calvinist doctrines. Lamb in paniclar" lets his warmth and concern for children show in such items as 'ream Children' (Essays of Elia) as well as in hiicontributions to Colerid e'sPoems on Various Subjects. In the same year that Lamb publishedVs-Tales from Shakespeare (1807) Jolm Harris-published-hisThe-ButteVbes-Balt_It. was an_unusual poem in that it was clearly writtenwith children in mind,yet, as Darton points out, describes revels whichhad not a trace of moral value, nor theleast touch of archness, patronage, grown.up -ness,be-goodness' in them.2° It . i. ..,, . , Perspectives of C'hildhoad/2 I Was as a breath of fresh iiir411 children's writing- and beneath it lay the changing perspectives of that century. Moreover, insome respects, and taken in conjunction with the gathering strength of the'cult of childhood', it heralded those perspectives of childhood whichstill are partly with us today. Aniottg the architectsif 'childhood' as we know it, or describe:it today, (Must surely be a coin led one, Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827). Not that his ideas ire easily representedas a unified whole: ,,.r If one struggles to sort otthe midis strands that comprised Pestaloizianism, there appears a bewildering' tangle ofdiverse, ... philosophical threads, such as enlightened rationalism, naturalisfiC romanticismy German idealism,pietisticalChristianity,'social philanthropism, political reformism and industrial liberalism. It was -a mixture. rather than a blending.11

But what is clear is that Pestozzi cared for all humanity, and espetially for children. He was a legend in his own lifetime. He negotiate:With Napoleon, was the friend and adviser of kings. He opposed edkation based on force, submission and rote, but he believed in firm discipline, set tasks and no distractions. He opposed corporal punishMent in schools, but saw it as a reasonable part of child-rearing at home, Above all heemphasised thehumanity of the child. He believed that t:hech

g, lived in his own world and that it repaid adults to study and underseand that world, if they were to become effective teachers. He stressed the...., importance of the neo-natal environment. He admits hishis debtto Rousseau, yet was concerned with detail and structure in learning. For Pestalozzi, language development. was the keyto learning and he developed exercisesand,games with phoneme and morpheme stems,'so that the child could, by learning at his mother's knee, be capable of distinguishing various sounds so as to.help the teaching of later reading and writing. At the Yverdon Institute in Switzerland .Pestalozzi developed and encouraged early exploration, in ,mathematics and geometrical relationships such that it formeda central core to the curriculum even for 5-year-olds. Alas, in this day much of Pestalozzi's influence, his sound plans for lessons, his central concern with the child's view of himself, is forgotten. In part this was because his English disciples, notably Charles and Elizabeth Mayo, seem to have been pedants as wellas pedagogues. Though they founded the Home and Colonial School Society in 1836to establish and perpetuate their version of Pestalozzianism, it is clear that only aspects of structure and lesson planning'(particularly that of the object-lesson) were really adhered to. The liberalising, humanising concerns of Pestalozzi were not well understood, nor much followed in England. In the USA, the story is rather different. Though Pestalozzi 7.; 22/Child/041fdi rulSch001hot,;.;:, woult1,/,ht' conseich'i,i(tOe had great .rlifficully In rceognitting some of hik.,hcirs, his kith ;44,1ped to provide thatrichseedbed for later

minereentirand.eirdvAiVentieth,centuryi activity-oricnt0 Itild. . cciitredVed irea All this isbotli, rqeompress and underscore that, usAries reminds us," children nS'Weknow,em today a lenomore than the cultural and 'historical yild:prilie prZ,Vious centuries. Thechild is the monument to his culture,- irt,/:well us its product,Literature likewise reflects and parallels this;1'y itself, Sully summed up theposition quite clearly eighty years agtyAglien he wrote that the 'graceorchiltIlmocrowed much to the discoveripiA the poets: worth has stopped over his cradle intent oncatching, ere they I, the !visitinary gleams' of 'the glories he hock known',Blake, 'Stevenson and others have tried to put intolanguage Ilk drcOmings, his quaint longings. Dickens andVictor I lugo have own us something of hisdelicatequiveringheartstrings. Winbu rite has summed up the divine charm of'children's ways and 40' The .page of modern literature is indeed, a monumentof our child-love, and our child-admiration."

24 Thus, the Rousseau7cum-Romanticview developed during the nine- - teenth,eentury,and if floWered not only in Europe, but inEngland and p,%North America equally. The natural development of thechild would, if unsullied, it was thought, be tending towardsthe good and the beautiful, from the ugly and perverse, ' -,,,9The child, now innocent and to be protected would, if nurtured openly and 'naturally',achieve perfection. With him, -'-'ivould come a changing society andincreasing social worthwhileness. It was not only poets and essayists who werecaptivated by such views, but educationists, too: in particular,Friedrich Froebel (1782-1852).24 Froebel was a philosopher and one who gavetir name '' to the world. In 1826 he wrote: Therefore the child should, from the verytime of his[6irth; be viewed in accordance with his nature, treatedcorrectly, and given the free, all-sided use of his powers, By no meansshould the use of certain powers and members be enhanced atthe.expense Ofkithers, and these hindered in their development; t echild should neither be partly chained, fettered, nor swathed; n r, later on,spoiled by too much assistance"

and Thus, we find the human being even atthe earlier stages of boyhood fitted for the highest and mostimportant concern of mankind, for the

2O Peripecilvet of (./slidhood/23 Ildfilinclit or his destiny and mission, which is the representation of

the divine nature within 11111.4 .

Friedrich Froebel's eat ly educttional ideas weir %via lked out dui ing the period he SpClit at Ilk Institute at Keilhaii. Tins institute was established in the small village pal tly at the behest of his widowed sister-inlaw, vlai had three boys, To these three buys were added three Anore - and, with thislittle hand of six, and two .other adults (Middendorf and Iiingethal), the institute quicIdy grew to some Sixty pupils.Itwas hard pressed and later persecuted by the Prussian government on both political and religious .giounds. Ilut despite Eroebel's leaving the institute in IHJI, lie CO116111101 to write and point the direction towards an education curiously blending optimism in man with a regard for Christianity, an education truly 'process.- rather than 'comer-le-oriented.. One hundred andfiftyyears' later Erebel's principles have a familiar and very modern sound to them, and one imagines that Froebel and Piaget would have had much to say to one another:

Self- activity of the mind is the first law of instruction; . .slowly,. continuously, and in logical succession it proceeds from the simple to the coniplex, from the concrete to the abstract, so well adapted to the child and his needs that he learns as eagerly as he plays.21

Fletcher and Welton say Frocbcl clearly came undcr the influence of the romantic school of thought. 'Nature was almost deified ...[and] the glamour of the coneeptip, so readily warmed by poetic emotion, spread rapidly throughout Europe. It marked another side of the rebellion of the hunuin spirit .. . [and] may be traced in the romantic literature of the late eighteenth and early ninctecnth centuries,' 2° Frocbcl wrote of education taking account of the view that man, being a divine being, was in unity with MI things of nature, that instruction was not to be directive and interfering, but passive, nurturant and protectiVe, that discipline must direct instinct and channel it rather than merely oppose it. But (unlike Rousseau) he believed that there were, however, the unbridled impulses which the child must learn to check and utilise, that play should be 'naturally progressive' and that his 'gifts' and 'occupations'

were an integral aid to the education he envisaged.29 . Froebel, then, in his launching of the kindergarten movement, 'created perspectives and theories of early childhood education which were at once practical and mystical. Such views quickly spread, despite the initial persecution, throughout Europe, North America, England and New Zealand. Froebel clearly believed that the see& of perfection which lay in each child could be drawn forth and nurtured through the effective use of symbols and gifts. Much of his analogy and metaphor was drawn '14/Chi/dreri rent/ Schooling It 0111the langirage of gardening; 1 he educator, likethe oipett gardener, wits. to 'pi uvide the applopt tate soil andc1imateto enable the seed to untold and grow towards the light, of perfection imifimitywilliClosI anti Nature, to actual (act, the usystital overtones %1C10 hotlii tog-gotten =^hut: the pi acticci. 114110%1d by time and shown to beeffective, air still in pat I utlhrrcrl to and followed is

lilt li'h10111?* AK) I:MICA/ION Wilde Fioe%aI may IK seen as 11-Cligr and legitimate heir to the European *sosMantic` tradition, he also srprornt% an important lurk in the nineteenthcentury which Icados IuSpencer,Ft cud and Thormlike. Not that Frmbel can he icpiocideil as unsystcniiitic, is muck Gt his observations which is clearly derived from empiricism and detailed minutiae of working wilfr and..watching children. Itut for the most part itis a 'creed', rather than a descriptive analysis; it implies 'ought' rather than 'does'..bcleverley and Phillips put this point quite clearly when,. in referring to-Spencer, they say:

What if the caw is an empirical matter. but what ought to be the case is an ethical tpiestioa. 'the -pint that Spencer mis,=ed was made in an interesting 'way by one of the founders of modern . F. L. Tbormlike, around the time of Spencer'sdeath (1902): 'The need of educatioo arises from the fact that what Is is not what ought to he. Because we wish ourselves and others to become different from what we and they now arc, we try to educate ourselves and them."'

Frochel was well aware of this, but or the most part addressed himself to the oug'ht of education;Later writers began to moveback a stage and to consider what the child :ictually is.'In some respects this helps redress one of the imbalances in Frocbclian theory.For, like many before him, Frocbel is so attentive to what the child will become, that one can, at times, forget What the child is. There is, too, an emphasis which still (and in the time-honoOred tradition of previous centuries) secs the child as yet 'without', that is, as an incomplete adult. Of quite different character and somehow not fitting easily into the mainstream of child study is J. F. Iicrbart, the earnest, hard-working, earlynineteenth - century'. German philosopher. Dunkcl says that oblivion engulfed 1-lerbart with unusual speed!' Certainly, while my teachers probably knew something of him and his methods, current teachers and students in training know nothing. Yet Johann I Icrbart Would not have been-surprised. -His fame both came and went after his death, Born in 1776. he studied philosophy at Jena, then taught atthe universitiesof, Gottingen and Konigsberg. Apparently a good,

tiff ref tiv..itve* ,./ t 'frui,ftsoo.r,.. .1 metliodi,-al and outs, 6-111mus It he Motes e% es 41 tstajos ,. os Lb 011 Illtili.101111 ilitti pcisgop, Ile died, aged (is, litI ti -1I, 4 hot sibh Arll-

IA cd lo, at ttEitsc anti VI of CV.It)t . it Nan nor 1111til tiMIC tv.. cot) Teats later, 1stIfit,S, that ,..1et tam In tdessosI WA oil illict ,i1 1 ell): ig 14161101E7a 4 1111, called I .41,1.41001i of the 1), .. it inc. of 1 Ai aiiI{ Ittorti. Mgt Alift li pot 1.14 'tied to put los %aid Z..i4iIC!:1fI lethal t. 111411% Oral.I )4IL CI suggests that mitt It of I lethal t was omitted and t cpla% est ty/illt-Ce Ideas. (lc that al it to:0,, the I 10%4-sing of 1.1rstiattiassosti' 114,1 brossi. Sos'settes I,IF the sttlik. of 11(.0i...11114n pedagog,s mete loiloded both ,iii 1- in (ye and the 11S\ Indeed, Affirlit-411 I les has tiattisot 'took till' %slls 1 114141 tfl I I tit: Antesk411 setts 4101 EMU/. 4101 ii)1111 Dewey 14,' one of the original 1011111 11 menthes's Of die expanded and sclottodcd National I leihatt Sokol)? In Ih9S. Vet Ilesbait's throttcst,,rsc only popular lot about torts' )c41 5. tlicsi on( c mole laded into olmtistty, his ntc IC1114111'1 in the , lather than the inanisti C4111 of Gelman philosophy, si, liege he sought to 'put psychology And pedagogy on adequate bases',"1 Its ideas writ- used and ICAtIC111111Cil, altered, modified and Antra, tett, but appaiciitly little ttudicil in their cittilety. lAllicational histoolins mid (Adel ly leacheis lemembel only his 'tour steps',it relatively minor itAiiipoi tam clement lit his wink. (These were expanded into live by !tribal t's 'followers' a quarter of in century- or more alter his death.) I Its steps were clariir. a i socia non. lyiretti and method. and Ziller altered both Iferbart's emphasis and meaning slightly by changing the Inst step into two ( analysis and synthesis), in order 10 lay greater stress on the different phases of instruction, As I)utikel points 011t,1 he four stets are to any rate subject to considerable change of 11;1111C and elltph:ININCVCII in licibart's own writing." But ttiedcsirable emphasistobe achievedis de r,bothinthe pedagogical ,ind psychological writings. Sequetice a id taxonomic mialyse3 of topic arc both essential. It would not .bc"loextreme to say that I icrbart was groping towards an undCrstandinerof the psychology of learning. as well as trying to formulate ideas concerning the desirability and logic of task analyses, knowledge hierarchies and what we might now call 'vertical transfer'. lint whatever else I lerbart did not do, he did advance the science of psychology and the considerable interest in pedagogy shown in the second half of the nineteenth century. The scientific study of children and of childhood likewise seems to have pined considerable impetus, if not actual entry into the world, during the second half of that century. Undoubtedly, itwas Charles Darwin (1809-82) who did much to st i nici late the study of childhood. Though his own study of his infant son was not published until near the time of his own death, he had used cvi- de nce-deri sett-from-I he- systema tic- obscrvat ion-ofch i Idren-in-seseralof his ______scientific explanations and certainly employed it in his reflections on man's origins and on man's links with other members of the animal kingdom. ..1

:61(Aihtfen etra hootins. MAO hiiicI has:, stigtestrii that tits atutthat Plog"rhitoi itet..frt of aft irtfattt in hill (begun in IN4M also manic,' ;ir bromine) chit.11,3shoirigs as 5.,,c knovs it today.

I tke a title ',Atm alist,tai sslis's tc..Utls %etc 'Altirtilflik gr lit liAttlic; 140. sitttptty des,-iiheil the de selopmental phases hi; ittil.l passed throught 111.41, lukitally tinkled, the obsei salmi's dated eat h drselopiiirmal ttange by }car, to milt and ilas %sin', method set the 313s lot subsequent tescalt h 411,1 thc,it) in the fie M, sthiih also stlesseiltherelationship betsseenilcsrliiiiincitt althangcs and rlininoloini alaEr.'(big ii111.3111 c ) St tettlamed lot (smite theotists. iiiitablyI 'cud and his student:, to medal) the 'atheoletnal. nattnahlin iii Russo' .%ith suliztaiitisr dittos- of personality gross th and dcselopiticist "

tot Darwin, the baby sim1.1 be regaidcd as the link betttcctlanttualand man. lit patticulat, the theory was expounded that in uteri,the etithiyo and loom pa vIell through a sik-ccssoc se tic s of tlaget C 11444 )10g the ddlcient stages of desclopment set animal hie, Ills dcs clopme hi 01the 111,11%1,1mA',01.41 pt t')i;cv3tc naol 011104=CMC%is, Was thousibt to beet tevApittilAhon of the origin atilt eohlhoh of the spccics (0140,147w 10. 'Shuts. a theory of seplint.itiim guess tip in %%Inch the catty swimming and crawling movements of the child weir equated with thc slAinitning mos merits of hsh.I he Moro or 'grasp' relics (sometimes termed the 1).1 rss Mimi idles) was Neen as a sousts.ilIt om the da) s %shell the primate infant clung to Its mother's hair as she 'nosed about ainnny, the trees, JAL'. Darwin, and during the lateI H7th near the cod of ILuss in's life, t y Pte el was using the soA. ailedbaby, biography as an attempt at a detailed and cateInl documcntatwn inhis son's mental des clopment and apparent aV.416.1(Cd processes (hiring the first four year, of Me. Picycr's book, Me Mind of theChild (11482). aroi*cd considerable interest in Europe in the new scientific study of children. Preycr's work is often coupled with that 01.6. Stanley (1 g46-1924), partly because I fall first introduced Prcycr's study to the cast costof the USA. pattly'bccausc both I're)er's biographical study and!fall's early questionnaires are thought of as the essential or systematic ingredients usually employed-in child study from then on. In both the early biographies. and the early questionnaires, too, there are obvious and serious sscalsnesses: biased sampling - ge-tic ralisat ions from atypicalsamples. subjective and loaded methods of recording. Nevertheless,they clearly helped laythe foundations for child psychology as we know it today. Stall appeared to have been much influenced by Darwin's views concerning the origin of species and he believed that the growth of the mind also could be seen as a series of definite stages. The stages weresaid

9 rev tr) t to totiespond with the es olutiiittatstages kif iliatiliindHall's UV:as feaeitc+lailentttusiasllttc,clili11iiilla.7 v. heti: 016 taste puttltittil (Ott iii Ntt,t4t:tiu.:-.:11z,atliilfly ific 1103tou circa Jell. air,' alioit aria t1111.1 1.clia1iotit1ly 11iattx t.t quc3tiststaisc2; tik ft:Antes att.1..1.:*Ct !tall at at,14- tit E.attici toLtettici a satt aniiiinit inipni,:al sit4$ tout thus,lir%sat atilcto make analtses of _pink al 1:114.)tli pt,1)1112, an.l su on 1111.1ititatioil tlit ritiiul arr:titcs, (cals.:IR-ants, runishitirtit, sttC111. alt.! +.....1.1141t: lit4,1 it01111..3111C 110as. Al and atiditirsSi Al irtu It141:1-c11_..l histt. atrtl tray MAW, PC.TIC trEat,1 (.114-14.1tiliciz tt 111,tictit vertt.(l4htl, olcht,t1(1, tIcipor the t+thh-111, ,.1 tzvoitte and 11-111C11111 the titkCIti,.111 11.albt, 11.111'z 11%.311 that tit any lobe, 1,1).110'041st ct.cltf vcittays Ibutt,ti-Ai licit the rail of a latir tiuttihrt of oulutais Anketi.ati and I nfists Liti:clis att.1 fir f Attic-if mis, fi of tfei- attitit.tr of Ilk( cad., cdmationist,

t1:1111Allt1 I rum this shot, batik met Irks, it...III be tern that not otir hut mans komcptital framettotk% ha% cett kited lot the !dud% of khtlihrst 01 lot statenirtits tibuitt hot% the) might (mote tituall% 'should') br trate.' mystical otnicf Alton of iltiLltro i.imc Into Occ mote ftcrincnI tor tIoung the tct, mid 11411 of the nineteenth tcntuty. It 4.411101 fIcIA then. but it klcarl!, ,alitc-d paths ular Impetus front the %%Litli, it( 1)4tx.ni, and the bityloi:":and to chilii-tlejteloplitctit tttiiitcs is .1 yr,. WC .11)1,1 fundamental oneDittinht thr hurt raft of thr Inc-stout Lciittit% itoutwali had kltsk it:tett the natural dr telorttirtit thrkhllth Anti 1144.1 ICK.Ittl(t1 thr infltirllic nt sok irt% as %ro often kotiltrung and unnatural. A% 1 has c tried to shoss hrictly, this strand of%CAM 11.111KTI1 twportunr our ill pc:yrs:61.c% id slulddctelopment And C4.1111/4 Anon Its'110111.111h4.:' o1cflt)t1C1 11.111- ..11111-41 11101t)f hekomr sseddrd to similar Onc% %Inch Ir.tc h-ccn responsible for I Cry important iiirotol:it.titiaticc illshdd-s:cntred cducatton, ithas ill501111- manner birth a1dc,1 acid checked those social liCt0111111151% Sai110 IVI11.1111 paid WO Ittutil attention to s000cconontk: change, and pressures. 1)cniu1 tenunds us that there can b-c

no 1:011Cirnt 11. lt,ICIFAC.11 thCOIS 01 %CII. NOliCt!o. Sot I.11 iClaillinNt111)5 and .,,-1,0 Nti",:itlic (mut the 0,10f0 ,lt 1.1I 5 .ttictittatcls grasped and mittertoott the %tuboh,:-.Interactuu al, and luigutsh: foundations ot the sos:taltsattort prOCCV.1 11C %%Odd, 01 the / him. %%limier rudders or prrsatc. public or opcn, scrtotts or rla:stul. constitute a %Ct of obdurate re.thhe to %Ouch all s000lo,s',tcal theories must cscuttiall (auto." u.:sti the 1.1.1106i. cal tta nott.,1ffit.t. Ss tkAt is i.it1111,,osttl 01TI.,a, het fol.1 theotittt. t.to, tut hat 4 il-"Atij tip m an.! I....l, ci. at arpt:ca. t.a 3,tut tttc tut.; (114, noir ties( an oft:ht ot of f tat y(initiii ,..,ante a rosin of att. ialtictcifiltitititt, ant! te,s11 that hat! Mai * ticatt atctl flit inenitei wolit thc ineillottof Iti-sttt it%All in all ttic tLftetent ittcat tent, to tc'(tetittesitt) trot,: fetal:A ,tut tutietitlgtt, bottee*ct ant not ICa.1 C.. a occ.f..4 licit) ,/ jdiaz, ts t., a i( add, ic,,,vti3afdc *1110- titam at 'I artIt gets ttqtc:tz, esti% titan.! ttaa tc:ket% its tinittint it ititt,tTto along t*itil itallt au, it 160.,-:01,1%ict ttill 'e lett cuptitingly tttolig an1 v.:x*4:ft reatinct %ion teteeitti tctatett t Itit,1 ztualc3 I ono, toE the it):1-t ,ITioti of flat vitl an." tfic Not:cc: atit1 Vitro 4,411.r a tt..3t ,,,rit,C3 all ari-aaing dirk (Tilt (.1.3.1.1 SW) atc.1 into tt.:, AtttitietI {cud, IN,ohfct int,t2iitl!, I.t niisr.l sa tut uig vatti.tliat anti fat tca,iiitt,g cfle(ti (41oit (tic at...I) ( liter the:cis tcttainit 1 lead t.)), c,113, atIon .(c t'onttAct Eteatet detail to i tal acttflto ..cat that Waft) of the tetitcta t t,ri.rtttctfwith Aire' flee.t.w ,1 the kh11.1 hatc teen all, influent c.1 tot the I ttudt.211 ;:f arc:ati.::1:?:;it t.rtycrti tcprr Ntlhotki anti nrinott-tA 7. tictli, Ana t., totlIc clttnt Hornet Ian:,. th:s idea t., the iTtc.,C1 of edut tvrt at thetart"tot it 1.,r1.:1t3 htsc ft-it:tett a ton-b 411.i importanttra.litioi) sine (?tell (Inc ni:Eht 't(c11 th: bkrittrit4 of Ntotto, to I niii.:11,1,artJ ,11, to the 7 ittit4;:, !callaintothisttaditi.11 CA c 6C einiitia3i:cd In.11.1i.?1.2tqlef 01:2that th a111,1 4,711"ttallstjc1/1 t11, Mafia *hint h c tt,tt !mill:tett in the t thafiEittg Vct 70:( tile of7111.1tio.m! a3 thrt hate Etothit 7 smut alteted, tiLitink!, the triltin* At (sr have E i eithil::atin(ot idea: .attiit the 1:!!ez.t11./1 of 017 c-q*ct ;all., of ongetchild,do I iitps oo.e a ;scat &al to the infltretc ofI to-chicl and l'utet ) 10 Ilse ideal of Ni,,r1r.e,-.011" Dating thr ttNents. )cats of !Tuttfntur' Suchiticatt-e.Eantost,i;-!citittthemain-,ttcain vtstil,,!,,,!3, al eonttil,utwns of Iticct, and thelatter riott pit trinenitic-r tiilltiz-rwaluitliccItiLattoti )tin); Llsildtrti inI tiFfandIicr upon theI iochelian nioNetnent hat ittendcd to this .let. and fief +011t the intcliciAti.al and ilci.rlorn,c.tit Llit!dten ate still filch t.t bc sonic irate cat\ atter their v.tititii:tit fa,t, 1;vent het lifetime intcrytetiny, thcorN to liatents and teak tictlancl iArititv, of her vOlo.ol and ,Ittil,alclocticti_But Susan alas_ --.4.i.:4111:4 _other_ think :. teudiact titcLit). thcorN.ccn a trall-uncicrAti,o..1 ticnesl, idis.11 Perspectives of Childhood/29 seen as the leit.mbtif of educational change during the first half of the twentieth century. Selleck,39 writing of the advances In educational ideas in England, maintains that the. English progressives (Isaacs was certainly such a oneand one, moreover, much revered by college principals) stood on the shoulders of Freud to achieve the advances in the education of young children and to shout their message to the world. During this century the study of children has become not merely respectable, but very fashionable. Slowly the child psychology of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has allied itself with other subject areas, with psychoanalysis, child guidance, paediatrics and . Social psychologists, ethologists and anthropologists have all added their contributions to those of the growing' band of ,educationaLpsychologists. Fashion and conjecture have played their part, as no doubt in any other subject; but to this has been added the problems which are unique to much of the human or badVioural sciences, namely, the difficulty and danger of generalising those elements of human behaviour which are not amenable to generalisation.' For every 'empirical' finding, there have been found opposing ones. Whether it be maternal deprivation" or ,(more recently) paternal deprivation seems so often a matter of fashion rather than of finding. Many of the arguments have been subsidiary to a potent element in the discussion's of human behaviour, that of the relative importance assigned to nature or to nurture; and arguments about their importance have appeared in a variety of guises throughout the last 100 years, certainly since the work of Francis Galton, that eminent nineteenth- Century scientist. The central controversy concerning the impact of heredity on the environment, though now relatively sterile, still rumbles on, sustained at times by a shot from one side or another. Despite such `hardy perennials', however, the general. stream of ideas has been towards accumulating knowledge from thedifferent supportive disciplinesinorder' to enhance and improve the diagnosis of educationists concerning the presumed entering characteristics of their learners at whatever age. Possibly.no one has done more in that process than with his steady erosion of problems in epistemology and child development through a process of systematic observation, documentation and analysis of children's thinking. Serious questions are often raised by 'his formulations, especially in respect of his utilisation of 'stages', of conceprnal development, but hardly a teacher now completes his or her course of training without some reference to Piaget's monumental studies from 1936 to the present day. Equally, few ttachers in training can escape without reading something of another major thinker whose work has great implication for them, the writings of. Erik Erilcson.41 Erikson's neo-Freudian psychodynamic analyses have taken him far beyond the bounds of child growth and development. Some of his most important work has been in the natureof speculative, 30 /Children and Schooling historical and retrtflipective psychoanalysis. But his woron childhood and definitely falls into the traditions stated (arguably) by Freud, that of 'being on the child's side', of understanding the tensions caused by the constraints of collective human living in terms of child -development. Likewise it would be hard to conceive of a present-day course of teacher education which did not pay atleast lip-service to the behaviourist writing of Skinner° or, more recently, the broadly cognitive theories of . (Such Contributions are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3.) At very 'least, the,names mentioned are likely to be familiar (if only as names) to edticationists who claim to pay attention to the motivation of children and to their apparentindividual differences. It would possibly be no overstatement of the case, however, to assert that for many teachers such names,like thine of Pestalozzi or Froebel, are no more than a hazy memory; or at best, a series of mnemonics used to recall a hastily assembled body of ideas concerning differing perspectives in psychology, which have, as far as concerned, little relationship to what the teacher is thinking o, Poing with class four that afternoon.

NOTES AND REFERENCES: CHAPTER I (London: 1 Hall, R. K., Hans, N., and Lauwerys, J.A., The Year Book of Education Evans, 1953), p. 25. . 2 Bernstein, B., 'On the classification and framingrof educational knowledge', in Young, M: F. D. (ed.), Knowledge and Control (New York: Collier Macmillan, 1971), p. 47. 3Newson, J., and Newson, E., 'Cultural aspects of child-rearing in theEnglish- speaking world', in Richards, M. P. M. (ed.), The Integration of a Child into a Social World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p. 56. 4Musgrove, F., 'Population changes and the status of the young', inMusgrave, P. W.' (ed.), Sociology. History and. Education (London: Methuen, 1970), p, 39. 5Suriley.R., '.Early, nineteenth-century American `literature on child-rearingo, in Evans, E. D. (ed.), Children: Readings in Behavior and Development (NewYork: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968), p. 16. 6Crisps (pseud.), 'On the education of children', in Greven,P. J., Jr (ed.), Child-Rearing 1628-1861 (Itasca, Peacock, 1973), p. 99. 7 Weber, M., The Protestt Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1931), p. 117. 8Little, D., 'Calvinism-and law', in Eisenstadt, S; N.(ed.), The Protestant Ethicand Modernisation (New York: Basic Books, )968), p. 182. , 9 Gammage, R. b., A History of theChartist Movement, 2nd edn (London: Browne & Browne, 189(>),- 10 CleVcrley, J., and Philljp1s, D. C., 'The free and the unfree child', in Cleyerley and Phillips, eds, Prom Locke to Spock (: Melbourne University Press, -1976), pp. 22-33. IIibid., p. 30. -4-2Assured but by no means absolute. Sully had some useful things to sayabout this at: the turn of the century. See especially Sully, J., Studies of Childhood(London: Longman, Green, 1903), esp. chs 7 and 8. One needs to continue following the 'ideology' through the writings of H. Caldwell Cook and Katherine Bathurst, Homer Lane, and others of the early 1900s. Perspectives of Childhood/31

13 Boas, 0., The Cult of Childhood (London: Warburg Institute, 1966). 14 Earle, J. (c. 1601-65), 'A child', from Microcosmographia (1628); Birkenhead, we Rt Hon. the Earl of, The Hundred Best English ESJ ys (London: Cassell, 1929), pp. 31-2. 15 William Wordsworth (1770-1850), 'The Rainbow', 16 Wordsworth, 'Ode, Intimations of Immortality' (v), 17 See-especially Covency, P., Poor Monkey (London: Clay, 1957). 18 William Blake (1757-1827), "The Lamb' (Songs of Innocence). 19 Charles Lamb '(1775-1834). 20Darto'n, H., Children's Books in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958), p, 205. 21 Guiek, G. L, Pestalozzi and Education (New York: Random House, 1968),p. 4. Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi was born in Zurich in '1746. very keen student, he became, ill from overwork. He was not popular, but eventuallPrtceived support to try out some of his plans concerning the education of children. After initial failure and repeated illness, he established his famous school of Yverdon. One of his most famous maxims, and the corner =stone of his educational practice, was 'Real knowledge must take precedence of word-teaching and more talk' (The Evening flour of a Hermit; 1780). He, died in 1827. 22Aries, P., Centuries of Childhood (London: Cape, 1962). ,23 Sully, op. cit., p. 2. 24Frocbel had visisted Pcstalozzi's institution at Yverdon in. 1805 and then taught there during' 1808-10. 25Froebel, F., The Education of Man (translated from the German and annotated by W. N. Hailmann) (London: Appleton:1894), p. 21. Friedrich Froebel was born in Thuringia in 1782, a pastor's son. In 1805 he met a Frankfurt headmaster (and disciple of Pestalozzi), and he taught at Frankfurt for two years. In 1816 he opened his own school, teaching, writing and travelling from then until 1852. His most famous work. The Education of Man (1826) sets out the importance of education in the home, the importance of play, of carefully graded activities in learning, oLhow to use his 'gifts' and occupations to extend child learning. In the 1870s two national societies were established in England: the Froebel Society and the Nationil Froebel Union. This latter became the examining body for teachers trained in Froebelian method. Many wealthy Victorians became intensely interested and Froebelian societies were well supported in Europe, the USA, Canada and New Zeala nd. The Froebelian 'ethic' is all but extinct nowadays in England. See also Fletcher, S. S. F., and Welton, J., Froebers Chief Writings on Education (London: Arnold, 1912). 26Froebel, op. cit., pp. 331-2. 27 ibid., p. xv. 28Fletcher and Welton, op. cit., p. 5. 29See especially Fletcher and Welton, op. cit., pp. 171-223. 30Cleverley and Phillips, op. cit., p. 30. 31 Dunkel, H. B., Herbart and Herbartianisnv An Educational Ghost Story (: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 3. 32ibid., p. 14. 33ibid., p. 167. 34Denzin, N. K., Childhood Socialization (London; Jossey-Bass, 1977), p. 7. 35ibid., p. 5. 36See especially Morris, B. S., Objectives and Perspectives in Education (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972); and Holt, .(., Freedom and Beyond (Harm ondsw orth: Penguin, 1972). 37Maria Montessori (1870-1952). She began her career (after being the first Italian woman to obtain a degree in medicine) working with retarded children, basing her methods on those devised by the French physician Edouard Seguin, She had considerable success and gradually extended her philosophy and practice to include

2 9 32/Children and Schooling other children, opening it number of schoolsIn the Rome slums, her 'progressive' methods have become popular, stressing as theydo the 'natural' d9velopment of the child. Montessori schools which follow her methods nowexist in Europe and the USA, for the most part, as private fee-payinginstitutions, in 1905 they produced II test 38 Alfred Binet (1,857-1911); working with Theodore Simon for mentally retarded Parisian schoolchildren.This thirty-item lest is regarded as the forensnner of modern testingand, when modified in 1908, quickly became the archetype for American and Englishdevelopments: William tylcDougall was a pioneer Scottishpsychologist whose instinct theory and theories of self-regard (1910-23) were popular in England. 39Selleck, R. J. W., English Primary Education and theProgressives, 1914-1939 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), 40See especially Rutter, M,, Maternal DepilvailonReassessed (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972); and Schaffer, R., Mothering (London: Fontana/OpenBooks, 1977), Norton, 1950), 41 Erikson, E Childhood and Society (New York: 42Sec especially Skinner, B. F., VerbalBehavior (New York: Appleton-Century- Crofts, 1957). Skinner, now in his seventies, isregarded by many as the arch - priest of orthodox American behaviourism.

SUGGESTED READING: CHAPTER t G. 13Uas, The Cult of Childhood (London:Warburg Institute, 1966). J. Cleverley and D. EPhillips, From Locke to Spock(Melbourne: Melbourne University Prcss, 1976). J. Sants, 'The child in society', in Sants(ed.), and Society (London: Macmillan, 100). R. J. W. Selleck, English Primary Educationand the Progressives, 1914-1939 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, "1972). N. Tucker, What is a Child? (London:Fontana/Open Rooks, 1978). -

30 Chapter 2 Schooling

CULTURE AND LEARNINO Not as we are but as we must appear, Contractual ghosts of pity; not as we Desire life but as they would have us live, Set apart in timeless colloquy: So it is required: so we liar witness, Despite ourselves, to what is' beyond us, Each distant sphere of harmony forever Poised, unanswerable... (Geoffrey Hill)

If one asks the question, 'What materials, symbols, thoughts are significant for people of different cultures?', a question almost as oldas man himself, one recognises how inextricably linked are culture and learning. One must reply that clearly people from different cultures may well focus on different aspects of the same phenomenon, and that it must be remembered that all man's conceptual development is context- dependent. All of us see through eyes, hear through ears and employ our senses in ways that have become selective. The child, a biological being, becomes a person through interaction with others, with other thoughts, with explanations, systems of values and different behaviours. The fact that we are both made by-and yet make our culture is a feature of constant discussion inall branches of social science and in the humanities as well. 'Even a partially blind person realises sooner or later that the responses of individuals (the traditional dependent variable category of general psychology) are also an ingredient in the cultural environment (or independent variable) that contributes to the deter- mination of those very same responses." From the licit stirrings in the primeval swamp to the technology of today, adaptation to environment has been of fundamental importance. We can note that anthropologists and psychologists have emphasised that cognition cannot be isolated from habitat or from the cultural context, and that some aspects of cognition are so immediately context- dependent as to be described as `situationally specific'. We are, through our culture, alerted to some forms of knowledge and ignorant of others. The knowledge which we transmit to our children is shaped and structured according to our socialperception.Yet stasis and transformation seem to be twins in the transaction occurring between the generations,and,so, often schooling can be seen as aprocess' delicately balancing knowledge between those two

O 34/Ch Oen and Schooling Some curriculum theorists have talked about thisbalance in terms of schooling focusing on transmission (viewed in tms of cultural stasis), or on transformation (renewaland change). `10much of the former emphasis in schooling would seem to lead to a ref tivelyMatic culture,

2 while too much of the latter implig the teachertakii.g on an active role as agent for change,andpossibly,almost continuous revolution resulting from one generationto another. This would be to polarise the viewpoints and overstate the case. There are many chicks and balances; not least that schoolingiiself occurs in a cultural context which shapes its own organisation and content, and awhile locusof power lies with the .older 'caretaker' generation, ratherthan the younger.' Many philosophers and sociologists have pointed out thatobjective knowledge and subjective experience may be seen asinterdependent ways of viewing the samephenomenon. The accumulation ofconscnsus perceptions is the necessary condition bywhich subjectiVe experience becomes objective knowledge. Individuals have tobe able to relate their experience through agreed andnegotiated symbols that others will underStand. Linguists are particularly aware ofthis, because implicit in the learning of any language are the rulesconcerning how words and thoughts are put together. Young putsthis succinctly when he says:.. the methods of speech and thoughtthat we use are built up only in part logically oritematically. All such methods, from those of the pagan to the physicist, arcdetermined by- the customs and the language of the society in which helives. The child inherits the capacity to learn to utter sounds in sequences that areagreeable to other people. Ultimately he. learns tomake propositions that are considered true.' For many years social anthropologists have observedvarious cultures and attempted to give account and explanationof the differences in cognitive deVelopment, and have shown howintellectual differences in modes of expression and inquiry may occur.' Thesedifferences arise principally from the differences i n adaptation to differingenvironments. Distinctions and categories necessary in one languageand culture may be unnecessary or of less importance in another.The spread of education, and in particular Western styles of schooling,provided a rich seedbed for further inquiry into the relationship betweencognition and culture. Schools developed in one society were sometimestransplanted into another and, together with certain attitudesconcerning styles and content, were expected to function inbroadly similar ways to the original. This was particularly true in the periodsof expanding European colonialism, but isalso true of many other forms of socialisation grafted on to the ways of so-called'primitive' cultures. Many psychologists have been at pains to point out theresultant Schooling/35 differences and disjunctures In learning, notably Bruner, Greenfield and Schmidt.' The topic also has relevance closer to home. Children are not only cultural products of the generic culture and habitat (usually thought of in terms of country of origin and nationality), they are also social and 'Subcultural' products; and Fchooling plays a large part in the production in those societies where the luxury ofstates orellikIlloodand adolescence is a permitted part of that society. This is not to ignore the fact that children have a dynamic relationship with all.the forces of socialisation acting upon them, changing them as wellas being made by them. But, in general, cultures that lack economic power or which have not espoused formal schooling tend to perceive childhood as short and as an apprenticeship to the business of wresting life and support from the earth. In technological societies children arc 'locked- up' as the cultural, social, political and scientific investment for the future. Schooling is enforced, is necessary for survival; and schooling focuses the culture upon the children and shapes their cognitive development in many ways, including the confirmation of value systems. Inevitably, schooling is subject to and part of changes in values, in political ideology (more in some countries than others) and in the disciplines of knowledge. Fashion also plays a part, along with necessity. While most teachers are aware, indeed many teachersare acutely aware, of the fashions which affect pedagogy and transmission of knowledge in schools,, few may reflect on the way that tradition and belief shape and institutionalise knowledge in some surprisingly odd ways. Norms, values and social conventions are so much the substance of control in schooling that, after watching a number of primary school assemblies, one could be forgiven for believing, as one headmistress oft repeated to the children, 'We only have nice children here'. As Wilde said in his discussion on art and aesthetics, perhaps form and repetition are the essentials in shaping our understanding. Things may be believed not because they are rational, but because they are constantly repeated.' Much of this clingipg to form is perfectly reasonable; parents and teachers and peer groups kriow from experience its salience in the shaping of the mind. And in subtler ways the shapes and forms ofour habitat are likewise internalised. Like a hedgehog without fleas, the mountain-dweller feels uneasy in the plainS, and the city-dweller, whose perceptual life has been dominated by vertical forms, is possibly unable to appreciate the unerring sense of direction of the desert Arab. The implications of all this can be stated simply, but they are far-reaching. People will perceive the things they see about them in relation to their usefulness, their traditional and ritual meanings. They will be good at .things which are important to them or which they do often. The ability to perceive, and to some extentto think and learn,will be correspondingly shaped such that different cultures and even differences 36/Children mid Schooling

ingroupcxpericne6 will imply different patterns of thinking and learning. Evidence in this respect Is quiteoverwhelming. Expressed in the extreme form the interdependenceof culture and cognition is such that each human's experience canbe thought of as unique; as al I, Meinl 'No man's ine's-are another man's me's'. Yet at the individual and institutionallevel people persist in thinking that the shape,of knowledge, its very patternsof distribution, are almost God-given. Nowhere is this more clearly evidentthan in school. To hear sonic teachers talk, onemight be forgiven for thinking that there had always been ten periods of English perweek, ever since creation; or (despite the Ancient ) that maths had moreintrinsic value than art. Certainly, my perceptionsof knowledge were shaped thus, As a schoolboy, and quite unaware, I was taught todespise woodwork and craft, to regard art as barely a fit occupation for anyoneof serious intent, to* regard music as a just passable hobby, but to reverecompetitive games, to see shape and discipline inherent in theclassics. When I reflect, too on the ethnocentricity of my education,I tremble. In part this latter feature may have been thereflation of the Second World War years, during which Ireceived a portion of my. education. In part it reflects the tail-end of jingoism, a sortof frozen insistence, perhaps peculiar to proud places like Oxford, thatonly the English really knew what civilisation,and culture wereall about. The rest were' merely foreigners who could not begin.tO comprehendthe essentials of life and knowledge. Mercifully, and in later education, I wasdisabused of such perceptions. But at that time I was unaware of the wayin which my' perception was closed :and altered by the culture of theschool and that of the social groups in which my earlyexperiences were formed. Indeed, I must not impute the responsibility asbeing simply that of my teachers. My cognitive and affective appreciation wasbeing formed ,by certain patterns of behaviour, certain stylesof thinking and certain attitudes which enhanced some viewpoints andpreclUdedothers. In particular the Christian ethic shaped our values atschool, implemented by those associated with muddy flounders on the ruggerfield and a weak, vaguely sexist, anti-feminine attitude composed ofcourtly love' traditions and those which viewed womanhood as 'the temple onthe sewer'. It is a commonplace that discipline and its ready acceptance werecentral to English.education of thirty or forty years ago.Indeed, there are no doubt schools where-this is still so, though one suspectsthat they would be more often found today iffplaces likeMalaysia or the USSR' than in England or the USA. 4 c Certainly, it is unlikely thatpresent -da3'English children would hear sentiments such as these expressed- at speechday or parents' evening:

It is, after all, a painful and difficultthing to make a man fit for the tasks of today and the tasks of the world.And in a school like this I

6f 3 .Schooling/37 think probably discipline and the prospect of penalty isa very Important thing indeed. It is no use saying '1 don't like this subject'. f he first thing ono has to do in a school is to learn how to tackle a subject even if it is iminteest,ing, You may not love It now butyou will love it later on,'

Then, the didle,' accepted that view of discipline as readily as (tic), did the view that I altin was the key to learning. Dontless today they would, he equally sore that maths or physics tire more important than music. If this is not so, why should an adolescent in a %title school commonly he expected to devote such disproportionate amounts of time to the respective enterprises? All this is only to scratch the surface of the relationship between learning and culture. An anthropologist mightsay, 'change the culture and you change the man'; and to an important extent this is the nub. Every human being is so shaped by his own experience that he hasto make great efforts if he is to look through theeyes of another. Now and again a genius such us Newton or lfinstein is thrownup by humanity such that perception is created afresh in one area or another, and tardily we take note, Less spectacularly, cultures develop and change, and technical, scientific man requires ways of categorising experience,ways of learning which are different from those of the coracle- weaver or the hunter. But he may pay a price for changing perception. Adaptation to a technological age is said by some to exact a price not worth paying; not simply because of material hazards such as traffic fumes, nuclear radiation, or over-relined foods, but in terms of changing understanding and tolerance of each other, in terms of changing goals for the 'good life'. A cynical schoolteacher might ask whether theconcern with deductive reasoning and systematic conceptual development in the sciences (emphasised in the recent English primary-education report)` would have been quite so obvious or immediate had thesurvey of those 542 English primary schools shown a deficiency in artor music, rather than science. To this one would have to reply that, as in all cultures, the dominant values show in the way we emphasise and reward certain sorts of learning rather than others,and that assuredly (or sowe piously hope) our capacities for feeling, attachment, concern, sympathy and aesthetic awarenesS are still being fostered through different sorts of educative experience. Learning takes many forms and we arc supplied withmany teachers in a lifetime. The initial internalisation of tasks and roles learned in infancy may be particularly salient, but those learned and performed throughout life will also constantly affectour peTception and judgement. For each person there will be advantages and disadvantages; for each culture similarly. The images and shape of knowledge thus obtained will reflect surprising forms of compartmentalisation, gapS in categoriesandproblemsincommunicationbetweencultures. 311/Chl Wren and Schooling Cns4ificalion, memory, learning and thinking will show differences from culture to culture, Hut perhaps the Importantthing to remember is the point Made by Cole et at in their concluding reviewof studies of the 'cultural context of learning: 'Cultural differences in cognitionreside more in the aituiulons 10 whichparticular cognitive processes are unified (my emphasis/ than in the existence of a process in onecultural group and its absence in another,"

Rolm or Tim Tunciiilt

Concepts and Theory Even it brief discussion of the teacher's uric, such as thatwhich follows here, must look at the concepts employed and at the socialand social, psychological theory in which descriptions of teaching are usually embedded. The first thing which will strike any newcomer to the areais that the notion of any composite and coherent role 'theory' isprobably in error. Certainly, there is a large variety of terms employedby social scientists; but equally certainly, many of them seemunnecessarily complicated, often sit nationally specific and frequently ambiguous or confusing. Role theory seems to have grown up in associationwith the term status, or position. The term raleis ggierally taken to wan an ideal pattern of conduct which actual behatiour rarelyquite fullils'.10 The concept of status as one of placement in a societyis likewise a somewhat fluid concept which needs careful redefining orlocating at :almost every organisational and institutionalmediation. In most cases and for aTI practicable prirpos'es both terms areinseparable and the view usually taken, that role can be best understood asthe dynamic of status, is an appropriate starting-point. Role theory is said to deal 'with patternsof behaviour or other characteristics which arc common to persons and with avariety of cognitions held about those patterns by socialparticipants'." But although considerable use of such a theory hasbeen made (particularly by social psychologists), there is in factlittle agreement over what the theory really constitutes or whether it can beconsidered a theory at all. Coulson has referred to role as 'a redundant conceptin sociology', as one which confuses and obscuresrather than illuminates." Biddle in one of the major reviews of the concept and its useshas emphasised the serious drawbacks to role theory and hassummarised them thus:

(I)lack of agreement on what is studied; (2)lack of agreement on what to call it and widespread use of common terms to mean differentthings; (3)lack of any real agreement upon apropositional structure constituting the core of the theory;

36 Solothofing/19 (4) IAA of otgani*cd cmpitkcilevidence Trullstudies lied to ghtorctiill propmilloos,0

Thew is little doubt that Riddles wtrik shin forms the keystone to (orient thinking tilt110 SiibirCi, despite the not 111r011ilded of 01111%00, it dt a afiCtIlq an ()sewn theoietical hamewoik and tedmique for studying the prot'esses of morn foranition and tide dijlrNcnutuiuu iiiit 11101C sophisticated way than epic ralien exploration; of role analysis by (;toss it tit' The notion of playing ditteient parts as one progresses through fire is not it new one. flue idea is ceitainly a IrCtill Cult 0110 in (heck plays and was not unknown to Shakespeare, But it was probably O. IL Mead, one or the rounding fathers asocial psychology, who firm utilised notions of role-playing io theories of human behaviour in a systematic way." Mead's comments on the perceptions Of self in relation to others %WIC greatly aided byfiis use of the term role, but it would be idle to say that it constituted any coherent theory. It would also he futile to pretend that the concept was even particularly central to Mead's philoiophy, though it does seem to have enabled Mead to pursue what Strauss refers to its the .cl.eveloPment of perspectives of 'socialised individualism' and 'air emphiSisuponindividualitywit hinworldsof common symbolisation'." Since Mead, the terms have been added to and expanded, and role 'theory' has been employed in all avenues of social science. It was Ralph Linton, the anthropologist, who helped to st ructurc and interrelate'soine of the original terms. it is Linton who speaks of role as representing the dynamics of status, saying,

When he [a person) puts the rig . . tuties which constitute the status into effect he is performing a role. Role and status are quite inseparable and the distinction between them is of only academic interest. There are no roles without statuses or statuses without roles."

Linton is credited with the simple twofold classification of ascribed and achieved roles. Ascribed roles are those assigned to one by accident of birth and location, such as the roles of male or female, prince or Scotsman. Achieved roles are those which arc open to access in some manner, such as those of policeman or lawyer. Such a classification is a useful starting-point, though it offers insufficient subtlety for more than provisional location of the individual in the social system, and it cannot serve in any way as an analytical framework for the study of complex organisation. As Secord and Backman say, two of the really important features to grasp when dealing with analyses of inte rpersonal behaviour arc those of the anticipatory nature of role expectations and their 4(1)(Ail.ben ism./ tioo/ing norm.11ice quality, Ily anti, ipator y the w filet that anticipation' ofirotithet's behaviour is based upon 4 11(111 or di itibtilititis madeby us onthe basis of (11,1C31111/Villeti 1.10111 the 1:1111iC . 116 1410 10311C:111C out behaviour and Oill,b141gctlioti of what 13 14 13 Hill 131)111011041C, By lititstuativc,!;ei:0111 and Hackman mean that a person not only antis wales bylias ruin tit Intel action,but ollcit tech ot14,1 it, twtias clit 4 CCI Win VtiAy 511It'll is Astociatcti with the espectationsfultucd, I evinson, like Iliadic, has inauttained that tole is arelational tel in, that 1111 01(1111 as ant It, but distinguished boot sits ial position. Ile suggests that it may be commonly tiled In Oncespecific ways taboos, (I) Sti tic tin allygiven .IC1114'1141% icsponsibilities, and the like)PV1t/4,13iC4i with a k:11T11social 1141:10011,1{01Cla 111 thisSC114C 4untclh4tg otwode the given ItItlividual, a *id of pecvstlic% 310 Ittkilllall1)11% that channel, guide, impede. support his funs honing in the orgamsation," (2)The orientation of CoticA-1110/1 of the par t that someone plays. (1)The actions llicillsclVc1. In general, however, the term is Orally used so loosely ai 10become an accretion of all thin- ol these senses. In many respects sociologists and social psychologi:ts use Ole 1C1111 role111 an 4ittal>tical frameworkoccupying two IMO krdly different positions along the continuum fromindividual to system. There ale those v,110 MC it 111 Co111111101011 with a view ol humanaction based On intricate series of social syqc:111 built upon groupings.institutions and organisation: there ate those who seem to sec Mc ai it succession of roles relating the individual to a variety of social systems, Sonic social scientists emphasise the importance of roleperceptionas the main (fetes:Milaniofsocialaction(a view which is often particularly appropriate Olen considering the socialisation Of the child, early sex typing behaviour, motivational patterns and attitude formation). Also. whatever its 5Vcakllesstti, the bridging nature of the term role isof sufficient import to bring many siicial scientists of different complexions to sonic sort of approximate consensus whenever'fluid' models of social personality arc needed. For instance, Allport says that, in the course of their lives, individuals perform many 'different roles suixessively or simultaneously', and in relation to this comment he suggests four areas worthy of consideration and relevanttothe concept of social personality.'" Later workers, particularly Levinson. Merton" and fiddle, could well be said to provide the clear basis for a fifth (in order to do this, one would need to read 'concept' and 'cognition asbeing the same). Though the burden of Levinson's and Coulson's 1lots are still pertinent, that the term and concept of 'role' remains one ofthe most overworked and underdeveloped in social sciences,n somegeneral

d A, A....114g 41 agiscilictit he liciteiscd the idciliola id definition) and ftlAted itintetils1 IS e useful aicas tont:11ms tile,* ;in the tii tie els

floleeq.(s bitioni(thath,ghat the %dune set suh:ulrutc Ci Win WIC, ate, the 'lilies id the gaiiir' lot )00 moot ticicti11%.11ts tWie ttICSC 't 111,Ct aftkl tlettICI the in+ultttrcnl ti1 the P.,4i1104t t/'tcalllicitstilatc In 1112 of what otheis cyett of him Hole err (tole It-Int-lc:ins all aqtlailliallte with and all assairitcss -aml juklEeinctit of what it is yini riclieSe it (ii be. the tit &s(taw) Ictssrcli Oral f stir and at lila) !tile- Way tic (icttincnl re.IiivieScr.lhe i,ulcci,t a Vcisiiilliasiir yule ma) differ mailkcills from a series ofilustahlc (lathe( (tuft imagined) r xpestationt 1,,f othcfs; and lhilulic and Thomas atEnt that a settalli lissi-inatie may etch tK mein), 31111. e it alosss loom tot MOS cniciit and adjustment (1)Rote Hie degree to stii,11 the incumbent ac,clits sit ejcs is his titles (4)Rote re,fatm.irnrf What the in,liSi,luat attialt) dons %nit his tide .ass140111eliC. Allvott maintains that it Is in the riitettntig. pissnis WhcthcI it is i,rrlottticiS tshok-M-41n-,Thur not-Sisnold aliveat to relate to ttcm J, above. (3)Role 4-04171, I. (An addition to Allisoles list and in maw, tcycsts one of the must Iiiislised and Itilsninki stu.xl refills elilidil)Cd.) it mat` bc.cspcticiik.cti on a saticty of levels; though it should ncscr ticscciias the Ilficssaly tunconntant 111411(TI311,1 ittthese el)11111tilttil. %MCC ifill%t hlltnauts ha Se a 14110k Satiety of lei:1111110es at their IliT41-,A, alleviate conflict or enable them to.hold somewhat conflicting image.*ofthesvor Idwithin then own perceptual franicss'ork without any personal disintegration:

(a) when there.us Untie di^sCICII.IiICV FYlwccit the individual's perceptions and his actual role bettay lour: (h) when there is incompatibility between different expo:Litwin; (c)when there ale conflicting eipedatinity or area, of ambiguity which the incumbent I; left to clarify for himself; (d) when'external'expectationsandoshticonceptdiffer markctilY.

Ilut it should he emphasised that thC notion of some Core comenwsof perceptions it central to the concept of role and to the theory itself, It it certainly difficult to validate -empirically such consensus. except at the most basic les els and for s cry simple roles such that time and again Inc wonders about the existence of any substantive theory at all. 1; 1910 7fi icsctal tkielictit tic." a S.t the tlatut; :if itlc itzc.ii), itsI:illicitoii.cita 'att.! it, tioeetincaz.e4 f,cen rti,iithoJillc 1:10*1 the I.,111.1.110 in his 1101/11 (111LALliti 6qt" tialtientciiclw ihr Cali) ai gl (ftc-oi y , AIta GI111,1t203Z.:* that all Ott tit {lilt lis3)0iritc0 iiiliC la. lb. of 481) tral a,11i2itt 01104. talc twit1011 the 141.1 .,n1) t,t,, shag the thc,,t) tin Iria telitl4)atv..1 4.111:?%.0.0 io 10011i.IC EC0Ctal :,iCtiliq ott tike tole von-th,t, Itc alt,1 tfltiliit tike 'tic- (ault; itcrtirtvilt to of xi: N.1,tia ,.'lc *tic U% t/Odtr fICE

IPte /r.;.11.-e then- hair (sett s :nt,:tantial nutnt.ct inynne: int.+ th.e chata,Ictiati, a 4,f OK Ica. t1111C10,1C321,11 iiiI 1.01, 4110 N,I1Litt AMC dtlittle ttIC 12:0 loth )C1t110 aft,t it tn,1.11,,I to flitit,3.2) !Nat ne.xat l,1 them:II4 C [Ir.(' 0.311.0C,1C1, L111/11111'00t..,,,t...,nitfot). totilliatato,r cOu"atiti thoe c:nortn,,f t. a. het to.tultinclit anil stwp1). oft- s-sionaloAtt.wi and theatt/..1) the Zatl,,01 AI a t,1...11 allIC111011C of the few call)Eritetat s...1,,t8i, AllaiNlc".3 Of the tcathet's tole ts that tii, v%tto aloyeal...1., *,,,-,01)..h.,1..;si,a1 ita ishhh haVr 1lite,t irke iatur I.. troctittit utic;it trIz3t,t1 feat purr! Wirt:4010, 12115U2: a is,1tea.. to :Wes gent-talkItna to sttExe:t 14 attet.2 now, cttlett)1 is LInet ttarnfrt.itk (trn the 1`,, ulls.,01.1 the 19 tth th,,.I 41e1:5h 3ts411 titkpcall t:*ip ,but tat!:ct that no trs-anh the of te.sitict'sholewout.,1tie oftlf,Ictr0,101,,ut tom,- ri )tens ttf tca:hing AS a avek 'at 1..tni uncatifs otattltaint--,1 Onc, tcr a ,tite,t oaL tt legit( alter' thinurfs I And 14 ikon" to the tnatn,e 11,1,11C ct tit its like calk 1')(4)-4 and Ihcn on to thr late: am! 1;,rnr,atiat t kale: sNnthese: of 1 ni.:Itstt cdtic anti:Its!: trk t;r:,n tultitutwn,.ahle,1 Inatl- ux,lahtan,,n tf their ouni.. anti c.h,:-:,an,71 tl a statratt thll Anti thrit tea:hers haVe trnikattolote ttia:1 MCI -tratmr:: to 1,0%0 pupalrf`gr'y hate abo in,,..t.:1;;ate ttccloi*hat':ti ant! si,11:1, %tttn1.1then I,altwt, inm,,te .and IcinfoR c tn,f '::" the dr:A.tplinat,., (i,ntett. the mn-i.olificl ethos the the atnbteme of U.3111-44 tI011.3. atCII0V 1110try.,TLIiatl,tn,rankilic:tn,r1±, as the 'Int1,2en Luttt.tOwn. art.! In soote teloc,t1 triatdett as of Etratct tinprtame than thean:frit cnitt.ulutu of iclsont, and the fotinat otE.antiation of kil4AN't!e'S and its z. t c Is The tnilden cuttl,:tifun IS To* flumeant benign Ill its !nodes ttansontliott, to the'1, aftscs it un[\tits,tint In its r !lei. t.t. salts ate immersed 'v. dIr -12_11). in the rules of the s,:hoof and of the ciavItootn Chtldtrn cannot easily ignore

1' Schooling/43 or leave the hidden curriculum. They may have to lie or cheat to support some part of it, even perhaps to turn a blind eye onaspects of behaviour which, while publicly castigated, are privately supported.28 The curriculum, will be more extended into general socialisation and the teacher's role correspondingly more diffuse in respect of schooling for young children. The primary teacher may also be engaged in acts of supervision, feeding and general nurturance more akin to those of a mother-nurse or welfare agency. But at all levels teachers will need to perform functions. that fall into one or more of the following broad categories, all of which are closely interrelated: 4--)774A. (1)'curricular transactions' (both in terms of planning content, and of furthering related learning); (2)more general aspects of socialisation often related to values, social control, mores. attitudes and- etiquette and dependent to some extent both on the community context of the school and the values and beliefs of the staff; (3) associated welfare *(especially in the early years of schooling).

Ead; of these categories will, both for teacher and child,cross boundaries of institutional requirement and of personal need (that is, nomothetic and idiographic), 29 and in each of these three, there is likely to be discernible a high personal mode of operation, an idiosyncratic style and technique. This technique becomes most readily observable when employed in the basic function that is expected of all teachers, that of providing intellectual, social and emotional stimulus for the child. In much classroom research the term 'style' is employed in a particular way; that is, in an attempt to categorise some relatively consistent set of teaching tactics relating to a particular strategy, to the organisation of pupils, their curriculum and their behaviour.30 But it has such obvious and clear links with personality, that the cluster of associated attitudes and behaviours may hinder or facilitate, limit, or extend the operations in categories 2 and 3, above. Ideally, the teachei must have the ability (and the personal charisma perhaps a less likely 'concomitant) to present avariety of knowledge, not necessarily explicitly, in an interesting way; knowledge which may extend from the most elementary principles suitable for an infant to complex abstractions appropriate to a young adult whose potential is already seen to exceed that of his teachers. The knowledge itself will often depend upon curricular considerations of what is or is not appropriate to the subject, as well as to the age and stage of the child; and these will to a large part be derived from the culture as a whole (see especially Chapter 6). But whatever that knowledge is-and whether It be amenable to didactic exposition or discovery.learning, it will mean the adoption by the teacher of methods and techniques which facilitate the ease, accuracy and effectiveness of its 44/Children and Schooling transmission. These techniques may vary considerably, from the skilful exploitation of the teacher's individUal traits, 'personality', or charisma, to the use of electronic equipment, special modes ofclassrOom organisation and the employment of particular approaches to learning. Indeed, nowadays teaching techniques must increasingly involve handling audiovisual aids, using programmed texts, teaching machines and calculators (even with young children), using plastics and modern materials in art and writing, being able to collate and cross-reference materials, provide suitable classroom index systems, and so on; all this, as well as working with children who are much moresophisticated than many of their teachers, especially when it comes to an awarenessof the silicon chip and transistor 'revolutions'. It has been saidfliat, 'Education is a crucial 'investment for the exploitation of moderntechnology. This factunderliesrecent 'educational development in all the major industrial societies'." But that was written nearly twenty years ago;and while it may remain truein very broadterms,it is also clear that in Western _societies in the foreseeable future, education will also need to be critically concerned with leisure, with enforced leisure (the dole queue? and with possibilities for constant -retraining: If:technological innovation puts us on the threshold of a Golden Age, of Leisure, this has seemed to offer peculiar opportunities . to education. As an instrumental activity, work seems a necessary evil to Which education, when properly conceived has nothing to contribute. When orientated towards work, educatiVn seems destined to degenerate into mere training; From this standpoint, is, at best, a device for socialising the young into acceptance Of the economic imperatives and disciplines of the world,of work. At Worst, it Sells out education to the values of the affluent society, the rat -race, the military-industrial complex and so on. Hence, when the economic imperative to work is diminished, this seems to point to the importance of 'that very thing - leisure - to which education seems peculiarly relevant.32 Clearly, the curriculum is affected by the society in which the teacher lives; for the demands on the teacher tend to fluctuate according to the Current requirements of society. As the bounds of knowledge increase, and alter, so the curriculum must necessarily respond and adapt itself to the new expectations, though the time-lag can be quiteconsiderable. Sooner or later decisions have to be made, on what to Omii from and ,what to add to the Curriculum, but tradition dies hard and sometimes does not lie down until long after its decease! Constraints onexisting curricula are strong (see Chapters, 4 and 6), and it is easier to introduce new ideas, though not necessarily easy tosustain them, than it is to

-10 Schooling/45 remove hardy annuals from a curriculum overgrown and badly in need of pruning. Even at the primary/elementary levels where there is considerable agreement on core curricula, the 'three Rs' are merely the centre of what looks at times like a constantly expanding ste/Ia nova. Modes of evaluation, too, have a hardening effect upon the curriculum. There is a certain comfort in knowing that what one has taught is always amenable to well-tried, well-known forms of examination. There is also the desirability of maintaining some basic continuity in the flow of socialisation through generation after generation such that it may still be more useful (and definitely more likely to be commended), if one can display an elegant written hand rather than adeptness witha calculatoti. Clearly, in education, and particularly at the higher levels of , much knowledge and many techniques are already of little directrelevance by the time they have been passed on to the pupils and even relatively 'new' knowledge may have intrinsic value only in that it serves to direct the pupils' thoughts still further (see Chapter 4). Yet we are frequently told that new scientific knowledge needs to be quickly applied, if we are to avoid a relative decline in our living standards as a high technology society, and the most common justification for 'why must Wevdo that, sir?' is that it will get you or society somewhere. (No one has yet decided that long-division can damage your health, but its advantages for most of us are distinctly not pi.oven.) Formal instruction in the classroom is in many respects, filtered through a variety ofinteractions and perceptions. We may think that the prime role of the teacher is that of instruction, yet forget that for many of us the transaction, style, attitude and personality of the teacher so often completely override the content. Teachers differ, and their abilities to organise, discipline and present ideas are in large part a function of their own personalities. In the past many sociologists have focused their attention on the effects of selection (conscious and unconscious) by the teacher. In the days of the count' minor and major scholarships in England (and later the 11-plus and the culmination of grammar-school work in the School Certificate) teachers may have seen a major part of their role as that of selecting and classifying their charges. The allocation of particular individuals or groups to occupational roles was viewed as fundamental to the educational system. It still is regarded as vital for any complex society. But how it is and was done is a matter of serious concern to many. In the 1950s and 1960s sociologists emphasised the ways in which educational opportunities were limited and minimal for groups of manual workers, low-paid or socially disadvantaged in some way. The education system in England was shown to be highly discriminative and, moreover, wasteful of talent. In the 1970s the emphasis shifted and, as comprehensive education and non-selection became a reality (in terms of the abolition of the 11-Plus examination), sociolinguistic studies in particular began to clarify ways in which 46/Children and Schooling , subtler forms of attitude discrimination could still affect theteacher's prime role. Studies in many parts of the Western worldshowed that there were certain speech features of lowersocioeconomic groups, Which appeared to affect teacher expectation and consequentselection. Many studies also showed that peoplein general (and teachers sometimes) associated differenttypes of personality as well as intellectual abilities with different cultural stereotypesbased on speech. This means that while no 'one denies the importanceof primary socialisation within the family and prior to schooling(indeed early language acquisition and type of familial environment are so oftenthe triggers and reinforCers of any later institutionalisedselective process such as schooling), it is not easy to separate the prime roleof instruction from all the mediating perceptions of theteacher." Thus, in practice it is'difficult to separate curriculum fromelementsof social control, values and selection; and it is clear that teachershave increasingly taken on a role which includes 'moulding' children or confirming them in socially acceptable patterns. Certainly, as has already been mentioned, teachers of very young children are attimes almost solely concerned with those aspects of psychologicaland social adjusting which will bring the child to terms withhimself and his peers, as well as with society atlarge. Elkin has describedthe general burdenof the teacher's role very clearly, whenhe says that teachers 'Stand for adult authority and the need for order and discipline ...for knowledge andachievement . . . [and]such'middle-class'personality characteristics as correct speech, respect for public property,politeness and neatness'.34 Wilson referred (1962) to the teacher'srole as being that of 'socialiser' and a 'social weaning ape." Floudpreferred to use terms such as 'teacher missionary' and'teacher social-worker';36 Westwood, in his seminal review article some ten years ago,described the function of the teacher as being 'thetransmission of knowledge and values', and goes on to say,

[in] this.simple duality liesagood deal of the difficulty of the teacher's role; the teacher is not merely an importer ofinformation, of cognitive more or less technical skills andability; he also passes on to his pupils the values and norms, the beliefs and patterns ofbehaviour of our . be termed the society ...[such] complementary aspects .. may 'instrumental' and the 'expressive1.37

One of the more obvious functions performed byteachers of young children concerns the welfare of the child. In manycountries various combinations of such tasks as supervising school dinners;attention to elementary hygiene; supervision of breaks;arranging medical checics; referring children to the psychologist; treatingminor ailments and accidents, form part of the teacher's routine functions. Withincreasing Schooling/47 concern over road safety, venereal diseases, or drug-taking, morc and more authorities look to teachers (especially those in charge of adolescents) to add advice in thcsc spheres to an already diffuse and scattered set of responsibilities. Where home situations orenvironments do not satisfy or fall short in some way, there may well be additional requests from parents or voluntary associations for the provision of ,--after-school clubs and play-centres. Already, community schools have a long history in England (particularly in Cambridgeshire), and such schools may well insist that extracurricular activities become a serious commitment for their staff such that evening work and supervision commonly extend the teacher's role. Where mothers are.out at work all day, the)child may need to be occupied and supervised for a period much longer than that of the normal school day. Grants may be available for the provision of school clothes or for the needy to go to school camps and holidays. Teachers act as the agencies controlling the organisation and dispensation of such money. In all, teachers now do muchmore than merely refer children to social visitors or special schools. They are, in fact, a basic tool of the welfare state. Floud's 'teacher social-worker' already has a long history in England and is a concept fully understood' in many countries, from the USSR to the Gambia; and the possibilities of role diffusion for teachers are seen to be virtually limitless. Clearly, performance of such functions as those I have elaborated depends very much on the age' of the pupils and on the type of school and environment. It would be most unwise, for instance, to assume that the teacher's task is identical in all state schools of a given level. Teachers do not so much have one identifiable single role, as a cluster of roles in which there are usually clearly identifiable elements common to all. But even within subject specialisms the role changes vastly according to the potentialities and needs of the pupils, as well as the personality of the individual teacher. No consideration of the teacher's role, however brief, can avoid attention to the teacher's position as controller of the child's fate. The teacher controls this very obviously and immediately in the individual classroom, in that he or she can make life very difficult, not to say, -downright unpleasant, for a child if such a stance be desired. But this is relatively limited, usually to only a portion of one year's academic life, and mar), not have any long-term effect. It is perhaps more important to note that it is frequently teachers who nowadays control and administer tests and examinations; and that the more that modes of examination and evaluation become flexible and child-oriented, the more central the role played by the individual teacher in assessment. Such flexible forms of examination become ever more costly to administer, a political fact of some importance. Moreover, processes of evaluation in which the individual teacher is so centrally involved (mode 3, CSE, cumulative record cards) tend to expose the teacher more fully to public gaze and, 48/Children and Schooling possibly, public criticism. Profiles, academic records and the use of more flexible diagnostic tools may well be of greatbenefit to the child and to the direction of really child-matched work, but their use involves recognition Of their subjectivity as well us of the benefits they bestow, Perhaps, after all, outside examinations, even the rightly suspect practice of setting I I-plus examinations, had sonic advantages, in that they were slightly more objective than the profiles so often used for descriptions of junior schoolchildren on record forms of current preoccupation among English LEAs. The assessment of competence in school depends upon so much interpretation of feedback both by the child himself, and by the teacher, that the allocation of life chances, the control of fate, may be at best a somewhat more haphazard and whimsical element in the role than teachers pretend. Wiseman once made the point that the role of the teacher can be seen from very different perspectives (those within the profession and those outsideit),that the educational administrator and the politician probably each have quite different 'brand images' of the teacher and that 'if these differ markedly from those of the teacher himself, the resultant planning, organisation, and legislation are unlikely to receive much professional acclaim'," What is indisputable is that in this era education has become a matter of immediate public concern, and though the social implications ofeducation can sometimes obscure rather than illuminate the public's view of what one might term 'the prime' role of the teacher, there is a continued and lively debate taking place in many countries concerning the relationship of schooling to social, economic and political structures (and hence of the roles of the teachers) in that society. Many such debates relate to theapparently rapid change taking place in teaching methods, but some relate directly to the urgent economic or political concerns of the nation, aswell as to the relationship between the teacher's role and the teacher's own political stance. In respect of the latter it has been said,

social institutions reflect political influences.' They may be embedded in the phenoMenon of the hidden curriculum, for example. The teacher whot thinks that education should be completely insulated from politics is now in a strange position. If he remains obstinately committed to his stand, his own practice may belie his belief since he 'contributes something to the hidden curriculum in his school. If, without alteration in his belief, he accepts that political influences inescapably affect education systems in various ways, then his declared belief appears to affront reality." .11 Often, the attitudes that teachers hold (and perhaps display) towards children of different social and class or ethnic groupings are themselves redolent of certain political beliefs, Schoollng/49 If one can generalise from research such 118 that of Brand's and Bernstein," and if teachers do generally view certain sorts of children and their associated reasoning more favourably than others, then class and (by implication) political bias in selection and the offering of opportunity to children seem to be features (albeit 'unconscious' or not ally underpood) associated with the English educational system. This is not to represent teachers as showing wilful bias in their attitudes towards different groups of children; but simply to underscore one aspect of the problem. It may simply be a form of naive psychology which more readily responds 'to people like us'lIt may be a variant of, or concomitant with, the experience of achievement motivation which forms part of the teacher's own frame of reference, is part of received wisdom in training, yet is itself much less clear than some researchers would have us believe. Here I refer to the notion that differences in child- rearing relate to differences in achievement motivation, that such differences are most easily described in terms of social-class groupings, and that values associated with long- and short-term goals can be meaningfully assigned in terms of socioeconomic status. Certainly, all this is well knonsto social scientists, since the programmes'of research on achievement motivation have poured from the departments of sociology, psychology, industry, comparative social psychology and education. Specific aspects, like thc dynamics (and the validity) of the construct n Ach, have been debated ad nauseam (see Chapter 5). Yet one doubts whether much of these flow into classrooms in other than ill- digested forms. But even half-understood theories of childhood socialisation may leave a long legacy in the mind, may pass into the 'mythologies' still hotly debated in school staffrooms; for instance, the apparent correlation between the child's academic performance and the socioeconomic status of the parents. That there is some relationship between child behaviour and parental environment is rarely in dispute. What forms such behaviour may predictably take and the salience of certain associated variables, certainly are crucial areas of debate; debates which frequently reflect such different ideological and political stances as to make the conception of the teacher's apolitical role most inadequate. Questions concerning whether teachers should be free to teach what they please; concerningthe degrees of participation in school government enjoyed by pupils; concerning pupil assessment of staff, all may quickly expose the degree to which the teacher's role is concerned with the knowledge, skills and values deemed of central importance in a society, and hence with ideology and politics. The teacher is one of the 'front-line troops' in society's battle fora recognisable, ongoing cultural identity. The utilisation of cultural heterogeneityisnot just a programme for elected politicians concerned with deprivation or immigration, with resources and provision; it concerns the teacher, his job and his beliefs. In a country like England, where it has been 50/Children and Schooling estimated that only about 10 million of the population can he described as truly indigenous, it must be an issue of considerable importance, Teachers convey their messages and beliefs almost inadvertently; they cannot teach without exposure, 'Transaction and its associated personal ambiences, communicate directly to the child constantly, even when that child may not heed the main burden of the message. Ideology flavours the communication in the classroom, the organisation of learning, the tone of voice, the gesture. Teachers select and control, modify and encourage at every turn. The teacher's role is necessarily political, evenif we would wish to averitotherwise; politicalin the sense that institutional socialisation is at Oft behest of the state and (more usually) concerned with sonic broad attempt at providing for congruence in norms,,values(and provision of resources; political irt that it relates to the administration of government policy; political in that the role is bound up with the means of social control and selection.

THE CHANGING PATTERN What, then, does all this add up to when a teacher goes to his or her classroom? Certain perspectives culled from psychology and sociology will be currently fashionable (if not currently applicable - the two are not always synonymous) such that teachers may. readily display familiarity with, if not understanding of, some of the views of Piaget or Bernstein. On the face of it present-day teachers may be expected to know a good deal more about children,, their development and the mechanisms of social selection and control. It is doubtful, however, whether they will know that much about the children's actual learning processes other than the most generalisable features derived from combined reading, intuition and limited diagnostic experience, If schooling is nowadays more process-oriented than product - oriented, it can surely only be considered a relativelyininoIiift phasis, since in reality what is now known about the dyneles of learnt is not that easily generalisable to groups of children ch that it cane speedily applied in the classroom. Different 'products' arc, of course acceptable in the classroom in a way that they would not have been forty and fifty years ago: There is now recognition that wholesale uniformityof goal or outcome. can stultify creativity, as well as insufficiently allow for individual differences in ability and motivation. But the curriculum still relies largely on product,,still infers process (rather than perceives it or caters for it) in even the most basic of subject areas, even indeed in reading itself. In 1890 the certificated teacher knew that upon leaving his two-year course at training college,'" he would have to teach a prescribed syllabus, that there would be set educational standards to apply. at the various stages of schooling, that coercion was considered a useful and Schooling/51 highly appropriate mode of transmission, Ills job, if hewere at all unimaginative or insensitive, would be conceived in terms of dinning those standards of attainment into the variety of children he taught, by rote-learning if necessary and aided by suitable incentives, of which fear of the teacher seems to have been quite real if we are to believe much autobiography.. That teacher's knowledge of psychology and child development would in all likelihood be minimal, though he might have some idea of lesson plans based upon the so-called I lerbartian steps, Indulgence of children would be frowned upon, and iumhirdeviation from the lesson norm would certainly be censured, 'Capes and hays' geography (memorised by heart), the ability to read a passage from The limes (as a test for standard 4 in some cases), knowledge of the four rules of number and the ability to copy from perhaps Ruskin'sSesame.und Liliesinafair hand would he his yardsticks of excellence. Wherever possible, children would be taught as a class and lessons would 41.01 probability start in the same way, 'Arms unfolded, take up your slates' (or pens, as the case may be). The entering characteristics of children woulu be thought of very much in negative terms. The childrenwere there to be taught, to be dragoond, diSciplined and to commit to memory all those things which adults thought most. desirable. Like their forebears, the late-Victorian teachers for the most part 'knew' with a solid conviction what was suitable for children, what children needed:

Whatever people didn't know about the children's health or how to teach them,' they kncw the children's duty. What a tremendous standard was set them! They ought to be silent, they ought to march in and out in orderly fashion, they ought to attendabove All they ought to attend! to whatever the master or the Vicar or the pupil- teachers or even the monitors might put before them or upon them.'"

Formal education was conceived of as being concerned with the rudiments of knowledge necessary for the dispatch of the average boy or girl into a sober and industrious life. Many of the teachers would be products of a pupilteacher system that often resulted in provision of teachers with a limited outlook and little cultural width or tolerance in their understanding of things. Moreover, such teacherswere for the most part drawn from one group of society, a group best thought of as the 'genteel poor'. Such a caricature does, of course, do injustice tosome of the teachers of the time; and no doubt it would also be possible to find some contemporary teachers who taught more like the caricature of a century ago. But in the main the position has changed considerably. There are still many assumptions in the transmission of knowledge and content which may not have changed quite as much as educational ideology would appear to suggest. But concomitant with the much- 52g ldhlren and Se/waling vaunted but ill-Alelitted shift (tm product I process-oriented learning, has come II 11031 of different expectations on the pint or leachers and certainly It different attitude or set olattitudes on the part of the public, Even twenty years ago Jean Flood was able to describe the teacher's role as affected by some noticeably differentexpectations; the teacher had become the group leader rather than the dictator, she said. lie watithe provider of educational opportunities father than the arbiter of moral itlithority, the distributor of expertise, and he !Intl bet:01110he opinion leader under the cloak of which he must manipulate them tthe children) to the hest of his ability in the lightof personal values which are increasingly secular, neutral and imprecisely delined',41 Nowadays one may presume that John Smith, USA,,.in Urban timid Middle .1LS'cliool, will know something of the different developmental rates of the children, will know it little of the imPortant (but uncertain anddiffieutt to generalise) features of cognitive style, will be aware thatmotivational and personality variables are often crucial to learning, It is quite likely that he will be concerned about breadth in his curriculum, and about the problems of coping with interdisciplinary work, while allowing for the beginnings of in-depth specialist knowledge to develop. His class of 11- year-olds will be organised on a group or individual basis. I lis project work will sometime involve days of one 'subject' at the apparent expense of others.l'he children's classreading material Will, one hopes, he carefully sequenced; actual reading schemes (if stillnecessary) articulated or programmed to fit carefully with one another. The children may well use self- checking devices for recording progress in much of their basic work, and John Smith will be free to move around his class workingAith individuals and groups for much of theday." Certainly, whatever else from the nineteenth century remains, itis unlikely that the children will have an unduly fearful attitude towards the teacher. Ile will be spoken to quite freely by the children; willrarely act as the fountain -head of all wisdom or the 'moralarbiter; and, may well from time to time admit his ignorance andbeconcerned to learn alongside .the child. It is also safe to say that nowadays the casual visitor to the school, whether a primary or secondary. institution, will find much greater variety of organisation between( schools than he would haveobserved 100 years ago. In many English primary schools there will be nosyllabus as such, though there may beguidelines written by the head. or by a teacher with the responsibility and the enthusiasm for aparticular subject area. The curriculum at the primary level, and possibly at middle-school level, too, 'will- be inclusive; the'seamless coat of knOwledge' is a popular term often heard on the lips of modernteacher- trainers! Subject divisions will not intrude and John Smithwill make frequent use of community and local resources, The schoolwill be noiser, but it will probably be much more colourful its counterpart Schooling/53

of three generations ago, Present-day secondary schools, which in sonic respects have always neglected the entering ClIttlaCtef kik% of the 'learners, Of at ICLISt haveneverbeen able to adjust to them andcaterfor them in the same way as many primary schools, will not be as colourful as their contemporary primary countopa I IN in the display of individual and group works But like primary schools, they will be noisier; they, too, will make use of televisioli, tape recorders, radio and film in order to augment lesson material, In particular, Illally such schools will have facilities more akin to those commouly found in higher cdtthationlbere will often he excellent sports halls, workshops and commerce facilities, and sometimes swimming pools and language booths (though these latter seem to have. fallen ton of favour in the later I9701). Many secondary schools will have large libraries, comprehensive 4cfcrence sections and videotape storage systems; some will have microprocessors and mini-computing services.livenso, the pressures of subject bOundaries and of examination objectives, us wellas those of narrow-minded subject specialists, will preclude much interdisciplinary work and will certainly be unlikely to allow for much of what might he termed 'differential access' to the curriculum. If Jimmy needs three hours a week maths in the second year, while Mary only reqOires thirty minutes, few secondary timetables (or teachers) will be capable of allowing such differences in contact time or study. But John Smith '(secondary or primary) will have been taught how to examine his curriculuM plans with a view to allowing as many different points of entry as possible for the children. Certainly, he will be expected to continue his own teacher education, to attend courses at the teachers' centre, local college, or university department, and to seek ways of improving his skills. In all schools he willbe expected to build upon the enthusiasms and abilities of childr14,4,At as possible, to use local idiom and social circumstance whe *.e.ifttzber used to enrich the school work. Local geography, and social actuality will enhance the relevance of his curriculum,cven in highly specialist areas oflearning. In short,.because of the interest in egalitarianism and because of the attempts to meet the demands of 'individualised' yet 'equal' opportunity to learn, the teacher will nowadays be expected to match his curriculum much more closely to the varied abilities and interests of children (see also Chapters 4 and 6). If trained recently, such a teacher will have paid considerable attention to these issues in his college work and, though

.he may still have a very hazy grasp of much developmental psychology, he will know enough to realise that present-day fashions demand that his relationships with children are founded on understanding rather than fear. Thus, his children (especially in the primary' school) are less likely to sit in serried ranks and more usually will be grouped according to interests or current friendship patterns. He will,expect to talk to children and with them, but never down to them. He will be aware !i4/(11114bets wed '1.t.lioolins that though Hot cosily quontilioble, watrlith and troche,- involve- ment/concern seem to be impottaitt elements iii the learning ptoccss. IIe nosy well attempt to employ his knowledge of the children's diligent styles of working, ut their particular strengths, or their dilletent levels of tuotivailon and interest, as 14.011 as taking accontil of dilleient levels of ability and any important ditleiences In wool hackgiound Nkhril planning, MO1:4111Vnig DullhisWink,tritaffily, the children Will 14! moth Innir intiCptildeni anti .41110110111nlil. than they could have Iwo a cctitioy eatlict, Their choices, their freedom 0( octioit and their conccins, have become ptincipal and uppicimost in his mind. Movement idiom the aisstioint and ihilthril talking and sharing their Wink lia,C hecninC C0111111011plat:C and often essential 6100.14111S to ihr ilassruoni enterprise. In many Path of the Western 1"/N' itIV Iti"Vaili-01P(/"11)le10find violations of childcentscil and open education which are the result of changing ideologies and expressed Jind encapsulated in different approaches to sellout building and architectute. In North American schools such it Changed view of the clasSroiim is best described in terms of the 'open school'. In England it is perhaps better ii6c ibvil as child- centred education, Both ate at times synonymous. but Men they ate not, During the late 1950s and early 196th sonic Vnglish and American school buildings began to change. 1n19:47 an elementary school in Carson City, Michigan, was built with virtually no interior walls, In some respects it was an echo of the nineteenth-century schoolhouse; in the main it was because the city planners and educationists were colivinced that they wanted a school ,which facilitated team-teaching approaches and mixed-grade situations. In England in the early 1960s Leicestershire pioneered several new school designs which were semi open or conceived or. terms of workshop areas around which the children could move. In both countries the changes were initially (and still are in the main) -reflected in primary and elementary school building. Thus, during that period school architects on both sides of the Atlantic could be found drawing up plans for open -area schools, 'workshop' schools and semi-open, combined resource-area schools which were radically different from-those which had gone before." However one construes the effects of changing building materials orthe varied pressures of economic stringency, the overriding concern seems to have been an attempt to achieve flexibility in a world of shifting educational beliefs and assumptions, in a world where 'free activity*" and 'learning by discovery' were becoming increasingly. t he slogans of progressive educationists. To some extent such changed buildings were. in England, no more than an expression of the optimism of the 1960s, part of the drive to. replace a large number of the ancient elementary board-school buildings of the past. 41,olifisiss

lit 0011[ IC11147t 14 the Witt (lit hail ticcil IriogiUoc.l hit nit, 111010. titi ItglAlItt just pii,il 01 the I list W111,1 Wai had 11C'"0.4" 410 tli Hl Vaiiithiii4 tK onccil touic tlatmfoiii4 its 'ode, (hat cocain sonihoted dtania, take 113`e "titsutlt1141 Mums oficicil littleical iIc itiilit4tho ttiiiilletwitte, then mu% cmcitt cittailcdi acct abyssal the ilas...tca thil3 tialtitit,nc,t oil to, et c iuualll ctigaEeil Hulse dilletent tutiitula and title(' iliticielith tiniciatilcil(I tom lilt to.% it espetieut r I would iritaiols a3irit that these pattitiout taelr *1111, tat iiseletl sort ollcird little in icons of Ica, hing Oct t lit the ( t.i. it Has niudi the SAM( Right tip tit (lie 196th it hot,ts trek tieing built Hith iciiiiitahlc inlet ioi pal titioii3Avail' it was alltinictl that piogiatimir hattgct could hie flirt tiY teat 1 :,1111fT the (.111111u-it and the zi:e of the rt, 'iiilull taking down and ir rtes wig the 1i:onion's loosed slow and fairlyr xpensise Nessspates thus ttratctl intro instils rilcostly alterations to lighting anti licatim: outlets. !io, /tom the filo% Mc salttu the sthtiul rash tit) MU' not %.111% (or ct y f'Atw), scrfficti to mans lugtial Anti IspploptiAte piogression ("iiiiilai and hetag+iuialI-MO(11110tick JUR' tt.tr-diAticittd10,413v,jitt ilillcient tesino cc and pias *teas at each point of the 1141 fic, aloe irlatisely common (especially oils(' (lain par ts of I octant when utilised for infant (itm-u.tioottmilklihg). th the t7sA thc clolictit4 (ifk)tr4.)h often Mt 01 pittalCil C 1111 Al Mom!, or .st1111111010 as ItIs sailed. the 'open' school or 11CMitlIC 011(11-1114n school hail .11111 Gradually. the thor.sing intetest in semi-specialised appioa.; hes to core cicmciits in the dominion tote:acted and combined with the need for 'stet areas' and workshop areas sthere clay, sand and water work. where woodwork and practical maths and science cookd take place. So SWAM trCC.14101.1f VOA(' 1,!)0111%ur hays tended to be added. Sunken pitsOf tics acne popular, espcciallY in the IP-CA And in Canada. In California during the catty 1970% a new elementary school was twat almost every day and 20 per cent of such schools hail totally open interiors and almost 75 per Cent contained some form of open and flexible interior. As lloydell points init. itis important to remember that open education Can take place in non-flexible buildings and that conversely the open school is not necessarily a guarantee of open education occurring within.' that the ov erall philosophy' of the planners concerned with open-area buildings was not that dissimilar from the English ideal.oneoferisuring flexibility of pedagogy and interaction between stall and children. In particular, both in the USA and the 11K. the desired outcomes were apparently those of individualising instruction wherever feasible. '1111% has sometimes been interpreted as leading to haphazard learning. a by Ito means IICCCNN.aty concomitant of child-centred approaches. but a serious danger for inexperienced or careless teachers. In most respectsconcepts of individualisation and open or flexible buildings go together much 141( Ai 1144 .1,4./ 1. sit,itc ca)tl) {Ivan *Ink anyIco'cIliOni.if.,IIII3116.1-26111,11n:v1Eit it i3 41111 IS,144.1110111 (111,1 N.11,1,1) 1:11E1f:410 att.! in l'4414111 Afibcti.a allele the aipt.a.ts Icathitts itaa (tint' anittitalV) alicic.1 to) I ilcUI 'Fk4liiAtiPii tftc 171*F1t f7f4n*,,-171i1 41-0.1 Nat.c.1 mete!) int ititi3ik.al itIC ii 1,ti3',tit .,ti 1110 11111,41.1 *rat c II" urthe(t,coj't(ahtt otc it,0111 inttic ficctlontit anon* fof C1141illict%tilis 'with SIC caainsk litcoIct an.1 tn.; the tantc palace itc 114)11 of sonic 1011.11t01 o1 cn 44. 0121 INC 4tAft tkOlWa Ilia I 14 tiC1ii 3sh.st113 5.0111.1 (is,.

(1)a actifaf,k cnitt.nIncnt rot ft Ehl) ntotiatc.3111.1413 to 111..cc.1, (1)IntPlint.li t,f ant+atieli tratti.nlat anicicst3 kat ad! nnithatc.1 intinh (i)nsasinulc Ott 04c of all.r.....attal an,l tct at (as ditic (4)all,..*suflit. cell!(lc wif,tfit} :(K. salanti tcnirthal ctlil. ati,11 owetatitmc his own icicait h tout.! kaki noc 10 feel 1111ra:r at.out thc t.cItcfs CytClird in At.)54"I IC 1211.1 trat-e.l ftccdottt of ch...4 Ina} t*,- %di fot tItc shill attcady atcd att.1 tnrdIts 111411,111g 1, 11.11,C3 illa111011.1 la 11(1 r 1111 01511 01.1111 a tetati5v1)- Illf.11.latile.Ilut for tIttislltn front Icsa fossttnatc kttotitos. tfic te1.1ni et. 111111111. tutt.l ,11:11:t la/C11 V01111100111 or 1111(11 COM ahoy! ..an tsc nsinn. al it, in% Iv/ !lc, at litntmOtosecr. 311110ain.tt ,4111N- occticti list cdu,atinal ptclEttss (147c floc( tally Chaptct 5 and alur 11.1. 15 in (11,4111(1. ISc1/1.20, a3 Mat a trt. t1011.11.15--011 'y'5111 ii tj5tit of thc ',wog 1111,1 occds brit Ott tostant Inn% thititte!) the as ttLal jitok c 13 of teaming', and latct, that traihett "csctcitc. suchcontrol at is needful with a IiEht lilta,..t1 and tleVtf t.i 1C11111 ltif Wrest the ultstnatc AIM s f the 01 13 ill trndet ttsclf tinnt-ctstatt If.'tic a.t.cos thatfIcIttnlitN of of gam:anon alt,1Ilminlit)oI hush!:. l. (slantat1,1re, (ovcnur )Ali"(ritt.ltfl snit pc<1.11.:0E,R.11 ktiC111.1Etei %111/1 ittrolie fIE.41114.41101)...)M11111Miano43 Anti :no.% (Anent. one ii Icath awate Out the, main pm pose 11 1,1-.U.111C1C 1.0111C 10111101i training Ihr po-..obilitics of opct)%il,s, c,of (had chotic .ind of t had ftraLfmn of ttlo-,rincnt 31114Tdis.-Jrlint- upon !tictcachertI ,.aluatton ofthe beitsruc of central unpott.tncc On the (+OKA' hand, It It nccct...at stt)lcrcalancr Al on,e; tc.tchct once put Si, ott 11,1()'i 14.1511 1.) li/C1111 all your trine w[sghtItt the Initcad of fAttctuni: !tut lattctnns the ty,ht &het implies all awareness of tclatn, c and Appropnatc trittlIctrual *vocight" (Ntc the ptotdcott 0131 111,1/11 if.1.:11C(1 14.1% slut ttlf.: their Illob-111"1.0 Pcnod, is that of ioping with the demands of a much: fur r-flocstng otIontsattott, FttIntig to ra,,:h 1s.ldonas ttiztilAr A halts as (Sil'111111C. asst kCCillfig track or °sera!) dc%rlopmcnt and prolucti. Another problem, though of a lesser Order, Is that of must, Open 4 Schooling /57 buildings are certainly noisier in my experience; and while one is perfectly aware that the quiet hum of purposive activity is acceptable, buildings with large resource or central work areas can provide a great deal more noise than is conducive to teaching ,small groups or individuals at the other end of the area. But teachers obviously have different thresholds of noise tolerance, and there is the advantage that there are usually several adults moving through such a teaching area, The children also have more.adults to interact with, though are quite Often working co-operatively and this, too, is another source of excitement and noise. In all, no prescriptive advice is possible. From the heady pre- and immediately post- Plowden days in England to the somewhat sober days of the late 1970s and early 1980s there has been a definite injection of caution. In particular, systematic development of child learnirig and tie - ntrportance. of comparative and diagnostic checking have clearly come to the fore. The assumptions underlying child-centred approaches, while not totally submerged by criticism from diverse 'quarters (which Varied from the early stridency of theBlack Paperss° tothe more cautious tones of the Department of Education and Science (DES) in1978s') have certainly been subjected to careful scrutiny. The results are that there has been anoticeable pulling back both in England and North America." The, classroom may have ' ,changed; certain ernphases in learning and styles of organisation are very different from those of 100 years ago, but the burden of current advice runs very much along lines which value a combination of both `openness' and structure, which emphasise individualism and systematic, logicalconceptual development." The big challenge now isto 'attempt-A balance which draws the best from mixed approaches. However, new buildingsdonow exist; the classroom, the ideology and the pupilshavechanged. There is unlikely to be a retreat to coercion and imposition of teacher-chosen material, if only for the reason that our clients, the pupils and the parents, are unlikely to permit it. As Goodlad says, 'Goals for schooling emerge through a socio-political process in which certain sets of interests prevail over others for a period of time' and, though the present 'back to the basics' cries on both sides of the Atlantic may currently be heard loud and clear, there is evidence that this movement has already run its course. Goodlad opines that evidence for this can be seen in the problems which authorities have in defining basic education, and that 'most parents want much more than reading, writing and arithmetic for their children, even though they want these m. fundaments assured ... Parents wantale educational goals to Which our sbciety is committed'.s4 It must also be remembered that the changing classroom now holds vast cohorts of adolescents within its walls, that the elements of education for children up to the age of 12 years or so have given way to much wider concepts of education for all.That 'all' includes 58/Children and Schooling sophisticated, imaginative adolescents, who wisitto have a say inlheir education, who already have a powerful influence in many avenues of modern life and who in many cases are reaching the ligal age of majority (chile still in school or full-time education. Under such circumstances the classroom cannot afford to reflect 'shades of the prison-hobse'. It must reflect the changing cultural context, respond to changes in technology. Parents, children and teachers are required to interact; choices have to be made, curricula justified, explanations offered. Education moves towards 'transformation and participation', as well as mere transmission. The clients have a voice,

M.

NOTES AND REFERENCES: CHAPTER 2

I Eirislin, ., Bochncr, S., andLonncr, W. J., 'Introduction',in Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Learning(New York: Wiley, 1975), p. 14. 2Young, J. Z.,An Introduction to the Study of Man(London: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 3. 3See especially Tyler, S. E. (ed.),Cognitive Anthropology(Nc w York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 1969); and Cole, M., Gay, J., Glick, J. A., and Sharp, D. W.,The Cultural Context bf Learning and Thinking(London: Methuen, 1971). 4See especially Brimer, J.S., et al., Studies in Cognitive Growth(New York: Wiley, 1966); Dasen, P. (ed.),Piagetian Psychology: Cross-Cultural Contributions (New York: Gardner Press, 1977); and Schmidt, W. H. 0.,Child Development: Human, Cultural and Educational Context(New York: Harper & Row, 1973). 5Wilde, Oscar, The critic as artist', in Aldington. R. (ed.),Oscar Wilde: Selected Works(London: Heinemann, 1946), p. 121. 6O'Dell, F.A., Socialisation through Children's Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); and Bronfenbrenner, U.,No Worlds of Childhood (London: Allen & Unwin, 1971). 7Extract from address by Sir Arthur Salter to Oxford High School for Boys in Oxford. Town Hall, 24 November 1947. 8Department of Education and Science,Primary Education in England(London: HMSO, 1978). 9Cole et al..op. cit., p. 233 10 Banton. M.,Roles: An Introduction to the Study of Social Relations(London: Tavistock, 1965), p. 26. I I Biddle, B, J.,The Present Status of Role Theory.Social Psychology. Laboratory Monograph, University of Missouri, Mississippi, USA, 1961, pp. 2-3. 12 Coulson, M. A., 'Role: a redundant concept in soctology?', in Jackson, J. A. (ed.), Role(Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 107-28; see also Coulson, M. A., and. Riddell,C., Approaching Sociology(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970), where the authors say, 'If, instead of talking about roles, we talk about expectations held by specified groups as to the behaviour of people in certain positions, it makes it much easier to check the correctness and consequences Of these expectations, and leads us away from the sort of mechanical idea of sociology that societycreates", via social organisation, sets of roles to which a person "has to" conform, ?n idea which under- lines 'the thinking of many sociologists' (p. 41). A point not dissimilar from that of Levinson (op.' cit.). 13 Biddle, op. cit. 14 Gross, N., Mason, W. S., and McEachem, A.,Explorations in Role Analysis: Studies of the School Superintendency Role(New York: Wiley, 1957). Ichooling/59

15 Mead, Cl, II. (ed., C. W. Morris), Mind, Self and Society (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1934). 16 Strauss, A. (ed.), George llerberi Mead on Social Psychology, rev. etIn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. xxiv. 17 Linton, R., The SituIr of Man (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, J936), p. 64, 18 Backman, C. W., and Secord, P. F., 'Self and role selection', in Gordon, C., and Gergen, K. J. (eds), The Self in Social Interaction, Vol. I (New York: Wiley, 1968), 19 Levinson, D. J., 'Role, personality and social structure', Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology. vol. 58 (1958), pp. 170-80, 20 Allport, G. W., Pattern and Growth in Personality (London: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1961). 21 Merton, R.; 'The role-set: problenis in sociological theory', British Journal of Sociology. vol. 8, no. 2 (1957), pp. 106-20. 22 Levinson, op. cit. 23 Waller, V., The Sociology of Teaching (New York: Wiley, 1932). 24 [loud, J., 'Teaching in the affluent socicty', British Journal of Sociology. vol. 13, no.4. (December 1962), pp. 299-308. 25 Wilsolt, B. R., 'The teacher's role', BritisliJournal of Sociology. vol: 13, no. 1 (March 1962), pp. 15-32. 26 In particular see these three, which arc not only excellent summaries and reviews; but also fairly comprehensive guides to the literature: Westwood. L. J., 'The role of the teacher' (pts I and 2), Eilucational Research. vol. 9, no. 2 (1967), and vol. 10, no, I ,(1967); Hoyle, E.. The Role of the Teacher (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); and Grace, G., Role Conflict and the Teacher (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972). (See also n. 27, below, for a detailed, though now elderly, comparative survey). 27 King-Hall, R., Hans, N., and Lauwerys, J. S. (eds), The Year Book qf Education. 1953 (London: Evans, 1953). p. 25. 28 The term the 'hidden curriculum' is used in Jackson, P., Life in Classrooms (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968). It seems to have originated in the early 1960s. It has been employed by many writers, especially sociologists, since. Sometimes it is referred to as the 'unwritten' or 'latent' curriculum. The concept seems to have particular appeal for those needing a portmanteau category for the representation of those non-academic but important elements of social control, domination, selection and ethos, which are communicated to the children but not made explicit in formal statements about the curriculum or the purpose of schooling. The hidden curriculum is, of course, both part of the formal organisation of the school and of the everyday interaction between teacher and pupil and between pupils andpeers. See especially: Eggleston, S. J., The Sociology of the School Curriculum (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1976); Gleeson, D. (ed.), Identity and Structure: Issues in the Sociology of Education (Driffield: Nafferton, 1977); and Sharp, R., Knowledge. Ideology and the Politics of Schooling (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980). 29Getzels, J., and Guba, E. Cl., 'Social behavior and the administrative process', School Review, vol. 34 (1957), pp. 423-41. The terms are employed in a model of the social system devised by Getzels and Guba. 30 Classroom observational studies are normally the source of information on teaching styles. Such observations are sometimes supplemented by questionnaires to teachers and (more rarely) by seeking information from children themselves. See especially summary of observation styles in Galton, M., Simon, B., and Croll, P., Inside the Primary Classroom (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980); and also Solomon, D., and Kendall, A. J., Children in Classrooms (New York: Praeger, 1979), and Brothy, J. E., and Evcrtson, C. M., Learning from Teaching (Boston, Mass.: Allyn & Bacon. 1976). 31 Floud, J., and Halsey, A. H., 'Introluction'. in Halsey. A. I., Floud, J.,and Anderson, A. C. (eds), Education. Economy and Society (New York: The Free Press, 1961), p. I. 60/Children and Schooling

32 Entwistle, II Class, Culture'and Education (London; Methuen, 1978), p, 165, 33 For summary of recent research, xecespecInIly Denzin,N, K., Childhood Socialisation (London; Jossey-Bass, 1977); Claydon, L., Knight T., and Rado, M., Curriculum and Culture (Sydney; Allen & Unwin, 1977); liar -Tal, D., and Saxe, L., Social Psychology of Educdflon (New York: Halstead Press, 1978); Williams, F., Exploration of the Linguistic Attitudes of Teachers (Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House, 1976); and Entwistle, op. cit. 34 Elkin, F.. The Child and Society (New York: Random House, 1960), p, 60. 35 Wilson, op. cit.

36 Floud, op. cit. , 37 Westwood, 1967, op, cit., p. 21, 38 Wiseman, S., 'Learning versus teaching', In Niblett, W. R. (ed,), Ilme and Why Do We Learn? (London; Faber, 1965), p. 32. 39 Claydon et al, op. cit.. p. 19. 40 Brand's, W., and Bernstein, B., Selection and Control (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974). 41 Many teachers were effectively 'apprenticed' as pupil-teachers aged 14-18, and there- after (liable) trained in an approved college for a further two'years before receiving their certification. In 1888 (according to the Cross Report) there were approximately . 3,200 students in college. It was recommended that 'picked students from training colleges might even now with advantage be grouped at convenient centres, for a third year's course of instruction' (pt 3, ch. 6, p. 97), 42 Ashby, M. K., Joseph Alb). ofTysoe, 1839-1919 (Ca mbridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961). p. 19. 43 Floud, op. cit., p. 303. 44 Not that this wasn't a common enough feature of the village school at the turn of the century, since many such schools contained all standards in one room or hall. See Sellman, R., Devon Village Schools in the Nineteenth Century (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1967), and contrast descriptions there with those of Boydell,, D., The Primary Teacher in Action (London: Open Books, 1978); however, see also the discussion of primary-school rhetoric and the reality in Galton, M., and Simon, B. (Ws), Progress and Performance in th7 Primary Classroom (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980). 45 For a discussion of the AziOelopment and change in English school design, see- Seaborne. M.; Primary Schobi Design (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971). 46 The term was a favoured one of M. V. Daniel. Her book, Activity in the Primary School (Oxford: Blackwell, 1947), focused attention and optimism on the progressive movement in England such that its publication is regarded by many as catalytic to the expansion of child-centred education after the Second World War. 47 Boydell, op. cit., p. 13. 48 Toews, M., The Open Area School: What Educators Say About It (Manitoba: University of Manitoba, 1972); mimeo. 49 Donaldson, M., Children's Minds (Glasgow: Fontana 1978), pp. 119-20. 50Cox, C. B., and Dyson. A. E. (eds), Black Paper Onc (1969), Black Paper Two (1971) (Lortdon: Critical Quarterly Society). 51 DES Primary Education in England (London: HMSO, 1978). 52 See especially Martin, D. T., Overhold, G. E., and Urbon, W. J., Accountability in American Education (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Book Co., 1976). 53 See n. 42, above. 54 Goodlad. J. 1., 'What schools are for: an American perspective on the Green Paper': Trends in Education, vol. 1 (Spring 1978). p. 45. Schooling/61 SUGGESTED REA GINO: ctiAriin 2

U. Bronfenbrenner, Two Worlds of Childhood (Landon: Men & Unwin, 1971). 11. Entwistle, Class,, Culture and Education (London: Methuen, 1978). M Galion, B. Minim, and P. CmII, Inside the Primary Classroom (London: Routicdgc & Kew Paul, 1980). 110Yle, 7'he Rok of the Teacher (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 19(19). C. Lacey, The Socialisation 0 /'Teachers (London: Methuen, 1977). M. Rutter et al., F(l)ees Thousand Hours (London: Open Books, 1979). N. Warren, 'Universality and plasticity, ontogenand phylogeny: the resonance between culture and cognitive development', in Sants, J. (cti.),- Developmental Psychology and Society (London: Macrnillan,1980). Chapter 3 Psychology and Education

THEORY WITII PRACTICE Pedagogical theorytasbeen linked with psychology since the days of Herbart (sec Chapter 1) and like psychology is, among other things, directly concerned with individual differences. It is a truism to say that no two children are alike, but muchthat is at the centre of these diiciplines nevertheless rests upon the ability to generalise about human behaviour in a sufficiently meaningful way that modest piedictions may be made and strategies for teaching adopted. In addition to its concerns with learning per se, a great deal of pedagogy is set in environments of busy social interaction. Thus, social psychology, that rag-bag ofideas which falls somewhere in the interstices between sociology and psychology, also contributes to any study of psychology and education. Within, the broad field of psychology contributions to our knowledge of human behaviour are often still classified in terms of certainbasic schools of thought or categories. The categories, like mostcategories employed in the social sciences, overlap and sometimes obscuremuch more than people think. Veryapproximately three different broad perspectives may be described. These are normally termed those of the behaviourist, the cognitive and the psychodynamic. Each may still have its adherents and enthusiasts (though they are notably lesspartisan than in the recent past and the notion of 'Schools' with a capital 's'is no longer appropriate). Each can claim, with some justice, to have contributed not only to our general knowledge of humanbehaviour, but to our knowledge of learning itself. Eachperspective has influenced beliefs about child-rearing, about emotional health and abouteducation such that, for example, non-repressive modes of child nurturance and upbringing are often justified in terms that owe some allegiance to the teachings of Freud and his followers; or, to be openly concernedwith a teaching system or a method of character training based upon incentives, rewards and punishments, is to invite beinglabelled a behaviourist. Much labelling is crudely stereotypic, but some ofit has M passed as if by osmosis into our everyday language and the wayin which 111 we talk about human behaviour.Inevitably, and perhaps fuelled by ") public usage and the even less discriminating usage by somedivisions of the mass-media, certain terms havebecome emotive, redolent of O meaning out of all proportion to what their originatorsintended or hoped. A 'Freudian' is in this .way seen as a person sooveipreoccupied with the sexual dynamics of human behaviour that he may be assumed

69 Psychology and Education/63 to offer a sexual (sexy?) explanation for everything. Likewise a 'Skinnerian', poor man, Is condemned as mechanistic and uninterested in the interior workings of the mind or in the feelings of people. As one might expect with even Minimal reflection, the truth Is very far from such stereotypes.Present-day 'activeinquiryinpsychology and education is much more subtle 111 the background of theory it draws upon, and in many areas of psychology today there is a constant cross- referring and linking of ideas from the different original strands. (Attribution theory, for instance, links behavioural and psychodynamic aspects of psychology, and personality studies commonly associate ideasfromsocial-learningtheory, medicine, pharmacology and psychodynamic theory.) The student teacher, confronted with lectures on psychology during his course.may be often bewildered. His main motivation is presumably that of becoming a teacher, rather than becoming a psychologist. Any connection between psychology and education must thus be seen as immediately relevant to the child, the classroom, or the teacher, Such links must also compete inthe market-place with commonsense, traditional advice on classroom control and organisation, a host of tips on curriculum planning and many other features concerned with the student-teacher'ssurvival on schoolpractice.Butitwould be reasonably accurate to say that, for many years, countless' student - teachers have sat through equally countless lectures on Freud, Piaget or Skinner without immediately (or even perhaps belatedly) seeing the slightest relevance of the lecture content to school practice. Why, then, is it done? It is because, for the most part, teacher-trainers have long been convinced of the wisdom of gaining insight into both the workings of the self, and those of the developing child. In particular, classroom practice presupposes a particular view of the child and both initial and ongoing attempts to assess his or her stage of development. For half a century and longer, views such as those expressed by Susan Isaacs in 1932 have prevailed in the colleges and departments of education: 'even a-first-rate practical teacher can gain 4omething from a study of children's minds for their own sake, and from looking at the facts of children's thinking and feeling and doing, as these have been gathered together by the psychologist." Such sentiments as those of Isaacs, coupled with the work of, say, Tibble,2 or with the later well-known papers by Morris- on the contributions of psychology to education,' have led teacher-trainers inescapably to the conclusion that psychological studies in education are a priori essentials for the would-be and practising teacher. Yet while the case for their inclusion has been made repeated19 and elegantly over many years, and while it is assuredly accepted by most people engaged in the education of teachers, it remains uncertain just how much of those studies may be said to inform the teacher usefully such that his practice is really made more sensible of the psychology of himself or his students.

61 64/Children and Schooling Of course, one might make the case that even a half-assimilated knowledge of Piaget's findings on concrete operations may usefully guide the practising Infant teacher into providing plenty of practical learning experience at the child's level. Yet as we have seen (Chapter 1), 130 years ago, Froebel said something which was clearly intended to lentil() a not dissimilar organisation for child learning, and Montessori, like Piaget, certainly emphasised that the child had the potential for self- regplated activity, that is; for using those concrete experiences for the nourishment of intellectual growth. One might also point out that educational testing and particularly the long romance with the means of assessing intelligence have clearly had a considerable impact upon teaching, upon the evaluation of learning and the diagnosis of individual learning difficulties. A good deal of psychological research has clearly influenced educational ideologies and, as has already been emphasis these affect our assumptions about the child, about the nature of I learning, about the motivation involved, about' the personality of th teacher and, ultimately perhaps, about the style of pedagogy involved. But one should bear in mind that education is (like politics) particularly vulnerable to scientific and quasi-scientific findings. being used, or worse, misinterpreted in such a way as to further oneideology rather than another. Nowhere is this more obvious, for example, than in discussions concerning the relationships between ability, heredity and environment. As Bodmer says: Inheritance and the working of the mind have no doubt fascinated and intrigued mankind since time immemorial. Allegiance to one's own groupbe it family, village, country, race or even specie seems to be almost instinctive and with this instinct comes its complement, racialism. Put these three ingredientsgenetics, intelligence and race together, and you have one of the most emotionally charged topics of the day linking science and social affairs.4 Measures of intelligence(orrathertheiruses) have certainly aggravated this controversy, and such measures and theiradvocates in psychology and education helped to keep alive particular forms of early selection of children, because they were thought to bewell-nigh infallible and highly predictive of certain sorts of learning abilities.In fairness, however, one should point out that psychologists havelong criticised the improper or inappropriate use of intelligence tests, have exposed the many problems associated with attempts to designso-called 'culture fair' tests and have concentrated an enormous amountof effort uponbetterandbetterdiagnostictestsof reading, language comprehension, memory, perceptual abilities, and so on. All this could lead one to conclude that psychology has bestowed some very mixed blessings oneducation indeed. But that would be less

62 Prycho/ogy and Education/65 than fair to psychologists. The real problem is that much psychological research is necessarily exploratory and tentative, that the only easily predictable thins'about h111111111 nature, the very stuff of psychology, is that it is unpredictable in large measure, There Is also the associated 0 problem that much pyschological research, particularly that related explicitly to education, is rarely made available to teachersat the 'chalk face', as itwere, without having been filtered through the dubious medium of mass- publication, or by means of oversimplification and staggering generalisation. Certain controversiesor issues take on the appearance of hardly annuals in the way that they 'pop up' with great regularity over many years. Typical examples are the issues briefly discussed here. The 'first concerns the researches of Rosenthal and is usually referred to as the 'Pygmalion' effect,' that concerning the self- fulfilling prophecy. The second, more recent, is concerned with teaching tactics, or 'styles', but is often broadened out intoa consideration of the type of school ambience that seems most likely to enable all types of pupils to progress. There have been many well-intentionedattempts to classify and examine those key artefacts of classroom climate andschool organisation which seem most conducive to efficient pupil learning. Of the more recent in England are those by Rutter et al. and Gallonet al.:6 one of the most notorious, that of a few years back by Bennett,' and some of the most thorough, reported in the US review of research by Good, Biddle and Brophy.' Studies of the various effects of expectation on outcome have a long and fairly respectable pedigree in the brief , and expectations of success or of failure can act as powerful selective devices in the interpretation of human behaviour. There is little doubt that in psychology (as in other sciences and social sciences) experimenters do often expect certain results, as well as possibly desire certain results. Indeed, much hypothesis formulation rests upon the tacit assumption of the former even if framed in the conventionally'objective' null form.' Rosenthal and his associates have carried out a substantial volume of researchwhichpurportstoindicatethatevenExperimental Unintentional Expectancy Effect (EUEE) is surprisingly pervasive in human learning situations. Though, as Barber, among many others, has pointed out, the studies do not clearly demonstrate whether the expectancies of experimenters unintentionally or intentionally influedce response.'° Furthermore, studies such as the well-known Pygmalion in the Classroom have not been particularly well supported in the subsequent reviews of associated research, and they have also been shown to be somewhat technically inept or possibly even 'fudged'." However,theoriginalPygmalionhypothesis,whilestill.not totally supported, has gathered confirmation and credibilityover the years, and has now become legendary in education to such an extent thatithas led to an increasing focus of attention upon the way

63 66/(14Iren and Schooling that teacher expectation may Influence classroom outcome. Mitehr says,

out of all the effort and emotion that were embroiled In the dialogue on this phenomenon, certain understandings seem tohave emerged. First, thew is evidence that teachers readily slot childreninto certain categories, much us people who are placed in certainpositions or levels in any social group are slotted.With the slotting goes a set of expectations for each person's performance and actions that will work toward insuring the realisation of the expectationsheld.

When one couples such aspects of teacher behaviour with the perhaps natural tendency which many of us have to regard our pastfailures to learn us the result of not getting on with a particular teacher, one may see how attractive and powerful such 'half-myths' may become. Nowadays, and perhaps understandably in a time ofextreme economic constraint and (in some cases) an oversupply of teachers, the accentinteacher-training,inschoolteaching andinschool organisation seems to be one of accountability and utility. These terms have become the by-words of official pronouncement andhave been aided at times by concomitant community conccrn overvandalism, school discipline and what one might loosely term'instrumentality' (or lack of) in subject matter. Education may sometimesbe conveniently blamed for not fulfilling the promise of a materialistic society'svision of better things to come. Those who detect a 'fault' tend to seeit as resulting from soft or child-centred approaches to thelearning 'situation." As such they may quote Bennett's findings" with approval, as if those somehow proved that onlyhighly structured, teacher- initiated approaches had any chance of furthering the advanceof the nation. There is little doubt that, in England, Bennett's study and report were extremelytimely.Research. on classroom processes, while acknowledged to be notoriously difficult, was and still is vitallyneeded. But anyone entering such an arena at such a time inEngland (the late I970s) could not be so naive as to be ignorant of the use towhich such research might well be put. Undoubtedly, in the last twenty years or so several books on psychological, and sociological aspectsof education have shifted public thinking on key processes." Bennett's book maywell prove to have been one of these. Morerecently still, the work of Rutter and his associates" stressing the fundamental importanceof school for the child's achievement hds had similar wide publicity.In many ways (and despite methodological and statistical shortcomings)this recent work has been particularly timely in that, based uponthe meticulous documentation of some six years' research in twelve secondary schools, it has re-emphasiied the importance of the school and the teacherin the child's (earnings Buildings did not appear to affect performance,but

6. 4 Psycho/op and Ei/aortion/67 teachers did. !high achievement seemed to depend upon what sort of people the teachers were, on their creating and maintaining certain norms, on their ensuring that therc was logic and consistency in the value systems of theschools and on theiracting asmodels congruent withsuch values, Rules and expectatious furutedan W1)01111111 part of a coherent Message rnExndefingsuccess, Wo pieces of higlish work have been touched upon simply to illustrate that psychological and social-psychological researchcan be peculiarly powerful in educational ideology. Like the US Pygmalion research, such key findings can sometimes seem to actus catalysts, or at very least confirmation of beliefs and revised conimitments such that educational policy changes. The picture is, of course, in reality much more complex. There are formidable research problems for one; there are the multitudes of variables to be considered, and one mast also be sensitive to the complexities of recording and interpreting naturally occurring events and to the unlikelihood ofany omnibus generalisations being of much use to practitioners or teacher-trainers. In particular, teaching styles cannot be defined very precisely, and have been defined differently by different researchers, In reality -there arc probablyas many styles as there arc teachers. Even if one, can classify teachers into types relating to teaching tactics and classroom Organisation, such knowledge may not be very effective unless one has anindication of possible cause and effect factors in the learning process, some detailed theoretical model, particularly in 'relation to the individual child rather than the class as a whole. Somewhat like the original Pygmalion work, the truth probably lies half way. Like that earlier research, Bennett's too is weak in certain respects for, among several statistical infelicities and plain confusions, he and his colleagues failedto indicate clearly important composite factors, such as length of teaching experience, the difference between urban and rural schools, and so on, It is true thatan ideological battle ensued, that the technical weaknesses in the research were pounced upon with enthusiasm bymany educationists and statisticians. But the overriding. impression in the public mindnow seems secure just a few years later. Child-centred approaches are `less -« efficient' than any other more formal approach and formal teaching styles foster greater pupil progress than informal ones.u. In reality the position is almost as obscure as it was before Bennett's research; and style, method and organisation for effective learning are stillareas of considerable complexity and uncertainty. Moreover, as Boydell points out in a balanced and careful appraisal of the research, 13 large areas of children's learning were left totally unexplored, for instance high-level cognitive concepts, affective development and social skills' such that argument based on such research can be meaningless and of little practical use to teachers. Perhaps all that-one has learned is that concepts of 'style', classroom 'climate' and, to some extent, those of

J V, 68/(V/dries and Schooling teachere xpectlit kinaleextremely dillicuhtones to encapsulate, However, what one must emphasise is that the individual's pemeptio4 the context and psychological meaning of the transactionis probably the most fundamental factor in the eltectiveness of learning,lids, as It will he appreciated, itnot ueces,attiv the tamething as the teac'her's perception, nor as the quality of the interaction (though it maybe associated), nor the SakM ay °Vela!l classroom ethos,Perhaps the sane subtleapproachesalethose which emphasisethekat ner's characteristics, as well as the styles of interaction, Them ate, of com se, always the problems of generalisation to the sousof classroom situations which teachers recognise. The methodological issues are serious, and OW lit Brophy states in a recent sit y paper on the resra rch and problems: 'Findings with practicalsignificance ate likely to appear only if investigators use settingsand treatments with enough ecological validity to allow generalisation to ordinary classroom teaching and the treatment: powerful and extended enough to produce nontrivial differential Meets.'" It is this last viewpoint in pat ticular which always crops up when teachers themselves discuss the impot tance of social-science researches for educational practice, 'Die gapbetween 'front-line' research and teacher experience is often neatly highlighted by irk 'vices to such things as class site and performance,Research in lingiand scents to suggest that size of class is not a particularly significant factor, in pupil achievement, livery teacher 'knows' it to be otherwise. One the main journals of education inCliglaml (), whichattempts to place current research findings before the teacher in a non-technical way, is clearlynotmuch read by teachers. The journals relating the more technical ordetailed aspects of educational psychology are(within my experience) totally unknown itt school staffrooms. Despite all this, there does seem to be some slow process of feedback from psychology to education. That feedback may occur onin-service courses, in initial training, in moredetailed form on advanced courses. or in thegobbetiscd' mannerin which it is usually presented in thcdaily press. Each of the broad perspectives behaviourist, cognitive and psychodynamichas its adherents and frequently acts as a framework for explanations of human behaviour offered by teachers.Let us look. therefore, at these frameworks and some of their principalcontributions in just a little more detail.

BEHAVIOURISM AND Till: SCHOOL CURRICULUM It has been said that behaviourism seems to be morethan a twzrc approach to psychology: by many it is considered to bepsychology itself. Certainly, in the past, there have been manywho have thought that all individual differences could be explainedby differences in 14ho1o5' ft .1 I 4/144 A i10416t) Iklia% kith 131111,46a long ), as a sicsspoitithit In seeks to asc citalit Ili human tiettasioctc in the conicitt of ettiquilcs,olft the iii«-rt-tioct of ruin scuts his tilt thituilrlIt1 his does Mit ilitali that Ohl) tt(r it Ilith)*.illIte it, soLit,h,ii:ta, biologists ancl brie all 'wen inflocitc.ect by its esplanatotposss-t, t') its eltealik ask)tonic lithcabyits1141 thli!is4 thus, a a..t.ioloist etsamocord of hchas lour nut might %sell acetic to c %plant sal betia artery us l e e ins t.f norlicaricr i i r e s s i n e 1,014hi' 1KI1 (11 C2 ki be (pet atillS th Wit Illft %%Mai %C. ttitiO141% poittleits would Ito doubt b.e.tfYstAk t cooccieccd pith des ising a ty stein fill the rioting of all thou',t filet N alit( cfitt 4if z4K ial lute tt µlu4lt it Nat het. (-4:.aiy lu Lttaat bcio re lie (mild attribute cant al met hairistril %tiltany c ritaiuly( I herr ale other problems, too, rassok sated alit, pert. colon and ionscottsa, btufor roans a solar 111)01010FMand csftc.tally thou tutt.crnc.lscull,say, classroom interaction, (11C ()OW usC homLed 0.11111,1tic'if cyllog gthl CI-111141 CO1411111 )nit pswhologist similar ly V. t.11l place stimuli ata gild Anthill( to iiteipeet human bcfi Nlourill retois s% imply causality (or at least high salience) litee taut xis of thosesttnntll rot him, learning is peohahly the most i lipotunitdeteruuuautofhuman bcha,10tit 411,1 the cote of c.-oriditiosting'0, in be r.11,101 as Nita) 111 111. lItikft%

. J.11. Watsott'" is ottot tett-ted to As the father of tchasionisst psychology. Not per hap, strictly true. since \Vats, behas now ism ssas based upon almost pure Paslosianapproaclics to slasstcatxondttiontng. Hot front the beginning of this century, he has hail the 6'1),,,lt 111,40110,i . elicit upon US psychology in ;Y.trti4 ulir, Iniu. illy Inc%sot Ard oit methods for studying animal psychology, stressing'theprimary importaiii..t-Cif observation. )roil this t.ttlirr wink, Inc bet anteions inc.ect that it 141 the only scientrin. Nay to pi oc;eed and Thal human psychology should hc based upon extreme objectivity roil upon the importanceof (a rein! ohcrvation. Ills strcss ob!..crs hchatiour ran counter to the %los% of those (grossing) groups of psychologists ti ho acre interestedin insputing motive to the act by relict:ling On the pus ate.or imagined private, mental life of subjects. In sonic senses Inclists anxious to transmute the study of psychology from an imagining, hypothesising study to one more akin. to the physical and naturalscienCrs. 1 to rejected the instinctual theories and the early Freudian notions then prevalent. Ileattemptedtoformulate explanations of complex :aspects of personality on the groiii+d that cumulative conditioning csplaincd all. His -effect was certainly catalytic.Iletrig,geleil a sst amrourtt of experimental work which continues to this day, preparing theNay for B. F. Skinner and others to pros iclic us \s it!' manycons incing parallels between the effects of reinforcement on pigeons and on human beings. Equally important, Watson provided a basis for psschology which, t A,i.ffers Itio-ostiitclkicttt ittoilsi.lcttitg +that 1.44,vos hoz 14:4riscO tttan 14.1', has .ctinitit) ,atsic.1 all if iota. ti.doby cavtts.c c ic tilt tit amiatIc nMI all', tAt110) ',114.141143 of oEttitia valo, hod!, 'tam., 1,1)1,11,406) a14.: a, att+,,,ta a a atil 'thcic" actictilvtaia of .0r..illicit!N 31.1'11) latiiall) in tcitlia offac.iiat,t: g. ts ,.f t.4ALANI,'111.)10 Irt.;11 tf,inica atatica its tual Etitiath thc 111W1 Cf 2,Ali,111 .ritatis 3Itil!'"1> 411 aft-alto' Vi taWa 1147 V3 an! Otai ,inct 1--cha,i0i;1,313 713" Sitt,r44. i4:41 1.1i,1 Vatti.-ttlatta 11.13 attic' tatt7et C4ttC ti enitowt:clitaltat via thcf that huttlatt fichatiotittira3 thc nhat I.a,lficcii lc-Attic-A fini the CII1tl,11f!.-11i. N0'0. A41.a 11, fa. I: rct,v1c talc ac ..oil of c vdtvitich, ih.Entatti atut It 1%t:,.a maitc ott I,chatt Icatiniq.: at thc inotdcm a of N4,101101..1% i; auk. ti tCt1.1;.Slt 11!'11111, iCriC144.119 4,10'4 AllLjt,444.2141 h.....awfcatationof tint-mai i[:cic Alt watt) az1.4.1atril pr-11.rtro, t )tbwt tIIt 1141,4 ,1111111L-: haN ItitIt n:11(3113 i Alt) take tiatiat ttic doc 3 ,n vittat 11C 'Atli .1.itzali Ai4011 Of Int `Ititc' ttatc!.1n..1 an%),+. hhrt? a 1,ct:titttat It tatt:itttn. 13), attilthl.r tC :CAI. ti 1 .N.4-'44:40;,:111, 111114 h "dn`r 1..4k nit N ttacixha%tin;tal thou cht 11.11t +;i tt,"2"4 411.311Cat'Iht1 41 1:4:th.411 t'ih.41it-sif hal t,47:711

ctholot.;:th of a t,:ha%1,,tital !tart, as nat t`Crtt ::Z111:':4174/. a Ict.,/rth 1t,t :tt +11E:1 in1h:sttic,1 :tot,;,, ti AntS t14.11r AITI) l'h111,1,1,..41 tr1/4 !.0 1.1101 thc it !t1tr h it this lattrt has cnitr..1 %von lahorator, tiolorntl %% oh ptnn.atcs oth..-t than 11:an. but n1,:c tcn k;th 1!1.411111141k .111,1t'(41'4 t'111,11..trCd 111 C .W4! %04..;.11 '.'11144 CY. 1.111utcII1 yo.t1 Att.tintrx-nt tq-,,,tnct1:!ntltInt Lt. tor in thc ,!ck-sinnt.Intt t,11.chatur.ltr,cwit. inut!, Sk..r in IiiN.n v.ith %rut!! in!.1ntt .411,1 ;hr. rtin...tricNot t.-ont:s1rtat,10 thc knwAlc4ccthat.in glint tr!pc...11, thc ncLL -h.+tn 1111111.4AI 1/11.1n1 ,j11ttc. as 1.11).:Ch ICI1C 4,11:,11111111 .4'0..110111.0 111C sturtulatl.tn t't his intrtnil 0.10`4C ul CltC:f140.4.1(4 Sotnc of th,,1% ,o,ork .1c.ith has wl to.ot: to Vat%on..,. stock of the tut do.clorcil Itonl othct catk clroncnt% of t on,htiontnp,..w;t1 a% l'al,lo-ot !hot nthl.c ndotittcdIN thc nio%t tc%powifs!c ft't thc clcmion of knorhIckil:s at,out Icartinv. tit thc Watsontan ttadition is11.1.Skinncr, Sinnct. frctIticntl:,tn:tuntIcrtto,ttt.stilltoof tcn dismissed as 1 Psychology and Education/71

!Watsonianbehaviourist',fOrthelastfortyyears has been painstakingly building up knowledge on instrumental conditioning and has provided a steady stream of information concerning reinforcement both in terms of reward, and Of punishment. Skinner has never claimed to be a 'theorist', but the ideas underlying much of his work do constitute a theory which is deceptively simple and may be summarised as follows. An organism arrives at a given pattern of be haviour through a series of approximations that secure the desired end-result for that organism. Success consolidates the in the form of greater and 'greaterefficiency.Failure causes the dropping of the responrse associated with. failure. This system can be shown to work in the laboratory and appears to work in other situations as diverse as the therapy and treatment centres for maladaptive behaviour and the classroom. Gradually 'others (notably Liddell in the USA,' and Eysenck in England) have provided more and° more evidence that forms of behaviourism can 9be appliedtO,, theoria of neurosis and more importantly, perhaps, to the'practical, applications in treatment of depressed and anxious human beings.Skinner has oftenbeen misunderstood and possibly misrepresented. He is not a strongadvocate of punishment; his work is much more subtle than earlier classical conditioning; and his work does have strong implications for education. Moroever, it must not be thought that Skinner is not interested in the self. He has said that he is as much interested in himself and in what makes people `tick' as in rats or pigeons°.,In his book, Beyond Freedom and Dignity,,Skinnetseems to be concerned to argue that man must take control of his environment before it takes'control of him, before it is tbo ate.23 Evolution must be controlled by the conscious shaping of the roots of our behaviour. Survival depends upon recognising thepower of the cultural f orces which condition us and in attempting to designan entire culture which can benefit all mankind. To do all this requiresan act of recognition. 'This recognition is crucial and it consists in the realisation that man cannot be afforded the freedom or dignity of absolute autonomy (inatotallyindividualist sense).Itis an environmental thesis in the extreme. To change and %adapt human behaviour, you have to change and control the environment ina much more systematic way. According to Skinner, man is very slow to give up 'attributing responsibility to others for the bad. behaviour they show towards us. Until we can recognise how powerfully shaping external

circumstances (including our actions) can be, we are not likely to achieve .. a science of behaviour which can be effectively coupled with technology in an attempt to solve world problems. This is not to suggest that Skinner is a lo e voice crying in the wilderness. He has man?followers and an im Typist of successful demonstrations tropeoye, his point. Over th Il*iltitYyears of active contriiitipons to pSycliology, he has .1,

v 9. '72/Children and Schooling developed and demonstrated techniques which clearly domodify many sets of behaviours. Among other thingshe gave impetus to the follow-up of earlier work by Pressey" on so-called 'teachingmachines'. For, in many respects, it wasSkinner's careful formulation of what is termed operant conditioning which led to moreskilful attempts to create environments for learning which looked into the dynamicfactors that make an organism act upon his learningenvironment in such a way that the environment, in turn, affects the learner.Of course, programmed instruction, self-instruction and teaching machines were notentirely new ideas. Pressey had devised a systemof evaluation not dissimilar to some present-day teaching machines,and as early as 1943' Richards" was a firm advocate of the careful stageanalysis and sequencing of material used for instruction. In 1958 Skinner described his work on programmedinstruction.26 The arrangement and of learning tasksdepend upon the careful analysis of the material to be learned, This requires an awareness of the various objectives tp be achieved and of the meansof supplying feedback of information at various points. This feedback isabsolutely vital, since it is the knowledge of results which in part acts as afurther motivating,force, as well- as being the focus for determiningthe next sequence. Feedback is also highlysignificant if the material to be learned 'is to be used by 'the child or studentwithout the aid of the teacher. 'Teaching machine' is, of course, amisnomer. It is not the machine or programtried text which teaches, but rather, theskilful presentation of material in-,such a way that it relies on theprinciple of operantconditioning.Well-designed,branching piogrammes of material, when used in conjbnction with some of the moresophisticated computer-linked machines, do allow for individualdifferences in the characteristics of the learner to a much greater- extent thanmight othefwise be possible with conventionalteacher-child interaction. Unfortunately., thereis also the considerable likelihood of bore- dom setting in sooner or later,if some human interaction is not. involved. Operant conditioning is not simply restricted tophysiological, autonomic responses. It is much moresophisticated than that, and Skinner argues that most human behaviour consists ofthe accumulation of series of operant responses in the absence ofdetailed knowledge of the stimuli. Stimuli thait an animal seeks are reinforcers.There are different levels of reinforcers. Soine, like food, thealleviation of thirst, the achievement of sexual release, are innate, thatis, unconditioned. Negative reinforcers are those which animals seek toavoid. These shibuld not be thought of simply interms of punishment; they are not the sam6. I might avoig large social gatherings becauset am shy, or because I can't dance, not because people have the intention topunish me when I arrive. When 'we enjoy suecesvat a certain game,enjoy getting a puzzle Psychology and Education/73 solved, enjoy coping with a difficult piece when playing the piano, these can be seen as positive reinforcers. What is it, though, that determines the value of reinforcement? 1$ it simply that success (thatis, getting the next sequence right, or successfully mastering the next stage) engenders and enhances the motivation to complete the learning. tasks? The answer. is that it all depends upon the psychological and to some extent physiological situation. For example, in Skinner's Original experiments, the degree to which ti rat would work at a task for food was in part dependenton how hungry that rat was. With human beings, itis often much more complicated. For instance, various attractive features may exist withina learning situation and some may act as reinforcements to behaviournot intended or planned for by the teacher. The child, learninga series of mathematicalequationsset outinsomecarefullysequenced (programmed) form, may well receive stimuli from a variety of sources such that they override his attention and devotion to the learning in hand. His needs, which may have developed as theconsequences of other reinforcements, some of which are biological in origin,may now be primarily concerned with hunger for human attention, friendship,or the need to assert himself over others. Thus, the need will be expressed in the form of a collection or association of behaviours which the teacher recognises. As a rule these needs will have much more motivational power and salience in the child's eyes than particular programmes of school learning. Capitalising upon them in terms of the child'sown learning is something which most teachers have to. learn to do slowly and by accumulating experience of both the individual child, and of children in general. From thi§, point of view, one can see hoiv complex it would be to apply behavioural theory in the classroom. But, ofcourse, this does not mean that Skinner is wrong. What one would really need to do, if one was to follow the theory zealously, would be to see that the total evironment for this or that child was set out to take account of desired behaviour and appropriate response, and controlledaccordingly. This would be an astonishingly difficult, complicated and, perhaps, . soul-destroying task. To many educa tionists the notion of programming the total environment is anathema. It would clearly destroy much that is held dear, since freedom of choice and independence of action would become severely limited..Such a deliberate learning environment would also become precious close to indoctrination. Certainly, it could become open to manipulation by the unscrupulous, though probably that risk is no greater than the existing ones in our much more haphazard systems. Yet the idea is not so outrageous. We know that the culture shapes the man, and Skinner would simply point out that culture is simply another name for the social environment and that the controls of 'that environment ought to be in our hands. As cultures change, so new .practices and behaviours arise. Skinner his also pointed out that 'a 74/Childrenand Schooling p iulture which has explicit aims is more likely to survive than that which )t does not. He suggests that explicit design in the culture promotes the 41. good of the culture and accelerates the evolutionary process, that a science and technology of behaviour, if thoughtfully and carefully adopted, could make for a better design. In Beyond Freedom and Dignity he says, The problem into free Ten, not from control, but from certain kinds of control'," that then6tion that all control is wrong (and such notions arc deeply ingrained in much of our literature and tradition) is unwarranted. Skinner talks of the great achievements of science and technology being the freeing of men from the dangers of famine, exhaustive labour and dim& by changing some of the environment, by changing the nature of the dependence, by redesigning those elements of our environment and culture which are inimical to our survival. His arguments are persuasive and stimulating. Many people seem convinced by them. The beauty of using well-designed, carefully programmed material, either in conjunction with teacher or machine presentation, is that it relies upon operant conditioning (sometimes termed instrumental conditioning) and immediacy of feedback. Wrong responses and mistakes are not reinforced, whereas in conventional class situations, errors can sometimes be compounded, built upon and thoroughly internalised by the child before the teacher ever gets round to looking at the work or responding to the child's query. There is little doubt that this immediacy of feedback is a very important asset in the learning situation. The child does not have to wait his turn for a response to a right or wrong answer and there is no queue of children clamouring 'Please sir...sir, pkaseand then being disappointed when for the fiftieth time their responses go unheeded. The child employed on a machine or with an attractive well-matched programme may also progress as fast or as slowly as he wishes. The questionsin each programme will be so devised as to attempt a diagnosis of variouspossible 'needs' at any given stage and the material will be presented in ways that allow fast or slow (or different) routes in order to match those needs. In other words the programme will be a branching programme, rather than astraight- forward end-on or linear programme. But the programme wiII only be as good as the programmer. The analysis and sequencing of material may easily be done badly and, if itis, boredom is tile inevitable outcome. Furthermore, such programmed texts or teaching machirkes, while very useful for the expansion of learning along fairly easily ascertainable lines, can rarely cope with the more creative and open-ended styles of learning. At the present stage of the materials in existence seem rather unlitcelyto develop imagination, enhance exploratory behaviour, self-awareness, sensitivity, and so on. One of the key problems in the use of programmed instruction, especially if it is entirely self-activated, is that of sustaining motivation. For, though

72 Psychology and Education/15 feedback and self-pacing are important aids to motivation, it is clear that for many human beings those aspects are just not enough. It isvery easy for the programme designer to think only in terms of the contiguity of his programme (the articulation and sequencing of material),and this can easilyleadtodull,repetitive,mechanical and ultimately 'disengaged' responses from the learner. Clearly, the work of Skinner a nd of his associates has been ofgreatuse to institutions of formal learn*, SChools and colleges all over the world have made use of self-instructional material and machine presentation based upon the methods suggested by Skinner. Skinner's work hasalso acted as a catalyst to other approaches to learning. Foran important feature has been that greater attention has been paid by psychologists and educationists to the presentation and sequencing of textbooks and instructional material generally," In particular, greater attention has been paid to the stages or hierarch* through which the learnermust pass as he moves from one concept to a more sophisticated one. Also attention has been, focused not only upon the importance of positive reinforcement and of rewardirig responses with speedy feedback of information, but on the realisation that whole subjectareas may be entered at a variety of different points or levels of sophistication. Much of the terminology which has developed from the vastamount of research on learning is, to the non-specialist, somewhat confusing; and much that is specific to theories of learning seems to be somewhat remote from the everyday world of the classroom and the curriculum. Psychologists have tended to want to examine learning under neatly and carefullycontrolledcircumstances andthishasusually meant experiments taking place in the laboratory, using cats escaping from puzzle-boxes or fish'swimming towards lights. The teacher, naturally enough, is more concerned with teaching Johnny to reador in finding a stimulating 04. of presenting thelife of Hereward the Wake. Nevertheless, the connections between Skinner's researches and the schoolroom are perhaps more immediately appealing than many; and certainly many people would concede that any technical system of edu- cation which encompasses principles of behaviour analysis and atten- tion to reinforcement by appropriate response owes a great dealto the work of B. F. Skinner. Of late, and particularly in the USA, considerable attention has been paid to setting out the classroom as an environment concerned with the total behaviour of the child. (This is especially so in respect of early childhood education.29) Th classroomisconsidered to be an environment of stimuli which an be planned, altered, matched-and maintained in respect of a desid set of behaviours to be elicited from the child. To some extent Ferster nd Skinner" paved theway for the viewpoint which maintains thtcontinuous reinforcementis particularly desirable in the early stages of learning. This does not imply

73 76/Ch Wren and Schooling a necessarily mechanistic approach,however, since it a ppea Ts (and aS no doubt many teachers have known for centuries) that socialstimuli are especially important for young children. The importantthing is .for those social stimuli to he systematically and carefullydeveloped in relation to the overall learning of the children. Otherpsychologists" have categorised types of reinforcement most appropriate tolearning and a considerable amount of this work has been adapted toapproaches to compensatory and early-childhood learningin the USA. An offshoot of all this, termed behaviour modification. already has a longhistory in the USA and Canada, particularly in respect of pre-schooland primary education, and in some areas of the treatment of maladaptive behaviour. Evans lists some twenty-one. separate representative studies inthis fieldwhich relate to children's academic behaviour, and comments that hundreds of studies relating to oldersubjects also appear in the literature." Another psychologist close to the behavioural tradition andpossibly even more directly concerned withschool learning is Robert Gagne. His work has obvious and close links. with that of Skinner. He proposedfour basic conditions which had to be met, if learning were to beeffective." Although Gagne does talk of factors internal to thelearner, he is primarily concerned to stress the appropriate analysis of thematerial to be learned and to examine the competences tobe achieved. He emphasises the desirable conditions of effectivelearning as follows:

(I)Stimulation. For which (a) the state of the learner's ownexperience, background, knowledge and attitudes must be known, and(b) the material to be learned must be arranged in appropriatelymatched and sequenced form, so that the motivation ofthe learner is enhanced. (Stimulation includes controlling the stimulussituation in such a way as cto provide careful instruction and toprovide information about eventual outcomes, goals,,and so on.) (2)Response. This refers to what the learner does; carefullymatched sequenced work should afford him the maximum opportunityfor making meaningful and successful responses whichhelp not only in evaluation, but also in sustaining motivation. (3) Assessment and feedback. This should alsoenhance motivation, wherever possible, and should be immediate, positiveand informative. (4)Transfer. The knowledge gained may have generalisability.It may add additional weight in the same field of knowledge(what Gagne terms 'vertical transfer', or it may haveapplicability to a variety of different situations ('lateral transfer'). 'Gagne's notions of transfer are extremely important andhave direct relevance when considering the learner'sacquisition of a clear, well- Psychology and Education/77 defined a ml wed-organised body of knowledge. Vertical transfer, in particular, Is of considerable use as a concept when One is dealing with ananalysisof the matdiial to be learned and thinking of which knowledge (cognitive structures)' might be prerequisite. Subordinate sets of knowledge provide ('npnbility in Gagne's terms; capability to meet the next class of problem-solving tasks and Om to increase the level of vertical transfer. There is little doubt that many complexaspects of school learning (including the acqniSition of reading skills) can be, and have been, analysed M. terms of the hierarchy of their component parts or sets of 'subordinate capabilities' required. The pity of it is that, though Gagne may receive mention in the occasional lecture to teachers in training, practice at curricular analysis of this sort is rarely provided at college. Many teachers eventually build or acquire some notion of important steps and interrelationships in the subjects they teach. Buta lot of this comes through trial and error rather than through training; and in the meantime many children will have suffered. Gagne's views appear to have had quite an important effect upon those concerned to relate theory with practice, particularly those researchers loOkingat articulation of tasks in learning sequences, or in examiningcauses of leirning breakdown. As Ausubel says, 'Seriousbreakdownsin learning can often he attributed to inadvertent omission of a logically essential component unit from the total task or to its inadequate integration with other components'." Some of the approaches based on the work of Gagne have been termed 'systems. approaches' and many modern instructional packages have benefited directly or indirectly from the work of Gagne. Although approaches vary, in general the following stages in task and provision analysis can usually be clearly identified:

Phase I: identify needs, specify the related goals and objectives and sec if it is possible to identify any alternative mode(s) for satisfying those needs. Set out the resource needs and the principle components of the instructional system, instructions related to the system, any rules appropriate to the sequences. Be especially careful to check that these latter are clearly related to the ability levels and entering characteristics of the learners. Phase 2:examine instructional sequences to see if any additional resources media, and so on, are necessary, then prepare the evaluation system. The evaluation must include both diagnostic and attainment checks. Field testing and revision then follows, after which stage the material can be disseminated in conjunction with suitable teacher education and training.

In effect, much of the work of the Schools Council (in England), of local curriculum resource centres and of manufactured learning schemes goes through such phases, though emphasis inteacher 41 78 /Children and Schooling educationalldtrainingl o ftenlat eand insufficient,Oneoftheproblellms is that such Systems apprOaehes are of viewed (even if erroneously )as far too mechanistic by many teachers. Others preferthe speed and flexibility of less formally laid out systems, though in fact the systems approaches can he adapted to quite small elements of work, such as a six-weekly project in tin infant school, integrated day approach , or even to stages within rending progression. Certainly, it isnoticeable that the cumbersome and slow centralised approaches or the Schools Council projects of the early 1970s have given way to much moreflexible, constantly monitored, within-school/within-area approaches, These latter appear to win much more support from teachers, partlybecause they involve the teachers more, but partly because theytake account of. the realities of the day-to-day system maintenance inwhich, the (cachet', is involved. Overall, however suspicious one m be of the apparent naivety of the jargon and seemingly mechanistic systems of thebehaviourists, the work of Skinner and of his associates represents a conscious effort to develop new modes of instruction, an attempt to sea thatlearning is more truly individualised thanis commonly the case in many a schoolroom. In many respects the aims of the behaviourists am not that different from those of other psychological persuasions. Theardent psychodynamicist is probably just as keen to sec that the individual receives material appropriate to his interests, aptitudes and 'needs'. But the behaviourist and the psychodynamicist start from quitedifferent ends of the continuum. The former tends to focus upon matchbetween desired behaviour and tasks; the latter on match between individual and (presumed) needs. Somewhere between the two, however, come a group of psychologists, those cognitive and developmental theorists, who may with some justice claim to have had an even greater impact upon education and particularly that of young children thaneither the behaviourists, or those of psychodynamic persuasion. Theinfluence of this particular group is profound, especially in termsof protocols for curriculum development, in its immediate andobvious relationship to language learning and in its implications for classroomorganisation.

TIIE-INFLUENCES OF COGNITIVE AND DEVELOPMENTAL THEORISTS The brief discussion in the last section of some of the maincontributions of Robert Gagne does, among other things,highlight the arbitrary nature of the division of psychologicalschools of thout. For instance, because of the affinity of Gagne's views with those o Sinner and some other behaviourists, Gagne is often classified as a'be aviourist' rather than as a 'cognitive' psychologist. (Somepeople prefer to see him as a straightforward empiricist concentrating as he does on theconditions of learning.) Yet Gagne's direct focus upon cognitive structuresboth in the Psycho/op and Education/79 logic of task instructionand in the learner's approach, clearly bears considerably on the following discussion as WCII. Chia among those commonly referredto as cognitive theorists is Jean Piaget. 1 lis researches shunned over sixty years, until his death in 1979, and much of these .has been concerned with accounting for changes in thequality Of the child'sthinking,Piagetian epistemology.has" profoundly affected all discnssions On cognitive developMentiii children.The developmentalpsychology derived from such epistemology has certain shags, For a long there have been criticisms thatitisidiosyncratic; insufficiently gencralisableyroo situationally specific, the'psychology of middle-class urban childrettin the West; and so on. Margaret Doden says that, as well as research showing Piaget to;be wrong on specific points (such as inability to deal with transition inference at an early age), there is the general criticism that Piaget fails to take account of possible alternative theoretical models and explanations. But, for the lust ten or fifteen years, cross- has also providt d some considerable verification of much of Naves work, despite. the well-founded criticisms of particular aspects." Piaget has attempted to show how the child progresses from egocentricity and subjectivism to an awareness of his own thinking and an ability to distinguish between his own experience and the external reality of the world around him. Much has been made of the fact that, in Piaget's terms, children pass through stages of Thinking which can be relatively clearly defined and, though there is still much controversy over the nature of these stages (or indeed whether 'stage' is really an appropriate term at all), there is little disagreement over the basic point that children do show changes in the quality of their thinking as they 'grow older. 'Even Piaget's severest critics concede that there is a gradual improvement with increasing age in the quality of children's causal thinking. [But] much overlapping prevails between age groups. All kinds of causal explanations are found at all levels."' Piaget's work on stages of cognitive development is still by far the most well known of his research and that which has proved most readily, though not always the most accurately, transcribed intesituations which seem of immediate relevance to teachers. But there are problems, and these are very succinctly expressed by Satterly when he says, 'Far from representing a conscious and logical extension of developmental stage psychology into practical teaching it seems far more likely that Piagetian snippets have been used to underwrite existing practices and, even, to reinforce what might be termed "the discovery ideology" ', He goes cq to say,

Indeed, thereis evidence that uncritical acceptance of Piaget's theories has served to exert a depressing effect on teachers' expectations of the competence of young children, The experiment by r.

1 80/Cla Oen and Schooling Bryant, for example, presents aserious challenge to Piaget's belief that hKilda! ability does not appear In children'sperformance.until about seven or eight years of age,Since the value of Piaget's work seems at present unclearIt might be preferable to advise teachersof the potentially powerful eflec is of theculture of the school rather But $1 of the apparent limitations imposedby au ambiguous 'stage of development'."

This last comment is perhaps unnecessarilyAtringent, but is well worth quoting as is warning and to prepareteaehers in particular to look very carefully at the reasons offered for specificcurricular expectations and organisation associated 'with age or development,At a rather different level, it is also interesting toview it in the light of the work by Bennett or by Rutter et al. referred toearlier in the chapter," As stated at the beginning of thischapter, few teachers can attend a with the course of teacher education(and especially a course associated education of the prepubertal child)without hearing something of the Piagetian stages, Whether such stages do morethan confirm existing hunches or prejudices is, no doubt, a mootpoint. In Satterly's opinion, problems, they clearly obscure morethan they reveal. There are other too. According to Piaget,rind with substantial support both fromhis own experiments, andthose of others, children below 6 or 7 years are highly egocentric and much ofPiaget's work in this area has focused there is a upon tasks associatedwith decentring. Yet, as I have indicated, growing body of evidence to suggest thatPiaget is wrong, that the child is capable of taking account ofsomeone else's perspective (decentring) and that. provided the tasks imposedallow for what Donaldson terms 'human sense'," there is good evidence to show thatchildren as young as 3 years are perfectly capable of perceiving thingsfrom another's perspective. Overall, however, and notwithstanding someconsiderable body of well-informed criticism,inteaching textbook terms and actual curriculum packages, Piaget's stagesof development are often used as broad guides to sequentialplanning (see Chapter 6). Perhaps the greatest emphasis in Englandhas been upon the period of concrete operations, since this has led to anideology firmly wedded to a belief in the necessity of first-hand experienceand active involvement. Typical of curricular extrapolation is thefollowing:

Children should explore, discoverand work out the solutions to problems and build the relatedthinking processes into their own cognitive structures. The pacing ofinstruction should be in accord with the child's own self-regulating(equilibration) processes. Activity and time should ,be provided forthe child to organise and apply learning. Meaningful practice shouldbe provided so that the child can assimilate andrefine skills and processes.4° rwychology and rthwation/81 Not that there Is anything excessive about Nat:II cxlwrtution. II clearly relalea to the period of concrete operational thinking as set out by No. One could as easily quote from the Plowden Report'or from almost any textbook on early-childhood ethical ion" to support notions of school work which parallel Piaget's comments on pre-operational thinking (very roughly 2-7 years of age), In ['lagers three broad stages of cognitive growth, se/ow/I-motor, concrete operathmal and lialnal operational, each stage is considered a necessary prerequisite or step to the next stage, (Concrete operations tend to be divided into two substages- pre- operational and operational, The former which lasts until the age of 7 or Hyears prepares for the A 'concrete operations' such that they are consolidated and extended during the next three or four years to age I I or so.) All This does not imply that there will not be considerable overlapping, or that aspects of thinking apparently related to one stage will not he situationally specific - a term, usually used to describe the restills,of cognitive operations which are totally hound up with and in part a result of the particular context and circumstances in which they arc set.It is perfectly feasible (and indeed it has been demonstrated) that children of different age levels may be operating at different levels of thought, and thata child may operate at different levels within different areas of thinking and experience, This does not mean that an operation of the mind will be isolated from the general class and level of operations achieved by the child, but rather that the child may successfully 'operate' at a higher level' within one set of experiences and principles than in another, especially if the latter context provides insufficient concrete experience and evidence with which to work. Just prior to adolescence the childis beginning to deal with abstractions, to make propositions and, in a primitive but methodical way, to set up hypotheses and to attempt to test them. One must remember, however, as Piaget and Inhelder say, that 'propositional, operations are naturally much more closely related than the "concrete"- operations to a precise and flexible manipulation of language, for in order to manipulate propositions and hypotheses, one must be able to combine them verbally'." Teaching by talking, explaining and offering the chance to argue or discuss, has an increasingly important role to play in education as schooling progresses. Siegel, among many others, has suggested that 'instructional inputs must be matched to the developing structures of thought'," and almost all writers on Piaget emphasise the crucial rolc of language in synthesis and proposition. Piaget appedrs convinced that man's capacity for logical thought is embedded in the individual,but that these rational tendencies will not of necessity mature unless they are used. It should be remembered that Piaget was not particularly concerned in his experiments with individual differences in maturity, per se,that 'some six year olds will be fil/(1$114lreit clad .Vehooling functioning entitely al the pie ,opetational level while other ra )(leaf old!) will he (01v/1101, inbOltIC Idtheir iliktilettOtti With the enviuntinent, towards the colicictc °pc rational biage'." l'iage,t was concerned with the child as logical thinker, that ls, with the mentalm operations involved in classifying, hotting and relating phenomena. Stmilatly, we should be pat tiettladv cautious when using age/xtage trims like 'adolescence' or 'pte.adolescrtice',since adolescence does itself commonly act as a catch-all phrase, coveting ages 10-1H years at extremes, As )(ons 'mat ks, too, Piaget's stages can hedangerous as well as IhCilli as

('Itildrott do not arrive at is stage and stay them until Moving to the item, No stage is independent of dirie before Or alter, nor dimply marked oil trout them. Moreover, children's cetebral capacities develop at different rates, though rather closely in the same sequence, just as they do in other physical respects."

Many criticisms have been levelled atPiagrt, and one should approach them with great caution, for it is important not 'to throw the baby out with the bath water'. Americans have criticised the so-called 'InHtode clinique (and there is little doubt that much of Piaget's work does rely rather heavily upon what children say and how theyexplain 4/licit. actions). ' psychologists have noted that Piaget tends to avoid the MC of statistical methods and controls and that much(if' his work appears to have been carried outwith atypical samples of children,

Nevertheless,supportersofPiagetoutnumber . hisdetractors. Replication of Piagetian experiments has exposed weaknesses, but also yielded corroborative evidence a ,rd it would appear that children of other cultures show similar developmental patterns. WhileBryant" and Satterly." among others, have illustrated certain problemsassociated with Piaget's stages of intellectual development, and while it is clearthat some researchers would wish toemphasise the importance of specific experience more than l'iaget, none of the criticisms has resultedin more than relatively minor reservations in the acceptance orhis overall theory. Despite limitations and problems, it is important torecognise how great a service Piaget has rendered to the study of children's thinking. The more easily assimilable aspects of this theoryof intellectual development form an educational 'leit-motiv* throughout infant and junior-school learning. They have certainly passedinto the rhetoric of progressive primary education, though it should bepointed out that rhetoric and practice are not always congruent.Even if there has only been a partial understanding of what the manhas said, an awareness of the necessity to attempt tomatch the learning task to the presumed needs and intellectual levels of the child in relation tothe task in hand has helped the teacher. in many a school torealise that a child Pryliiitosy atitt tjuorrioasttl cannot be toned Ise dcvrIi p understanding /lwMan tat attotptto4 of etperieml, This II not Ow 54111e as those woolly nollost4of 'readiness' %bull have sometimes bedevilled infant -school literary, KI1OVfledee of the 1'ic4:rtiAil stages ha% also helped many feathersto pervirive intcIktlnai development both as an interactive and as a CtifIll114tiVe procc34, Morroixr, itcouldeasily be asserted Ihat 0,0 contribution of haget has helped the teat her Iii ayopleiiatc the joy anti test which many chilthen apply to theirkaining, Ceiwinly, it thrie halt, ideological battle, Piave* 'clean hes have helped to supply the 'ammunition' to many teachers alieady dedicated to mole autonomous forms of learning and leaf nel direction, Both the Nuffield mathematics plus-4..1 (sponsoird by the nouill Schools Conned and financed by the Nuffield Forindation) and the later much '11101C, ttIC(Ct4o1 ?hence S -1 l project have been,among many others, directly related to Plagetian approaches to learning. The former even had ita first volume dedicated to Jean Plage t and was entitled, /Po and / (Inderitand Meevaluative guides to the seite s te developed in Geneva under the direction m Purge t and his colleagues, the maths project, which was set up in MA in England, was devised asa radical and contempotary approach to mathematics for children aged 543 years. The material was primarily addressed to traclicrl as a resource, a stimulation pointer to varieties of ideas (complete with examples of children's work), but itwas notregarded as a textbook. It depended, at least in part, on the undcritandingol the principles by the teachers, the prime principle being that the problems should arise out of the everyday experience, lt thus presented no threat to teachers, provided they really did understand what they were about, (Unfortunately, there is ample evidence to suggest that maths is a relatively weak area in the expertise of primary teachers, and this makes one not so much a cm ilk: of the project as fearful of its misuse in the wrong hands.) Similar sorts of criticism have been directed at the Science 5-13 project. These criticisms are not so much criticisms of Piaget or of schemes of learning based upon broadly Piagetian approaches. they arc mote usually reflections of concern based upon a realistic appraisal of some of the problems which many primary teachers have in teaching maths and science," Another particularly strong influence upon. theories of cognitive developmenW and directly upon education, has been that of Jerome Burner. In Piaget's own words, 't

It is very difficult to explain the difference between Bruner andme. Bruner is a mobile and active man and has held a sequence of different points of view, limentially Bruner does not believe in mental operations while I do. Bruner replaces operations with factors thdt have varied through his different stages - Bruner's stages, not the child's. Bruner uses things like language, like images. When Bruner 84 Aildtett ,sfs.I `. siaa al (tic 4 tage t,J altallgica 1t us.-.1 ittaa.) Olaf ills attatceica tc-tr moic leas tpctatiostaAt that little mit theotica ocec lItct he 11.3.1 t tialtra

IVbctbro this is a Vail Ifticilitctattolt sir 111ut1c1'a thattgca itt apt/tom Is i3 1 c3 kap, ,1,..-13 to iitictii.ilia it .1,4-3 t11.1 ttO Intl% slid) ilia. 141i_Itill,1 the tnittit a4 1.11A ittc kitt.s, of is, 1.1lite live of oropli.tte l'tkalatih" tttc otolt ,Ite It ,plotc,1,.olilincilt tit Ittloct't i1the ott' (tom I /ac it ot (awl tilled ttlit,ittotcd!) 1Vc v.Ith the10,1totlictia that an) atibit ittalltictattl:111 clic( tivIN iii3i,lhe 'niche, walls hnnc.st 1,9,11 1,1 ally /101.1 ,4t aity slakeiii do, clowitclit'." km, fi an totiottic;i1 litakca odkctt i tittatdrcd lit O- bEht of it titling caplet 111%1 C 411c I IC tlt 4' I iaItitt i air-47:11ktof inlurnialn,u, :,1 th..at 1t Lan Ihr Ir.issiri 'a c 4-3 II) Irtlila tit C-1111t 111.141'1 tt%%11.1 uw vrr% tom c%Iwtirtt, Ittulict -res (tic dccloptlict004.4 tbr utnt,l at ttrprntlntl tIvoll the niaaety of Ici titti,Itics arc ItaltIsitsticd by the t italic ill v.tut,it the I'` limit IratrtlI tic 1.1111111C 11.1% .t VOV.Cif ill CUCLt. 11111110 itiAltrt v.ttat t ttllittc, the (rt. lul)t1uc1 opc talc*tblottFti Ihic same %(-1111csaLtioli. ate it odct of 1111.ti!cIN ,111,1 1.114:11.1gc- Ntote tftc:( tc% the I Itcy bas.c ilk-co lcitiliti irk!. 711V, that it the lepteseht,i (kat tot kik-11CM C thhalt,:h 111114.:11 1110101I CNII 'Me% of %Allow; k ktc.ifing crott t,s, the use of Atha 11(14411111A 111011C11, Ind 11 ngt'Ott ,the tt..e iq,Illhot -ootcni %%tut!, anti Ittlitthci; Itrl.tti%clY little u:C1111 ohe kito%%tt ofthe rthit:h%.e Mode iti RAI, 0..111.111.m, Ittot4..,111 Fooddeal iit teNC.1411 1i.t1hCell 401141141rd IWO the taliCt tke h.trt.- Unmet ,ee,, the null! pxotttle; lltutii111 Ihc tut 'de% gl.ttItt.dh,anditth-}t.t.ilitt!.: .11111 ititishtiitttg 1).1%t cti/cltentCIt)the 1/tult title It} the nut t. \Chen oirWI1111,!--:.11111 III.Milmht P-1 \I eiscitethe, e.tiht 111,11%ItItt.11 dcvcitdcitt ttpotI hit wo. 11 titit,p1C 1%4 But thc cIctimoti lit coFtnItc tikitttr t:.ttl tic ayst.tcd by ctitylt.ovottrthepc; %on I )+,% iccomtIltLit)m) ottil dr.4*itches for litniNll.I hits, lot limiter. one of (lie main emphases inlearning: hos been upon the use in diu.oleri,as an Old toproblciiisok lie Nec% ttiOtt%;thili., laititr in lealM).4:. Itc Milte that (tru-Thcr J% tiddler! tilt Mel ..11111 tetal.',.1111\ their oval cognitise structures, the more likely they are to generalise modesof piohlem-silt s mg and lines of ;mom) %; hitch t%ill .scat than in furtherlearning. limner has suggested that certain key elements ought tohe iht;Itidcdin any 1.0itlisklidc theory of instruction. (hese 'kcs s' a re concernedit h try-ing to ensure that the child ispredisposed to learn Met:6% cly, the optimal structuring and litleKrattort of k itov.ledge, so that the basic cOncepts anti gencrolisatiOns arc cleat lyemphasised and, thus, that the Psychology and Education/85, structure and bones Uf* the subject area are visible in some :meaningful Cotm to the, learner, This is to be coupled with sensible sequencing of ...;,:,,material 'SO that learning hecomes cumulative, and"twith the pacing of rewards so..thatmotivationis enhanced andcontinued: As welt as researehinto.wa.ys that adults andchildre attainceltain 'concepts, Bruner and his associates have also contribute to'iour oviledge of cognitive development in other cultes. He has been: notably strong' critic of the cumulative deficl_vIiYpotpgsiS (conceing the apparent cOgnitive and motivational deficits inVOUps, subject to eConomic anti social, depriyatiOn): alluing that one must -of Cultural differencn not cultural deficit. Brunv's position,'Vessentially thatof envi rcinrnenta and" of one ''seeing- wa0'30f.,oisanising ,7." knOwledge andexperience;as arbitrary. In this Way 'tb 'doff)ant view Of "cultural deprivation" may siMplj, be annrtefact of tke';ay ihat the . majority" culture experience is organised', and 'gronfisOrdinar diagnosed as culturallrdeprIVed have the sameqihdcrlyincompel as those,in the mainstream of the dominant culture, the A,ifferencee, performince,heing accounted .f he situations 44con textsti whialhe cOnipetenee is cx ressed'." Bruner'i impact is pethaps best caught in.tnat .conunent, quoted,

earlier ftorn The Process of EducationfiBut, more tn thaLthe comment ;' ' hasitself had a conkiderableimpactupon primary e ucation in England and the USA. In :both countries it can' be said tot,ave 'become, incorporated with .the rhetoric of. theiprogressive mo ts, education of young childrea,arid has also aefed as an antid t OVny oversimplified nOtionS,concerning the, need to wait for the r t5 ning:of ability in the child. Fartheernore, the*riral curriculum, lienascls it, based upon thgnotion that one can introuce the chil jot 4 e- to those-Ideas and_styles thatiplater life mt an educate, hv- Puen:thebasisfozgitat deal of.work in ma matics and hit itiesAff ...is',exemplified in, the' now-fambus MAC S `Wan: a; course qudy);,,,- which is a 'curriculuin' capable' Of most infinite f' t d'T- development in relatiOnto,child and culture. Itishoirt, it 04,41 ,eg'Ome of, the main features :of a Briiiierian'apprOach, that 'aCintidaltirif aught to ,be built .arOund the great issirei,, principles:''-andzypitektha(socjetY deems worthy of the continual concerrkbf its membersV,ISficbideas',Can, ;be said to have been:at the heart of many curricula Pa'ckages.for ichOolS in the last fifteen:years Or So. , Many otherpsychologists and --paediatricianshaye 'prOvided infOrrnation on the growth andeVelOpineqt of children which has7, iieCfrelevance to thplanningof the schoolCurriculum:ThiS,ii notto :deny:that there has not been ample inforniationprckided by sociolo"Osts-. and 'social 'psychologists. Methods. pfhilt- rearing and patterns of SocialiSatioh can' be examined from allqsr an ersp ive within the social. sciences..'The work of' pertein an hisColleagues' has 86/Children and Sciwoling particularly affected ideas about language teagiltrig and alsodrawn attention to the subtle cipectations of teacher,inWation to social class in terms of selection, control !and interaction withinthe classroom." Such wort( has had a 'ripple' effect right through thecurriculum, creating in part an atmosphere more conducive to the matchingof reading primer material (and pre-reading material) to the interestsand social background of the children, and also having a notable impact on secondary-chool approaches to language across the curriculum. .Overall, thegencral drift .of research in child development is clear. More and more research is being focused upon earlychildhood and ,infancy and, equally clearly, every infant is from his earliestdays considerably more competent than had previously been thought. Some of this research may result from, the stimulus of sociologistsand educationists concerned over the underachievement of,,certain groups in school; some from research on such aspects as 'critical periods'in development; and some from advances in evaluation and assessment techniques." Concern has also 'quickly spread down the age scale to become public and scientific' concern over the effects on young infantsof deprivation, of missing or inappropriate early experience, and of malnutrition'." In England the work of the National Children's Bureau has been usefully inclusive in this respect, as,havevarious national child health and -cducationsurveys.These large-scale inquirieshave demonstrated beyond dbubt how clearly related physical andsocial hardships are to continued fall-off ineducational achievement. Thus, the teacher does have a wealth of infortnation onwhich he can draw in order to help him establish indices of theentering characteristics n of children (developmental, local, nationaland comparative) and to assist his decisions on the matching of appropriatecognitive tasks. He has, if he cares to, read it, information on thephysiological skills and development orCtildren to an extent undreamed'of half,acentury ago. He may consult research on children undertakenin4,virttfallycany;- university in the world and his inquiries will be takenseriously. Hektial, In a variety of vGays, andparticularly, tlerough study for advanced diplomas or higher degrees, compare hisown'observations vvith those of the most thorough and systematic researchers.He could then hardly fail to notice that much of the published andbroadcast curriculum material' available. to schools relies upon such research findings, ortakes particular views of child development as itsframework. .

PSYCHODYNAMIC INFLUENCES Arguably, though many are convinced, one of the greatestand most consistent influences upon the education of ch ildren andadolescents has come not from direct researches on spatial ormanipulatiVe skill, Or from research on stages of cognitive growth, butfrom theories of emotional P.00hology,, and Education/87 health and Ilevelopment, Iii the forefiont of thesmheories have been the immensely flexible, subtle and complex ideas' of . Freud'steachings abouttheunconscious, . his gradual analytic exploration of apparent motilies and his ,;formulation of theories concerning the mechanisms of repressiob.:clearly inspircd the early experiments in progressive education overiositity years ago; and many of his ideas still seeth of profound importance for the humane bducatito and understanding of children. Freud portrayed theperson as`' the pawn of instinctual, often unconscious, motivational drives. It was not necessarily a popular viewpoint, especially coming as it did hotfoot behindt,the lingering ideologies of 'self-help' and Lutheran notions or individual responsibility. Yet in many ways it wasa constructive approach, since it focused the initially somewhat enraged public opinion upon the impact of early childhood experiences on later personality deyelopment. Freudian or psychodynamic theory as it 'is sometimes lermed has become a powerful force in the develOpment of psychology, ',,leading through a complicated junileofinterrelated perspectives, such as individualautonomy, inteiper"Sonal , ego-psychology, the (ciiirentlywopular). transactional theories 'and those of humanistic psycholOgY,. Of one thing there is no doubt, Freud and his subsequent followers have continually emphasised the person and hisself- ' developMent; above all the focus has beerhupon the achievement of . i. In bot4 Freudian and Piagetian psychology there isan emphasis upon the extOre importance of early stages of development. Freud was able .to thOVthat merely keeping the infant dry and comfortable, well fed and properlY ;shod was not enough, that ,childhoodwas full of serious dilemnias for the.pqient and the child, that collisions and discontinuity were not always easily resolved. Reward and punishment, breast-

lteeding, exploring the body and autoeroticism, toilet training and . attitude towards parents were all important issues which Freudwas able to bring before.adUlts in a way that demonstrated the fundamental conflicts,whichliebeneathfamilyrelationships and common ,socialisation practices. Freud devoted much attention to theconcept of identification, an extremely 'slippery' concept and one which is clearly polymorphous in application, if not in meaning" Basically Ftctict,' appe,a0d; to see twomainforces operating in the process. The ..fast concerns anaclitic identifican'Oh, that is, the process of forming a strong object rela tionklhip with and dependency upon.the mother. The second is the result offear. Father is a threat, and the boy evefltually identifies with the father in order tO diminish the fear of him. For girls, according to Freud, thefirst process is the major one. For boys, the second process springs from the Oedipal dilemma, the period through which boysgo when they seek to attain a nd hold the mother's affection and when they have vague sexually implicit fantap,ics,about her. The restilting eventual 88/Children and Schooling . identification with father involves the repression of the 'sexual feelings for the mother and of the fen r'of and aggression towards thefather. Thus, in Freud's view, the perioeof infancy and childhood was a 'fraught one characterised by infantile sexuality. This sexualityreached its height during the phallic stage, a stage of development said to come roughly between the second, and about the fifthyear of life. Subsequently the sexuality is repressed and children are relievedfrom any conflict they feel by a rnechaaiSmof repression and amacsia. This resolution results, according t4,1Freud, In a period called the latency period, roughly, the middle yearS of childhood. It is a phase which nowadays is regarded with soirie scepticism and is anyway considered much more situationally specific andmach. morerelated to social circumstances and context Alian; Freud may have thought. . These manyAmportata? andrevolutionary.issuesof human development; relational, psychosexual, social and cognitive,,,,'. were. without doubt placed before thepablie in a way which engendered scorn, annoyance andintense interest. Here were theories which, while emphasising the critical, nature ofihe early years,'also seemed to tellone something about 'the human .condition, about the feelings, needS, interests and molives'which were underlying much adult behaviour.It has become trite to remark that greater openness about sexual as functioning ..and'need,- . whicti::,:'Onemay currentlyperceive characteristic of Western sileiety,is in some large-measure due to the ...' 'teachings of,Sigrnund F:retid;f .,:i .1 . ; ....,'.. It is, perhaps, 'unWise t8' suggest that,partipiia r aspe*df 'Freudian . .. . ,. . theory were espeeally :Catalytictochanging. Conceptsconcepts ',ot,socialisation and education.ertainlY;' Fread's concept.of.,repreisionfigured.large in the ,attention which Homer Lane aq,-;:A:'S.:,.Seill:(tife..founder of Summerhill SOOOI) paid lopsychOAKA-1:Vtielheory.. But; for many students of bci5b educationand.pychii10 y.,''.theFrflidian conceptual sequence of phaseS inpsychosexual development and the epiisequent changes in ,sources of tgratifi0Atioir..atid;, in:vobjectsof;affectional attachment haveheid:.greafi,p6wer ofexplanation. Oifortunately, Freudian theory also attraCled,tty3Seedudationists less khowledgeable than Neill orLaneAtid'SomelligpviOiedversions resulted. Indeed,it is possible, that some of tNciseVerOlOnS still pass to the public at largeand... to student - teachers. . in trains Garbledgarbled yeiiforp-do. Freud' and his associatesgreat.AaiSChiel..:Mex aVeesPecially hArifiedAhe many serious advocates. of 'being ..orillie.,:child's..'side6 .Selleek.'' hasshownhow misconstrued.sciineFreadyn'tifearY haS been by-iaying;Jeachers were no better versed in.FrepclAciiilOre:thinother Englishmen ,o(thePeriod for whom..the mas"te..04.Akniiks,eriuld be summarised inoscailmioe's viordi..-,``Never resiSif terriptationm. Ben Morris' says somewhatless ,astringently Of.Frend..,AiiiKleaS toe, lay behind the work_of many of the .progressive SchribIS.Whitch sprang ,up after ;, and, while

. .

4 . Psychology and Eth /89 . I much that was done. in these schools was based on 'nisei) of Freud's views, the attentOt to gain-a fIceper understanding 01 I which inspired these efforts has had a not ineonsiderableatt le, . effect.on ictingooli genet,':9illly Hadfield (afounder-m lot., P.:p director of theTavistockClinic) isno atherpsychologlift to the misconceptions which arose about Freud's views-, 1-ularly those on repression, and said that the educationists, crimps ,ItaVe.known better, produced some very distortedand extreme,v,iews on Aprcssion. ,Iie tells a very amusing story ofa headmistress who iipologiscd to a visitor because ofa child's politeness, saying, 'You must ex0i14,e hini; he is just a new boy'." reud wrote of many aspects of the human condition which had been considered taboo, if aCknowledgedld all. He' wrote of neuroses being 'cau'sed by sexual maladjustMeirt. ' He used his early developed techniques of free association61 and attempted to explore and explain) the motives of his patients. His theories of infantile sexualitywere in part derivedfroninumerous convincingexperiencesduringthe

psychoanalysis of patients. The concepts of the ego and the libido, that, of the Oedipal complex and of idcntification, all resulted from his early

, clinical experiences and reflections. Throughout the years he developed and expanded his ideas, coming to the notion's of life and death instincts more clearly in the 1920s and changingsome of his earlier views on sadism and aggression; and, later still, somewhat modifying the polarity of the ego/libido motives. Among his contemporaries both followerS and heretics arose, some of the latter (like Jung or Adler). themselves making significant contributions to psych ology.,Many later interpreters and students of Freud have developed ideas which have continued the mainstream of ,psychodynamic interest. Foremost among These is undoubtedly the US psychologist . He, like many Modern. neo-FreudianS, hak.,placecf greater emphasisupon the individual's capacity for conscioiis choice tha,9 did Freud. But almost all have NO to (or found it'helpful to use) those 'parts' of the pSyclie7;defineii by , 'Freud and eventually termedtered the ego, the id and the superego. Such concepts, have been of immense useto psychologists of many icomplexions besides ,orthodox Freudianism. The termS,, like many othersAuch as narcissism atid hysteria, have taken on a m chAvider fivalidity, becdming part of the 4sic iihguirfrinita of mcidtrnp ycliology. Nowadays, a pertain; ,pObtips wellrfoOrided,*.suspicio . rrounds his

Carly stage theory (otal,5n'iland' ptiajlic) a 41 many psychologists . . regard the concept of latency a§,n need of r. . ical revision, in view of changing patterns of scicialisatipn .4nd of the shifts in mores' and- attitudes which surround our psychOfexual d velopment.. Nevertheless, there is some consensus that Freud's view o the attachments of early childhood being.essentially_Terotic in nature st 11c,)Ids good.62 Many of the progreSsiVe educationists'dwre upfreudiaii'prineiples v ...; .t. .,f 90/Children and Schooling and from them (and sometimes the erroneous interpretation ofthem) extrapolatehducational ones. Hpwever, it is important to keep all this in perspective. Not all progressive educationists were influencedby [?read and many were influenced equally by Froebcl or illy Dewey.° One of the greatest advocates of Freudian theory did ha* a particularly ',powerful rolein the development of English primary education, however. This was Susan Isaacs. She was certainly not given to misinterpretation of his ideas. lint even here it is important to set the

.recordright. She did, not expectteachers to play the par( of psychoanalysts or therapists. Her school (Malting House, 1924-7) was the origin of the records which she produced in the early1930s concerning the intellectual, social and emotional growth of young children. It was not, as she was quick to point out, 'a psychoanalytic school'. She claims to have been influenced by Dewey long beforeshe was influenced by Freud.Nevertheless, her painstakingly collected observations and comments were and are useful psychodynamic interpretations of the behaviour of nursery-age children. Many teachers have been influenced by them add not a few have seen themas Offering considerablevaliditytoFreudiantheory concerning emotional development in young children. Susan Isaacs, along withNeill and Lane; wrote specifically for teacherS and parents. Her two majorbooks were derived from theexperience of Malting House; and she writes clearly about the sexuality of her charges in a mannerwhich is both sympathetic and objective. She sayg,'I was just as ready to record and to study the less attractive aspects of their behaviour as the morepleasing, whatever my aims and preferences as their educatormightly,',61Selleck sees her as coming to distinctlyFreudian-oriented conclusions Which were both specific and elaborate.°Writing of the social developrhent.'of, children Isaacs talks of the teacher as the 'super-ego',-enablingthey children, by virtue of their rant in her and her non-repressive ayiout4 to develop'from defiant repressedobstinacy to aphase ofir warmth ant co-operation. . During thf4 1930s and early 19405 she produced anumbir,A which wercextremely influential in educationalapc1:4c1i te circles. She Wn stimulated not Only 'by eud and De tAPP piaget.She ad inits that Piagq;' kwas portant to her, she termed-Somewhat `cOnqa .60:overall, she was a masterly commentator on child deve.. tisingieudian terminology, became a potOtifitrkt,.,q-gliilijirimary.education. Her comments on destruct4 incorporated in other educa kn;i9st143actker13:exilaaninia:PsYie';7.tWeeXitebOocik4silkiklYe . that by Hughes and Hughestiw7tiC.4ackla' long, vogue in the English colleges);67 and, her comma-ilk-On the ytais'or latency are sail read and influential. Appendix 3 of the 1931 report ,t p n the primaryschool (written by-Cyril Burt)" acknowledges her influence in thediscussion of

1 : . Psychology aitEducailon/91 emotional development in children and, hiseralla, of the psychoanalytic school of thought. Furtherntore, Susan Isaacs's connections with the .Froebel Educational Institute, her early interest in Nage t, her letters of advice to parents, her friendship with other pioneer lecturers and college principals (such as Lillian, de Lissa at Gipsy I lilt College, Nancy Ca ttyat Cioldsmiths', Evelyn Lawrence, who taught at the Malting House School and Eglantine Jebb at the Froebel Institute) helped her influence to spread far and wide. Freud may have put psychosexual development before the world, but Susan Isaacs put the sound interpretation of it and of other aspects of Freudian theory before teachers and parents. In her The Children We Teach (a book incidentally which ran into many impressions and which was in constant use during the 1930s-I960s), she was anxious to show the children as she saw them, as seeking, questing, curious, puzzled individuals; and she doesn't neglect the curricular implications. She was quick to underline that the child needed make- believe and phantasy, that he became increasingly oriented outwards towards the middle years of childhood and was concerned with things' and activities. Adults might parcel up the curriculum into separate disciplines, but for the child unity and his interests ought to lead us to see the valuc of an integrated curriculum, she proposed. The beauty of Susan Isaac's' writings lies in part in her intellectual skill and precision, her objectivity whch commenting:on children's behaviOur, but also and most importantly in her willingness to be prescriptive; in short her ability to make those very connections between theory and practice which are so often lacking in the more bland texts of educational psychology seen in colleges today. , Many other psychologists and educationists have followed Freud's writings with great care. Not a fcw haVe mod,Ifie and extended certain aspects;. and many, of the more recent writers :on feminism have emphasised the incredibly male-oriented and sexist position often assumed. by Freud to be universal and unchanging when it was in large part a situational and contextual' factor of the times and circumstances in which he wrote. Educational writers, hoWever, have gained a lot from Sigmund Freud. Of these, in England, possibly one of: the more 'influential has been Bed Morris, for many years professdr.,,Sit,.itkucation at the Universit of Bristol. He is. one of the important la% iilay. two- Freudians doted to education and unquestionably '41nfie child's --;:;_side'. His w icings span the last thirty years or so/and gits.tinue the Freudian tradition of such noted educationists as GeorgeLard,A.

. Neill and J. Hadfield, to mention but a few.69.Morris, like Hadfield, has been interested in interpreting and developing ideas in an educational and developmental context which in some respectS parallels the classic mainstream psychological writings of. Winnicot, Bowitly, Bettelheim and Erikson in a 'Ore overtly educational vein. No student of education or humah development could havefailedto ,. 92/Children and Sehoofing noicc the significance of Erik Erikson's writing during the last quarter of kb century, There is virtually no study of adolescence which falls to refer to his work, Erikson pursues and modifies the teachings of Freud. He takes concepts such as adamailon and, while still eniphasising emotional processes, both conscious and unconscious, as being the prime motivational forces inlite, develops a comprehensive and logically cohesive stage theory of human development which is of considerable significance to educators. Ills ego-psychology, as itis Sometimestermed,hasattractedwideaudiences:counselling, psychoanalytic practice, nursing and early-childhood education, all being considerably affected, Erikson's ego-psychology is a psychology of needs and goals, whereby the achievement of the developmental goal of each stage represents the culmination of that phase. During the,years of the Second World War Erikson was involved in the well-knOWn California longitudinal child guidance study. 1 le focused his attention on three major areas: sex differences inchild play, the resolution of conflict during various phases of life and cultural anthropology and child development, His first major book in 19501" was the culmination of years of study, reflection and writing (he had been publishing papers since ,1936). In it he weaves psychoanalytic theory with:ideology, cultural anthropology and history to develop afascinaNg study of-thc ego, the, core of theindividual. He established eight clear.pIrases of human development in the context of modem society, These are infancy, early childhood, playage,school age, adolescence, ,young .adulthood, adulthood and mature ageand each phase is discussed in relation to its dominant goal orientation, A psychosocial crisis is said to occur within each of these plia4s, andErikson sees the development of the person as a hugely creative enterprise in which the indiVidual must learn to utilise his inner drives in such a way that they match andfit environmental pressures and opportunities (adaptation). But while this i.s:g0kng

The developing personality falls victim to hazards oflivingby. a combination of instinctive, parental, communal, cultural ,.and environmental forces which fail to undo successful,development because success depends upon channelling-innate= epdencies in a direction which will serve. the need of theindiiidual and-conanunity and will assure -both a continued cultural heritage."

Three phases are now discussed to give some indication of Erikson's stage theory. It should be pointed outthat this theory forms no more than a part of one of his major books. Furthermore, he himself seeshis theories as changing and developing in the light of experience:

Phase,1 .During the first phase the general developmental tasks are ' .

Oa Psychology and hlucallon/93 foamed upon the Bodily functions, The. child it seen as clearly egocentric. The overall goal Is the establishment of trust as opposed to mistrust, a ml to achieve this the child has to be able to satisfy his basic physical/emotional needs in an atmosphere noted for the reliability of the attachment relationship (normally mother/child), Phase 2 - The second phase of early childhood is concerned with the overall goal of establishing sonic degree of autonomy as opposed to shame and doubt, This phase is said toast about two years or so, from about 18 months to 4 years, but Erikson does not place a great deal of weight On age demarcation. It is a period of rapid, growth, mastery of physical skills and the establishment of and increasing sophistication in the communication skills of language. It is a time when the child is reaching out and extending his horiions; a time when the exigencies of circumstance and the bases of social and self-control become very important to the child. During this phase the child has to learn some sense of independence. 11e must learn to ask for those things he needs, to control his body and certain bodily functions, to begin to he aware of reciprocal aspects of relationship with others. Yet he is of necessig, still very much a dependent being. Parents control his environment, his meal times, his clothes; and his little essays into and experiments in freedom may often be frustrated or ignored. In his striving for autonomy the child is hound to come intoconflict with his parents as well as with the world of objects. His own limited skills become apparent, or partly so, and this may result in frustration and anger. He may often be.determined to do things utterly beyond his power. Somehow, amid all this, the child has to move towards the achievement of a measure of autonomy. To help him accomplish all this, the family atmosphere and attitudes must likewise change and develop . The child's mother and father, therefore, need to know when to be able, to stand back and allow the burgeoning independence to assert itself safely, -Many nursery and infant teachers are very familiar with this prohIel'IsOfiCii0 observe the chi Id in a tantrum because his 'scissors `sVifn't *control, see the results of frustration When grandiose schemes eon* to fruition. Phase 4 for Erikson, the fourth phase is the period of the middle years of childhood, coinciding roughly with the Freudian period of latency, and is of particular importance. The goal orientation of this phase is industry as opposed to inferiority. In the discussion of the period Erikson comments briefly on the .concept of latency and is clearly not: in disagreement with it;'since he refers to this period as being.differerit-from the previous ones, in that there is no 'inner upheaval' and ai'a lull before the storm of puberty'. Perhaps more ',tellingly for the educationist hc goes on to say, 'This is sociallya most decisive stage, since industry involves-doingthings besides and with others, a first senseof:the technological ethos of a culture develops at: 94/Children and Schooling this time'; and in the 1141111C vein, 'Many a develimment is disrupted when family life bas failed to prepare lam for schoollife, or when school life fails to sustain the promises of the earlier MiliteN%

I liCOlICS Of psychosocial liCVC1011111CIII.Ilk case studies and his cross-cultural comp ! isons have led him to somehighly significant conclusions concerning the nature of the sex roles,of fear, of identity and of the martial drives in man. I lcdiffers 40111 Pseud On at least Iwo major issues. For Erikson, it is essential to see 11111111111deVCIt111111C11t as it ilfC-cycle process, The human personality must meetand adapt to the changing social circumstance's throughout life. Theimportant process +, (h) not occur solely in infancy. Furthermore,for Erikson, it is not only the nuclear family situation whichl i.rimportant; he stresses the powerful effects of other socialisation agencies withinthe culture. Much of his work has focused upon adolescence inreipect ofsuch cultural pressures in ..Western societies. Almost all writing onialolescene.e would be incredibly thin in theoretical background andlacking in plausible explanatory power without reference to the workof Erikson. Ilk emphasis on mutuality of understanding and of arecognition of the weds of hate and exploitation are couched in termsof the clinician, yet have ethical and philosophical overtonesof some considerable importance. h)r him, the psychoanalyst 'canonlyadvise to the extent to which he has grasped, in addition to theinfantile origins of adult anxieties, the social and polit safeguards attic individual's strength sand freedom'. " The psychodynamic schoolof writers, perhaps especially Erikson, have created -an ambience in which one .maywell question who is educatingwhom, and in what way and-for what purpose?

Children arc exposed to a wide variety of situationsand categories of knowledge in school; but for whose benefit? and,if the result appears immediately satisfactory, is that any'assuranceof a healthier future for mankind? Further, studying psychoanalyticallyorientated theory may be interesting, butdoes it automatically ensure greater sensitivity to himself on the part of theteacher? The progressives would have us believe that the answer is unequivocally 'ycs' tothis last question!'

Overall,educationistsalliedtopsychodynamictheorieshave emphasised consistent)), that it is the quality ofthe relationship which most often affectsdie learning processes in a classroom. For these educationists teaching isnot either child-centred, orteacher-centred;it is irdnsaction-centred Teaching may be to do with children, butit is also about the teacher. His emotional health and thechildren's are often )1 .. interrelated. Implications for the curriculum arelegion; yet cateringfor 4 therti in courses of teacher-training is difficult. ChieflyContis concerned.

92 Piye/to logy and Education/91 to &trot% that it is important that children should be exposedto adults who are not only sure of how thisor tha t might b e t one, but who they are themselves: adults interested in learning, exploring and discovering what It is to be human, 'Mutuality ispat tnership', says lien Morris, and 'Beason can only function as a decisive influencein the wise conduct of life within a pet %rrality which 13 not at themercy of unconscious anxieties and identifications,but which has achieved a level of integration such thatits primitive componentsno longer function a uton onn y "

MIMMANY ANS) VOMMI Ni The interaction between pupil and teacher is clearly ()I'paramount importance in the learning process. It is sometimesforgotten, however, particularly by curriculum theorists, that thismeans that the medium may well form the message. There can often be littleor no practical distinction to be made between communicationprocesses, classroom climate and curriculum content. To the child the psychologicalcontext of interpersonal relations and of the interplayof his teacher's and colleagues' personalities may be the most crucial, factorsenhancing or hampering his learning. Even though thismay be the case, he may also be totally unaware of it. The teacher needs to know, however. For being concerned with the curriculum means being concernedwith human development, with theories of personality and ofstructure of the mind. This is not, of course, a new idea. As we haveseen in Chapter 1, writers as diverse and as far apart as Locke in 1690 and, Benne and Muntyan in 1951 (amongst many others) have hadsomething to say about the importance of human development in education!' Assumptions about children, about their nature, character formation and cognitionare" lso as much a part of educational ideology as they have ever been. Central to many modern notions have been the attempts to detail and appraise psychologiCat 'development in terms of stepsor stages of increasing complelity in our growth and beha0,9,ur., ,uch stages-have.t2CCtril. recurring theme in this chapter, forlenri be S'ierf'thatPiaget, Freud, Erikson and to a limited extent Bruner, may all beseen as having based their theories upon such conceptions of change. Though particularly significant,- they 'are by no means alone. Themost complete of the `developmental continua is undoubtedly that of Erikson, whose eight stages attempt to show progress or resolution of certain goal; that take man from birth to old age. Erikson's work has been notably useful to students of- adolescence. Hardly a current workon adolescent development can ignore his contribution; and, indeed, thereseem -to have been. few other theoretical and descriptive frameKorkSto, have found favour with writers on this stage of human development.This is notib imply.that other psychologists not consideredin this chapter have

93 96/t. Mien un.l ,Vilo poling theory not used approaches tohuman development of a stage or phase type. itdbrii SCalS, 0 well-knownUS psychologist, has used a stage theory which attempts to take accountof conditioning and social 011)(1U-rice by kidding sip dusters ofappropriate behaviour typical of different stages in life. For the most parthis theories Inc confine to theyearsbeforeNitwits',I idt sy'tack Sullivan was a psychodynamicist who hied to relate hissocial and anthropological.. interest, ina theoryid' development primarily based uponthe.. achievement of self control and independenceand the resolution of anxiety. Rawly illt!the -implications of his workspelt ont for educationists. Yet. as Klein has said,'au child has learned persistence, self-control, independenceand his ownvalor as an initvniu d, then Ins anxieties can, he allayed by effort and -givers that society does not clsinge too drastically while be grows up -he has been successfully socialised for high in:hievement.'" For the educationist, therefore, someunderstanding of psychology is essential if one is to get the most outof learner, task and teacher. The entering eharacterittlex of the learners insisthe diagnosed (however crudely) and catered for if a curriculum thatsnatches Ilse child's needs " and abilities is to be 'attempted. Dothe ideas fit together in ways that Is lend them to provision of avariety of 'discovery' routes for the child? itbetter that the material hehandled more didactically for this ,particular group of children'? Whatof the task? Is the subjeet.matter itself appropriate to the children? Doesit build upon concepts antfarcas already known'? These and other suchquestions should be asked as preliminary ones in any formulationof the curriculum: The third 'factor', the teacher, and his or herpersonalily, interests and attitudes, can he especially critical. Does the subject matter interestthe teacher? Does' he or she appreciate the children's perspectives'?The general organisation ofplant. and personnel in the school alsorequires some understanding of the psychology of one's colleagues, of theeffects of interpersonal relations among staff, of feelings,ambitions and interests. In considering even these three very basic elements andthe way they interact co form a curriculum or learning environment, one mustattribute cause and effect, diagnose apparent levels ofunderstanding and employ the rudiments of psychological knowledge.But as one might expect, a curious mixture of theories andbeliefs obtains in most school, staffroorns and classrooms. Sonic teachers may neverread pedagogy or psychology after leaving college yearsbefore. Some even deny its importance and then go on to snakejudgements about child behaviour which illustrate an acuteobservation of children's feelings and perceptions over many years! Others arcsubject to the latest whim or fashion of educational pundits withouttaking time orcare to analyse or 'knee!: Almost every teacher has his or her owntheory of teaching.'

94 1') /141,g 11.11./.t. /tom /9 Many leaches s has( 10011 posiiise icmin)ceincict.....; Jot ycais, usually tin ough the immediate kedbac k.ol Istativ will agree that responding to or marking It }ming clukritork long after he has dogeIt has littleiilii, valor ltd the child at all, yet will dismiss (bra(s)s 01 Inotisalliur NIallY I(.0 do not bailie) It)gs' the dOitilrit sonic )ilea of the dimeitsious of the %utile...I matter and its iclatioitiip to areas of know ledge itt Iltc %%AY r11n1, tin iiistancr, rimier clearly eilvisavil essential, ('ommonly', at the primal y-school Ics cl, trachei will cite riagcez stages of cognitive giuwth as being the Kilne lactoisIn let:ting thix or dim culla:taunt without then bring able tiispecifs more than the Cilltics1 01111111cof, %;1y, Ct)tlitcle °per:11101W010.111M1brat ill.. Mind. however, 111.11 the education of 11111101 Ultiifth has ben) tnuirti. 111)011 considerable child choice and the benefits of play for. some thirty. tir loity yeats. It has a ppraicul in vitt iotts,gutscx, sometimes suppoited by Froebelian theory, at other times by rrfcrcncc to Dewey, Montessori. or Fiend, Their is little doubt, though, t hat of later (post Second Win Id War) years the. writings of Ibiagct have been of bualanicsital conccin to lC.ACIlertr3inci!s, it slot to %Indents in tiaioing. Anti, as II;issc tt puts it, the theolici of riagct even if only half- assimilate)( often accord with the 'cO111111011Sell1e.1106011101infant teachers in particular, riagetian theory

is in harmony, too, with the main features of infant education, .and so helps to bridge infant mid junior work. And it stresses the importance of the interaction of the learner with hldiCOVirt111111C111.:Ifid OlscIfitcncratcd interests - restoring the confidence that many had in projects by which they had Liter been disillusioned.'"

Lastly, one should again emphasise that, despite the fact that most college curd/ail:1 include work on Piaget and perhaps oil Frikson, few inmy experience Make the connections between thcoi y and practice seem sufficiently explicit and observable to the students in training. Through experience many practising teachers become sensitive to the need for a series of awri:encss 'checks' which, rather like the pre !light check by a captain of an aircraft, tikost be made prior to take-off. Thus. for the beginning teacher, anclas an aid to recall for the experienced one, the following checklist (Figure 3.1) is...provided as a postscript to this chapter. It might be reflected upon before taking a new class or groupSor before proPosing a fresh set of topics, subjects, or ideas. It also shows, and perhaps underscores the burden of this chapter, the points of impact between psychologyandtheclassroom.Ideallyanyserious considcrationt'Llf these factois entails an attempt by the teacher to reVise his impressions, to read, to relate the theory with his own observations of children. Above all, those factors should be related to the otlildas an individual,rather than in terms -of the group as a whole. In practice an amalgam of bOth: individuaanj group diagiiosisis usually necessary. . .

95 911/1./51/4 an./ N..Atio/ing Pilots ha\tt to catty otit1111010%1a pitflight Chet 1,56v1114 c Inke-litf.T mat tow u( itcfna l'istoc 1.Ia.as 'plc, Hight' 'heck totyotttje.acilittil, , Ate }km Atiltla aniwct the Iptclitort4 tittit et 1101 tort-410 0nssUsScsicd'i

thief learning liortuenIng Aye wirt 'singe' throe the woe hove eurtairirrtly vise) 1011+ot/thin within II/ i , 6 COONVi11411level Dania it hmui its/patio cat Isitt of tx414. opproarfaie Ow discovery)? f . Ito.th.it hoots &thus trvoiv Closer own ClitristohninrsAng tooroyneetti I '. ! . Mier is !heoptimumSimons,? AntiIndtvlifusi diffstencei /cw 01w/04010n of group* Stir critoreil fur? UseSutiotSi Is111(0(114:J4Ni an IlliAp II part kr/ . . MCrtivetIon ptannirt

Masou eploiting tvaluatiort 4 known motivation? I // Itow does thla IltuilisClsea Can you pian to lum1in (suit spit- issislustiSiaft at? /:'''iiiviS)4111:VOC.4000111 fleil-tstoorn TesiChss knbvieledge CUllttletAt10.4 -----. Is it wvik designed Is this an area easily to orituance this? onalysari try hurdler ? Are pOsitive attitudes . What help isnecesiky? and mdepondent ittla.91000? Teacher personality Thinking/ Is this on0104you enjoy? . / Are processes suchei Can you deal with II in a interpreting,/ way whictvausts your genetalisrng. personal style without hypothesising envisaged? diminishing children's? tiow much practiceand firmed; ors required? 134aCcrvery/guided learning Is there adequate opportunity for both? Are both envisaged?

(resulting from a Figure 31Curriculum planning and alvareness check consideration of psychological factors affectingthe curriculum). Psychologya}dEducation/99 NOTES AND REFERENCES: CHAPTER 3

1 Isaacs, SThe Children We Teach(London: University of Londcin Press, 1932), p.11. 2Tibble, J. (ed.),The Study of Education(London; Routledge .& Kegan Paul (SLE), 1966). a 3 See in particular Part 2, 'The perspealve of the pdrsonal', in Morris, B. S.,Objectives and Perspectives in Education(London: Routledg'ei Kegan Paul, I972).' 4 Bodmer, W., `Genetics and intelligence: the race argument', in Halsey, A. H. (ed.), Heredity and Environment(London: Methuen,1977),Pp.312-22; see also Vernon, P. E., 'Intelligence testing and the nature/nurture debate, 1928-1978: whatnext?',British Journal of Educdtional Psychology,vol. 49, pt I (1979), pg.1-14. In this context it might also prove useful-to read.A Balance Sheet on Burt,supplement,British Psychological Society Bulletin,vol. 33 (November 1980). 5 Much has stemmed from the catalytic effect of Rosenthal, R.,, and Jacobson, L., Pygmalion in the Classroom: Teacher Expectation and Pupils' Intellectual Development (New York: Holt 1968). There is much argument about the validity.and reliability of such research and subsequent experiments. See, for instance, the acceptance of the research in Verma, G. K., and Bagley, C.(eds)cRace. Education and Identity (London: Macmillan, 1979), pp. 5, 6; compare this with P. E. Vernon's Weak assessment, op. cit., p. 4. Over the years the argument has been that there is some evidence that pupil achievement may be in part a function of teacher expectation. The whole area of allied research is reallyconcemed with various aspects of labelling. SeeDelmont,S., Interaction in the Classroom(London: Methuen, 1977); and Nash, R.,Teacher Expectation and Pupil Learning(London: Routledge & egan Paul, 1976). 6 Rutter, MT, Maughan, B., Mortimore, P., and Ouston, J.,Fifteen Thousand Hours (London: Open Books, 1979); Galton,- M., Simon, B., and Croll, P.,Inside the Primary ClassrooM(London:. Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1980). 7 Bennett, N.Teaching Styles and Pupil Progress(London: Open Books, 1976). 8 Good, T. L., Biddle, B. J., and Brophy, J. E.,Teachers iitke a Difference(New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1975); see also Brophy, J., 'Interactions between learner characteristics and optimal instruction', in Bar-Tal, D., and Sale, L.,Social to Psychology of Education(New York: Halstead Press, 1978). 9 A null hypothesis is one which states that there is likely to be no significant difference between two or more parameters, and the experimenter may refute or. reject the null hypothesis if he finds that the apparent differencejs greater than that merely attributable to the results of some sampling error. 10 Barbel-, T. X., 'Pitriills in research: nine investigator andexpiimenter,effects',in Travers, R. W. (ed.), 'SecondHandbook of Research or/ Teaching(Chicago: Rand McNally, 1973), pp. 382-404. I1 When results are slightly altered or omitted, or When/ fires are somewhat misrePresented in order to make results appear clearer thn ttry really are. 12 Maehr, M. L., SocioculturalCirigins of achievement motivatn', in Bar-Tal and Saxe, op. cit., P. 215. 13 For a useful US overview, see Randleman, C., 'The curriculum: the public media versus the _professional books and journals', Adolescence,vol.13 no. 52 (1978), pp. 563-73. There is a wealthw of such material on either side of the Atlantic: some particularly emotive. See, for instance, Kiood, T.,'and Macey, M.,Mind that Child (London: Writers & Rladas Publishing Operative (CASE), 1977). 14 Bennett, op. cit. Bennett's major conclusionas ttat 'formal teaching fu fils its aims in the academic area without detriment to the sial and emotional deve opinent of pupils, whereas informal teaching only partially fulfils its aims in the latter area as well as engendering 'comparatively poorer/outcomes in academic development'. 100/Children and Schooling, His data were reanalysed and reintegrated by him in 1980. The original finding,sare now regarded as highly suspect. 15 For example, Douglas, J. W. B., The Home and the School (London: MacGibbon & Kee,1964); and Jackson, B., Streaming: An Educational System in Miniature (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1964): 16 Rutter et al., op. cit. 17 See n. 14, above. 18 Boydell, D., The Primary Teacher in Action (London: Open Books, 1978). 19 Brophy, J. E., 'Interactions between learnef characteristics and optimal instruction', in Bar-Tal and Saxe, op. cit., p. 136. 20John Broadus Watson (1878-1958). 21 Polanyi, M., The Tacit Dimension (London: Routledge & Kegan Pau1;1967). 22 Schaffer, R., Mothering (London: Fontana/Open Books, 1977). 1973); 23 Skinner, B:7., OBeyondFreedom and Dignity (Harmondsworth: Penguin, but see especially Nye, R. D., What is B. F. Skinner Really Saying?(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980). 24Pressey, S. L.. 'A simple apparatus.which gives tests and scores - andteaches', rSchool and Society, vol. 23 (1926), pp. 373-6. 25 Richards, I. A. Basic English and its Uses (Landon: Routledge; 1943) 26Skinner, B. F., 'Teaching Machines', Science, vol. 128 (1958), pp. 969-77. 27 Skinner, B. F.. Beyond Freedom and Dignity (Harmondsworth:.Penguin, 1973), p.45. 28 The Open University units would be a good example. They have been incorporated into many degree courses other than those specifically for the Open University simply because they are very methodical, carefully sequenced and attractively presented in a way unlike many traditional English undergraduate texts. Commonly, many US university textbooks employ small-step sequencing and require active responses from the students. 29 See especially. Evans., E. D., Contemporary Influences in Early Childhood Education, 2nd edn (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1975). 30Ferster, C. B., and Skinner, B. F., Schedules of Reinforcemenifgew York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1957). 31 Bijou, S., and Sturges, P., Positive reinforcers for experimental studies With children', Chili Development. vol. 30 (1959), pp. 15.4.70; and Meacham, M., and Wiesen,A., ChangingClassroomBehaviour(Scranton,Pa:. International Textbook, 1969). 32Evans, op. cit., p.112. For a brief discussion 'of application,s of behaviour modification to education (and the appropriate references), see Charles, C. M., Individdalizing Instruction (Saint Louis: Mosby, 1980). . 33Gagne, R., The Conditioins of 'Learning, 2nd edn (New York:Holt,* Rthart & Winston, 1971). 34AdiUbet, D.P., Educational Psychology: A Cognitive View (New York:VHolt, Rinehart &Winston, 1968), p. 139. 35 See especially "'Introduction% in Dase P. (ed.), Piagetian Psychology: Cross- Cultural Contributions (New York: Gardner Press,1977). For a concise and up-to-date, easily'assimilated overview of Piaget and of the relevance of his work, see especially New Era, vol. 59, no. 3 (1978). The entire issue is devotedto Jean Piaget and the .application of his researches to education. See also the masterly brief appendix, 'Piaget's theory of intellectualdevelopment',in Donaldson, M., Children's Minds (Glasgow: Fontana,' 1978); and Boden,Margaret, Piaget (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1979): 'despite all the criticisms, there is a rich store of 'psychological insights and theoretical speculation, and a profusion of intriguing empirical observations and retharkably ingenious exptriments, to be found in Piaget's pioneering work . Remember that he is usually vague and often wrong, and that there are still uncharted dimensions of structural and procedural complexity within the.mind that he seemingly has little inkling of. But yes.- read,Piaget.'gee in

98 ' o Psychology/ did Eduatibn/101

Theory: A Psychological Critique -addition Brown, G., and Desforges, R., 'Plaget:s (Loiidom Routledge & Kigan Paul, 1979). - 36 Ausubel, op. cit., p. 545. hindrance in educa/tfng young 37Satterly,D.,'Stages of development: help or children', Universities Quarterly., vol. 29, no.4 (1975), p. 387. 38 See n. 6, above. 39 . Donaldson, M., Children's Minds(Glasgow: Fontana, 1978), pp. 24-5; and Roden, op. cit., pp. 152, 153. 1. 40 Michaelis, J. V., Grossman, R.H., and Scott, L. F., New Designs for Elementary, Curriculum and Instruction (New York:McGraw-Hill, 1975),;p. 51. Children and their Primary f Schools, 41Central Advisory Council for .Education, -Vol. 1 (London: HMSO, 1967). (London: Open Books, 1977). 42See, for instance, Brown, G Child Development Chi Id (London: Roptledge & Kegan 43Piagee, J., and I n helder, B The Psychology of the Paul, 1969), p. 145. 44 Siegel, A., 'Research onchild development: ',implications for social change', in Glaser,5,'/R. (ed.), Research and Development and SchoolChange (Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1978), p. 52. linguisticfunctioning: 454- Watts, 'Individualdifferencesincognitive and Bassett; G. W Individual Differences Psychological and sociological perspectives', in J (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1978), p. 96 46 Young, J. Z., An Introduction to the Study ofMan (London: Oxford University Press, . 1971), p.2 knderstanding in Young Children (London: ethuen, 47 Bryant, P.:Perception and 1974). 48 Satter ly: op. cit. Educatio6 and Science, Primar Education an 49See, for instance, Department of England (London: HMSO, 1978), andDES Assessment of Performance Unit, Mathematical Development. Yrithary Survey Report No.1 (London+ HMSO, 1978). reported in Psychology Today, vol. 2, no. 9 50 Piaget speaking to Hall, in an interview (1976), p. 29t Mass.: Harvard University Press, 51 Bruner, J., The Process, of Education (Cambridge, Psychosoclal Development 52 Mi9c6°C)a'nPd'le3s3s., and Eans, E. D., Children and Youth: (Hinsdalq111.: Dryden Press, 1973), p. 444. 53 Bruner, op. cit., p. 52. sdr 54 ibid. . Control, Vols. l' and 2 (London: 55 especially Bernstein, B., Cols, Codes and Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973); andBrandA, W., and fferngtein, B., Selection and Control (London: Routledge & Kegan° Paul, 1974). Siegel, op. cit. 50 Research and Commentary.(andon: 57 Stone, J. et ;it. (eds), The Competent Infant: lTavistock, 1974), p. 7: _e Personality (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), asp. ch. 58Storr, A., The Ilitegrity of the 6 on 'Identification and introjection' Morris, B. S., pbjectives-qnd Perspectivesin Education (London: Routledge . & Kegan Paul, 1972), pr2231 (Harroondslorth: Penguin. 1962), p. 20. Hadfield, J. A., Childhood and Adolescence 60 psychoanalisis whereby the subject is to 61 Free association is a technique used in *resporyi with the first ward which comes tomind when he or she is presented With a stithulus word. r." (Londoft: Methuen, 1975), p. '62Brown, R., and Herrnstein, R. J., Psychology Primary Education and the Progressives, 63 See especially Selleck, R. J. W., English 1914-1939 (London: Routledge & KeganPaul, 1972). )tr Children (London: Riniedge, 1933), p. 19. 64 Isaacs, S., Social Development in Young '102/thildren and Schooling

65Se Heck, op:'cit., p. 66Isaacs,S., Intellectual Groin Voting Children(London: Routledgi 1931), p. 354. 67Hughes, Al G., and Hughes, E. H.,Learning and Teaching(Londe Longman, Green, 1037). 68Board of Education',Report of the Consultative Committee on the Primary School (London: HMSO, 1931) (appendix 3 ,is by Cyril Burt, then psychologist to the London County Council, 'but section iii of this appendix acknowledges and recommends the work of Isaacs; and'the footnote on p. 269 contrasts the views of the behaviouristi and those of the psychoanalytic school of thought.) 69Ben Morris Was Professor of Education atBristol University (1956-77). Educated in , having been a science teacher and taught in both primary and secondary schools, he came under the influence of men like Bion during the war-years. After the Second World Wa e, studied psychoanalysis and was on the stiff of the -Tavistock Institute ofuman Relations. He became DirectOr of the National Foundation for Education Research (NFER), then entered academic life, He had a considerable influence upon the shape of education courses throughout the country,..... especially in relation to the contributions of psyct;ology to education. 70Erikson, E. H.,Childhood and Society(Ha rmonds;vo rth: Penguin, 1965). 71Maier, H. W., 'ThreeTheories of Child Development . (New York: Harper & Row. 1965), pp. 7q-.4. 72Erikson, 9p. bit., p. 252. 73ibid,, p. 409. 74Qammge, P.. and Greenwald, J., 'Human Development and the curriculum' in ,Lawtod, D.et al., Th? Child, the School and the Society,Units 5-8 (Milton Keynes: Open University, 1976), p. 88. 75 Morris, Ben,Objectives and Perspectives in Education.(Londbn: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), p, 106. 76Benne, K. D., and Muntyan, B. (ed's),Human Reldtions in Curriculum Change -te (New York: Dryden_Press, 1951). See also Weinstein, G., and Fantini, M. D., troivard Humantisticrducation(New York: Praeger, 1970). 77Klein, J.Samples from English Cultures, V ol. 2(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 610. 78 A colleague assured a friend that.his method of teaching, called the 'box method', never failed. The colleague came to school each day with a little box. At the beginning. of the day Eno would say to his clasS You don't know what's in this box, but whoever works really hard will, get it'. Sometimes the little box would contain a penknife or some highly desirable smallitem; other times merely a sweet or two. But the children were curious and they couldn't afford to take the risk of losingsomething worthwhile.JIence, the children worked . .. motivation. 79BaSsett, G. W.,Innovatiati in Primary Education(London: Wiley-Interscience. 1970),.p. 44. eit SU4ESTED READING: CHAPTER 3 f ) M. Boden,Piaget(Brighton: Harvester Press, 1979). F. Brown. and R. J. HerrnsttinPsychology(London: Methuen, 1975). D. Child,Psychology and the Teacher.2nd edn (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1977). M. Donaldson,Children's Mindi(Glasgow:Fontana, 1978). E.E. Maccoby,Social Development: Psychological Growth and the Parent-Child Relationship(New Yorklarcourt Brace Jovanovitch, 1980). B. S. Morris, Objectivesand Perspectives in Education(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972). R. D.Nye, What is l3. F. Skinner Really Saying?(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980). Psychology' and EdUcation/103

P. Roazen, Freud and his FolloWers (1-larmondsworth: Penguin, 1979). J. Sants (ed,) Developmental Psychology and Society (London: Macmillan, 1980).

Note: For a broad and fairly up to date survey of the scene in psychology, it might be . worth consulting Chapman. A. J., andJones, D. M., Models of Man (Leicester. British Psychological Society, 1980). This istheresult. of a wide-ranging and discursive conference held in 1979. The book is somewhat poorly organised, but illustrates-the current mechanist/humanist divideland other issues) very clearly., Chapter 4 Language, Conimunication and the Curriculum

I do riot share those current views whiCh regard as axioinatic that schools are doing a poorer jobtoday than they did yesterday: Rather I take the view that, by, and large, schools have never been all that marvellous or 'relevant' for the vast bulk of the pppulade and that, except for a significant but small group of the fortunate (or wealthy), .most of us could be classed as 'victims of institutionalised education'. If one looks at autobiographieS.containing anecdotes of schooling, one can find few written during the last century or two which portray school as a place of happiness, of relevance, or of excitement. Indeed, many autobiographies seem to demonstrate that, even for the famous members of our institutions and of goverrimen t, school was very much a place of boredom, misery and timeNvastitig. One went to school because one had to, orbecause it led to an interesting career.Contemporary schools are not necessarily greater failures than they were; at times, especially at the primary level, they may be a great deal better. But society now expects so much more of its schools than it did in the past. The family is rarely regaided-as the important or sufficient educatOP. In these days of the advanced technological society, of necessary labour mobility, of the infatmation-processing media, itis convenient and sometimes essential toleep children, adolescents and young adults in institutions and then to manipulate and cajole thbse institutions into releasing the right number of appropriate :products' for .the right industrial process at the right time (still as yet a rather haphazard, process in Western democracies). In short, schools are part ofany modern society's organisational structure and are, of course, an integral part of the labour market: They Five as a strange mixture ofwhat Qttt term Treezers', 'dad?' an'taps' in ouriinformation-rich and ") institutionally complex ociety. tY) . Paradoxically, whilschools and itachers still seem to be teaching Le) children in such a way\ as to try to expand children's knowledgethey to) -'less often teach children to function as socially responsible. and caring adults.- It is only in a. few peripheral areas of the curriculum that (:) attention is focused upon goals that to my mind really matter: education t" in personal relationships, education instralegiesrfor making sense of 0. society's information overload, education ,in politics,: community welfare, ecology,tven in talking and thinking, ratOtr than listening and Langtiage. Communication and Curriculum /105 watching. These strike me 'as some of the often neglected but fkndamental areas of knowledge which 'are, so often left to incomplete and random sources outside the classroom. It is true, that there are schools whose curricula include such activities and experiences; it is:true that some schools go further and recognise that children may perhaps, benefit more from contributing tctoutside social and welfare enterprises as participators, rather than from learning mathematics, But it may be that schools are failing because they are too much consumed with wholly individualistic goals of learning, concerned that schools should be places whst childretrlisten to adults rather than where they can work with thett or talk to one another, concerned withproductrather lnprocess. Itis perhaps, not so much a question-of few or inexplicit als, but simply inappropriate and conflicting ones. Another problem seems to arise from the unresolved conflict resulting from too literal an interpretation of equality of Opportunity, especially when such a notion runs up against attempts to individualise learning. Indeed, these two well-established traditions in English education,equalityandindividualisation,can often'make a mockery of any curriculuM which recognises the need for differential access to different subject areas or modes of teaching. A preocCupation with,. equality may result in attempts to view widely disparate abilities and interests as somehow homogeneous. At the same time current theories about individualisation tend to gloss over the resulting difficulties by expecting theimpossible of the teacher - that he tailor, alter, or facilitate a vast n umb4 of approaches to a subject or idea, while holding the interests-of a particularly varied and diverse group of pupils. Since language is the primary medium through which culture is represented and interpreted, it can be seen that all these questions raised above are mediated through or dependent upon aspects of language usage and communication. At the centre of the experience of schooling, and the latter is now the main vehicle of institutionalised socialis.ation in all post-indus I societies, is the use and misuse of language. This fact isall too obscured by. the exponents of the verbiage of. `communic n' theory and by the couching of so many classroom interaction studiesinthejargonofsocialpsychology and 'sociolinguistics. In this chapter I want to highlight briefly some of the main featurq of thinking and research about language, and to place these clearly in relatiOn.to the socialisationeof children and to the shaping of the school curriculum. Most psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists would today probably agree that the process of socialisation is one which slowly imposes certain attitudes, social roles, skills and perceptual framewbrks upon the growing individual. In this process culture and cognition becopte inextricably linked and the language of any group becomes, shaped around that group's dominant concerns. It is also a well-known 106/Children" nd Schooling paradox that language both expands horizons andconfines them; and that our exp rience of life is in part.determinedby our language and which in determines i.This is the so-called 'linguistic relativity' theory, the extreme formis sometimes known as theWhorfiarihypothesis (after Benjamin e Whoa). Clearly,categorisation and naming are central toour s cialisation andare enormously dependent upon the developm nt and use of language. Languageis perhaps the fundamental tool in a man's shaping of his environment,in his prediction, control and recordingiof events. The categories, labelsand names weemploy as part of our perceptual and cognitiveprocessing of the world aid us in shaping our destiny but may also delimit and.destroy. Poets, for example, have always been acutely aware of thelimitations of language and, ih wrestling with limitations of structure andtradition; of syntax and grammar, they have usually tried toexpand, reassemble and relocate words in order that they gather a strengthand import not common to normal prose commentary. But for mostof us the paradox remains. The precise and careful juxtapositionof words may aid our communication, but there is always the chance that the messagewill be almost as much diminished or destroyedby the vehicle of.language as conveyed or enhanced by it. In early childhood language is-the primemedium of repression tita d control. How a child behaves in.\a,given situationis very mch dependent upon what the situation me ns orsignifies to him. Much of the meaning will have been conveyedwithin a particular psychological climate usually that of an earlynurturance/dependence relationship with a parent. Words will have been employedby the parents almost from the outset and the selectidn of those words aswell as the context in which they appear means that our perceptionsof the world will be selectiveinitially selected for us. Thus, as Ryan says, The process of acquiring language initself constitutes a form oft socialisation. This is particularly true of the veryearliest stages' of development when the child first comes toparticipate in dialogue, with others, and when she first uses signswhose meaning is socially rather than individually determined.' Communication, however, is not language.The employment of command or demand words and even theverbal exchange of information are only aspects of communication.Communication is ,much more. It includes all those contextualclues that go with language and all behaviour both conscious andsubconscious which people employ to influence others. Furthermore,it entails at least three basic elements; a communicator, a recipient(who registers receipt) and something to communicate. It can often be the'cargo', of meaning surrounding the words which constitute the messagewhich the person

1 0 , Language. Communication and Curriculum/107 (child) receives. The meaning of the word or words employed may become critically dependent upon their context. It is this,, too, which linguists refer to when they talk of the wider implications of linguistic relativity. And there is yet another aspect. The child is learning to categorise and examine The phenomena of the world. around him in terms which, though apparently almost infinctely flexible, are in reality very much along the lines of our/parents'. perceptionS and, later; dependent upon the perceptions and attributions of our social groups.. Thus, subcultural values and the emotional context of language learning are also extremely important. Of course, many will point out that socialisation is a two-way process. The child socialises the parents to a not insignificant extent at the same time,as his reality is being,shaped for him. But for the most part he faces a linguistically packaged World. The linguistic package, forming part of the total communication, embedded within the values and attitudes of the family. grOup, or class into which the child is born as well as located Within the concerns of a particular ethnic, linguistie. and geographic domain. As the' years progress and due to the proCesses of social interaction and cognitive maturation the child gradually acquires a syStem of communication which is common to his social group; his cognition and culture become fused and interrelated. Language is, thus, both the controller and the great liberator. It enables generalisation and abstraction to become the imprtant pins of an hypothesising and extending inquiry into the phenomena of life. According to most psychologists, with the exception perhaps of Piaget who saw thought as rooted, in processes deeper than the acquisition of language, our cognition is dependent upon language:Our language both represents and transforms experiences. It occupies central role in our perceptions of the world aid of ourselves, since it also becomes the medium of control, repressiOn and the organisation of the psyche. In the early stages of life rules are presented to children as the way life is and these are then developed or changed as language and understanding become more sophisticated :. Many psychodynamic theorists believe that the personality is to a significant extent formed through reactions to approval or disapproval expressed verbally by the people who have greatest salience in the eyes of(he'child. This means that the development of the personality is in large 'part the result (if not the sum) of verbal interaction with significant others. Harry Stack Sullivan, for example, is one of the psychodynamic" theorists who lay greatstress upon the importance of language in the process of developing self-knowledge and self-integration.4 Normal children acqire language in a very short period of time. Within something approximating two to two and a half years, most children have acquired a working foundation in their mother-tongue, Thus, between 18 months and 3-4 years of age the child achieves

1 b 5 108/Children and Schooling mastery over an area of considerable cognitive complexity.With language as his prime tool he learns to organise, comprehend and challenge the world around him.Vygotsky has,unlikePiaget, emphasised language as the prime basis of the conscious and subconscious structuring of the world through the child's thought processes. He suggested that the processes ofdeveloping thought and developing speech can he thought of as two intersecting circles suchthat \,/inner speech' becomes the 'verbal thought' of the child.' This verbal thought is initially non-existent in the new-born and early infant,since Thought and speech are completely independent of one another. The child is in its early 'natural' or 'primitive' period when thought is non- verbal and speech (babbling) non-cognitive. From then the child moves through subsequent stages of increasingawareness and complexity until, according to Vygotsky, he reaches the point where synthesis and analysis can he carried out at an abstract level. In this progress language js the vital force which gives power 'tothe' mental processes, It shquld be pointed out, however, that Furth,' a psychologist responsible for a considerable amount of research on deaf children, has found that in both hearing and hearing-impaired children the thinking processes appear very similar. The!tearing-impaired children did almost as well in problem-solving exercises as those childrenwith normal hearing, though, as Conrad' repints, 'degree of hearing loss itselfis a weak guide to the availability of intelnal linguistic resources'. There is, however, little datibt that language aids thinking and problem-solving and, though Piaget and Vygotsky differ in their orientation towardsthe relatiOnship between thought and language, they do not differ in -their recognition of the interdependence and importance of those two cognitive >processes.Indeed,thatinterdependenceis now a commonplace and a common meeting-point of many differently oriented social scientists. Thus, the integration of thc child into his social world is, in large part; an integration into a cognitive and perceptual framework with language as the principal medium. The implications of the complex relationship between co' gnition and culture arc far-reaching, and the consequent focus on language asboth shaping and being shaped by culture and values almost inevitable. Much of this attention of the last tifteon or twenty years appears to havehad a particular fascinationfor educationists. The connection between language and social class (however described) has in part led tonatty of the interventionist curriculum programmes both in Englandand the USA. Those who, for instance, accept that middle-classchildren consistently perform better in certain aspects of school work than do working-class )children, may attempttoexplain such superior performance in terms of some superior language capability. It has been /argued,to put it crudely, that the differences in languagedevelopment

0 6°,. Language. Cornmunicat:an and Curriculum /109 bet% cell middle-class-and working-class children may be classified in thC. following way: in fermi' of Cocabularfferencrs: middle -class childten appear to have the larger vocabulary: . in terms of effect.i rote si C!i. middle -class children appear to be able to use language more elleen% cly in certain situations (explication, de- contextualisation) than do working- class children. (see Appendix A for outline)

There are a variety of reasons commonly put forward for such apparent differences. For instance, there does seem %mit-residence that working -class mothers 113%c less time to spend in talking with their infants than middk -class mothers. There is also sonic sumestion that middle-class mothers are more careful over labelling' and, indeed, play ibulary games with their children which associate parts Cif the body articular actions with specific %%or's. But the relationship between social class and language use is clearly much more complex than this and the weaknesses in 'emphasising global differences arc that they play obscure much that is sit uationally and contextually beneficial in the communication other than language. Ps'elJs puts this very succinctly in a discussion of Joan Tough's position, in saying that 'the polarising procedure of OF researcher nmy lead to a possibly erroneous conclusion that there are two different kinds of human beings, one being superior to the other'' It would appear that, in general, descriptive studies of language development both ,in England and the USA have revealed marked social-class differences in language usage by the age of 5 years or so. These differences hayc in some cases been viewed by educationists in terms of 'deficiencies' of one sort or another on the,parfol the working - class children, and have thus led to attempts to 'compensate by implementing systematic language-training schemes at an early stage of schooling. Such compensatory programmes are less than helpful. however, if they predispose teachers to a view of the world which focuses on certain aspects of language production, rather than upon the context and reciprocity of thetotal communication. Itis perhaps worth emphasising the view of Cazden 'et at: 'Irrespective 'of idiosyncratic and sociocultural variations, most authorities believe tIvarall languages and dialects are inherently equal in terms of structure and complexity and thit systematic deviations from any one formal, standard language form do not indicate inherent intellectual differences.' Ginzburg," among many others such as Rosen,' has criticised the general hypothesis thatworking-class children arcin some way 'deprived', that is, they cannot use language as effectively as middle- class children. Indeed,.ffernstein's1" conclusions have been frequently 110/CA:L.'relT critil%td on the grOuil,ii thatfit". not sufli::iently distinguish tsetss ern languaic prod,....tion and htrigaait.compre1-szpionRosen marntains that the relation:hip betsvec slats and language Ti not easily or Heil tiC7,;(0,i'd Ullf1!;.: cons ennottalsosiologicIal methotls and that 'ssorking-t lass spccs h has its ossnstrengths lkht,ti the'riormal linginstic tr. rnitnologs has not been :lb!: to at, rticc Ulta titer 5.1 Inall,the issues corwerning the relationships bet %seeniar.tiage and social classterrain unresolscd, oratbest not fullytinderstisssti. Certamls there is sufficient evidence' that one is excels Isels simplisw, if one assumes that ssliool learrung ditlictiftret comm onto particular s.,vcrOcultural Frt,ups can he neirssarily os ercome byin:rca.sing practice in labaing....(luestrrn-askini.:. or by reachtng such ldepritcd. children standard middle-slats forill*, of language. thr; is r,ot to saythat there arc nndiffercriccs m lan.Friai..e. production or in u.age andcomprehension, buttoreiterateWells's point.'Iflearning takesplace, through t)111111U111C.1110/1, anti iOnlinhnit'.11/011 ICLitllf CO1131)01.01011 tX".t% Celt thf 'Lath:W.1111% III the ItCgOtlatfti L:011111101Orlof a sh.ireil realty, it that it shill ,be in the further exploration Of thecomplex nature of ,linguisticlinguistic coriuminication that the contributron tocd,ICAttln.11 success willhe found'." Es cry day experience, the stuff ofnormal everyday life. this 'shared really', needs descriptions. Ve attactpIabcIs. tsc attribute different qualities and He categorisecventZ and objects according to the beliefs and values of .a particular st.,ciocirltural group.Language, though not the only comisonent in our ttF,1k.try of perceptionsof the ss orld, is central to the socialisation process; and v. ith tts aid. %se structure ourworld:Ind assign rtleanings according to'rules' derived from home. school and leer -group Illf itlflucticc7:of horne,chool and peers are not necessarily congruent. Schools are, in a sense,commissioned by society to perform task s of education,selection and training, in suchstay as to ensure a reasonable'goodness of fit' into a particular type of adult society. Usually, or at least overtly, sirchfitting Is expected to IV accomplished 1.110101.1t too (1111Ch violence to theCillid:such Is the current' fashion, )1111, ultiniattsly, schools exist to inculcateknowledge,skillx and Values sshich base sonic traditional.valitItty. or reputation in the existing culture. As such. and inthe broadest terms, the school curriculum is related ro political andideological concerns. I)iffercm societies exert cider ent forms of pressure upontheir children, anti in the democratic societies of the Western isorld, many of these pressures are haphazard and result from the marketforces of C:11111:111SM. totalitarian societies the pressuremay: be mor,e clearly channell,ed through schooling and may Isc Mote congruent%sit!) the sloshes of the political masters, but may be no less reprehensivethan those grixing front peer prclercric-c or the vogArie,of the Ill almost any society there seems a.vagite and ill-definedline bc1Wctit education and

0 8. Language; Communication and Curriculum/111 indoctrination. SchoOling, however, never starts with a .clettn stale (unless ,one classifies kibbutz-type socialisation as 'Schooling' and, :totally disregards the,contributions of inheritance to the development of the child). It has.to build upon existing habits, attitudes and labels derived from earlier family experience. It may p"otentially confer, alter, or markedly' conflict with the former and existing patterns of socialisation experienced by the clients. Most teachers are acutely aware of the problems and difficulties inherent in their role, and few practitioners can afford the luOry of assuming that socialisation is merely a process imposing certain easily agreed perspectives upon the child; far from it indeed. For sociplisation is not ,merely thebusiness,of learning and training in a passive neo- ,behavidurist sense; it is'a process to which, as stressed earlier, the child may very actively contribute. The child- is no mere passive imbiber of. resei ed wisdom add conventions. Also, gild especially nowadays, when large numbers of sophisticated and media-conscious teenagers are compelled to attend school, au adolescent may be more in touch with the dynamic and changing forces in the kOciety than the arch-priests of culture themselves. All this makes for strain and tension, with different groups and different communities holding very different views about modes of child-rearing, pedagogy, curricular content and evaluaeon, as well as giving rise to potent disagreement over the inculcation o values and attitudes and of the role of language in all this. Itisnot merely the problem of different perceptions of the environment, however. While many,psychologists acknowledge that the child's view of the environt critically affects his reactions and behaviour, they also point toe relationship between success in school and identification with teachers' perspectives. Some, like Goodman" and Holt" suggest that schooling may actually serve to alienate and block aspirations of many children. Schools tend- to enhance the identities of those few children who do well, but unfoi-tunately almost always expose the children who are unable tocompete. The latter may

-.. well be in the majority -in many schpols. . . Nearly ten years ago, Barnes provided clear demonstration of the way that teachers so often fail to appreciate fully that the ways they use language in classroom* interaction,may close off rather than open up avenues of approach for the child. His partners, Britton and Rosen," have also exposed the weaknesses in many curricula and ways of teaching which are encapsulated in stereotyped notions of 'standard English' and in classroom communication which demands less thinking and talking, rather than more. The National Association for, the Teaching of English (NATE) and the Schools Council have been fecund in the ideas they have put before teachers (particularly secondary-school teachers) for stimulating and broadening the role of English in the curriculum. But the developing traditions of flexibility of pedagogical 112/ Ctildren and Schooling 'approach (and these have a long history in England, particularly in. infant schools) have recently come under considerable scrutiny and, despite the lack of firm evidence concerning optimum ways of curricularb organisation and transaction, there seems to be a fairly vociferous lobby demanding a return to the methods and possibly thecontest of yesteryear. . In summary, then, .it would seem that in recent years....-eschool curriculum and its relevance, to the ways in which we socialise our 'children have become central concerns in the socialscience and philosophy of education. The selection and management of the 'stock of- knowledge', the values and attitudes of the teachers, the relationship `between language and social control have taken on new meaning since the work of Bernstein, 7, Wilson," Daviesl° andYoung,2° to mention merely a few. Changing views of education havejn part led todifferent patterns of orgnisation both nationally, andwithin the institutions themselves. Some of these changes have intensified and complicated the presentation of knowledge, skills and values (the curriculum) in such a way; to make the following issues of immediate practical concern to. teachers:

(1)11 Given the demand for heterogeneous groupings of children of wide ability ranges throughout all levels of education (up to and

1 including the sixth form); how does one provide differential access j'to the curriculum, that is, differentp'nts of entry according to ability and interest,. tyhile at the same tithe developing ideas logically and systematically so that they can be evaluated in fairly traditional modes by examirtion bodies respected bypublic emplOyers?" 6)Given a curricular organisation which allows children tobe engaged in different levels of work at the same time, how can evaluation and the diagnosis of learning problems be handled speedily and efficiently without taking400 much valuable teaching time away from the teacher? With all the current concern for accountability and standards, is it possible to allow different language registers to be employed inthe classroom, yet at the same time to 'Provide for a. reasonablyhigh level of working ora5Nd literacy in all children? How does one communicate a love of precision, elegance and intellectual rigour without (a) alienating many-children who may see no relevance or socialpurpose in such learning, and (b) at the same time too rigidly selecting onlythat view of the world which is firmly rooted in the socialisation of the teachers themselves? How can schooling and the curriculum be adapted to thekind of people the cdren are, rather, than frozen Into organisational traditions which resist change? a Langet.uage; Communicatioir and .Curriculytn/113

, /(6)Ought all childrO, regafdless of ability or interestcto follow some sort of nationally agreed core curriculum in oracy, numeracy and literacy? 9. (7)Can enthusiasm, love of subject matter, liveliness and charisaa (even supposing most teachersdid hve such qualities) provide sufficient basis for teacher tithotity power within school groups or larger communities hOlding views 're hostileto or at least non-congruent with the teacher's main rpose?

It is not unduly optimistic to Saythat st of the above questions can be answered and the associated problems accommodated (if not solved) at the prepubertal levels of English Schooling. This is partly because in England most primary and middle schools are small and allow for great flexibility of organisation, as well as intimacy and general ease of communication; partly , because prior to adolescence evert today's sophisticated children still seem to be excited by learning and oriented favourably towards adults and teachers in particular. By mid- adolescence the story can be quite different. Many teachers of 14-year- olds tell of the rapid alienation which seems to set in, particularly among certain, social groups, at about this age. _ To communicate a set of ideas to any child, the teacher normally employs language. He may not employ it as openly.or,as flexibly as he thinks, but during the course of any school day he will engage in various ?types of communication. As Baynes and many others have pointed out, j the tragedy is that these forms of communication are oftenmlch more closed (and often less communicative) than the teacher believes. Indeed, so rigid and inflexible are some forms, of language employed in classrooms by the teachers that one might be forgiven for demanding that a legitimate part of all student-teacher courses include observation of the teacher's language usage. Equally, it seems fair say that many children would benefit from a course in understand and practice in the type of language employed during the teachingv ocess, since some seem-particularly bewildered by it. Closely related, a major goal of any secondary-school language curriculum might be to sensitise children to the concepts and language usage of the different areas of study, such as the sciences, the behavioural sciences, humanities and the arts. At the infant or remedial level the jeachliV understanding of the functiorof language as a teaching instrument is abs6Ititely vital, otherwise the language used may prove to have precisely the opposite effect. But the dangers are there throughout the age range. Too many youngsters are already 'cooled out' of the syStem by 13 or 14 years of age, as much by the medium as by the message. InThe Relevance of Education,Bruner develops a line of approach which, While hot unique (it is for instance one of the principal themes of Brameld in 1965), nevertheless emphasises that education is not and N 1,14/Children and Schooling c , 'never can be a neutral process:22 Knowledge is power; access to information so often spells or theabilityto gain And exploit further knowledge;knowlcdgc impliesaction and commitment; and Bruner would have us both recognise and emphasise ails. Teachers have the job of ensuring that children grasp the structures of.the knowledge imparted in such ii way that the)4 can rapidly distingUish the 'significant' information from the 'insignificant'. According to this view, teachers must endeavour to structure knowlcdgc in a way that lead% to'optimal compreihension' and the 'true' value of any knowledge a'reaepends to a large extent on it being 'coded', so that tt isusableby children both now and in the future. The cynic might suggest that so much of wtiat is taught in school may still be classified under the old infant-school heading of 'busy work', that is, work which has no real significance other than that it, occupies the children and prevents them from directing (or misdirecting) their energies elsewhere. This is not to take a strong Illich or de-schooling line, however. It is'simply to restate the objvious and to add weight to the reminder that the power of external or extrinsic motivation:rapidly declines in its ability to shape.behaviour," and that, in being both attractive and highly motivating, it would appear that learning which is to do with coping with real and everyday issues is likely to appeal to many adolescents. There are, 'of course, serious problems. For one thing formal knowledge, especially that knowledge which in the past has been designed for an elite, is bound to seem so often inappropriate and out of touch with the needs, aspirations and interests of the vast bulk of the populace. However, schools as institutions should not take too much notice of this,to do so would render them inactive - paralysed by doubt, by ambiguous and conflicting messages from members of their role-set (managers, governors, parents and advisers). Schools, in fact, dare not, al in the day-to-day stuff of life except in terms peripheral to their entral concerns. To beimaginative,- too outrageous, too concerned with areas not 'centred on the traditions of knowledge, would be to invite c''triticism, ridicule and very close scrutiny. Such.a situation means that, tobe safe,most school knowledge must be held relatively inert, its potency concerned only with those areas for which there is already public approval. Thus, the school curriculum may only marginally deal with issues of greater moment than long-division or the Peasants' Revolt. It may not devote too much time fiS (despite the fact that stress, inapPropriate diet, lack of exercise, the motor car and smoking kill millions in our advanced industrial societies every year!). It may not be too overtly concerned with ecology, child-rearing, citizenship, advertising, house maintenance, role-stereotyping and a host of other aspects of useful knowledge. Nor can schools spend too much time on the aesthetic, moral, or even erotic in the arts or humanities, despite the enriching effect such ideas may have had for mankind. 112

v Language, 'Communication and Curricuiuni/115 If schoolscould,risk only some of such vitalising input into their curricula, it is likely that they would Capture the increasing interests of the disaffected children, especially among the adolescents, who arc for the first time truly `socially inspired' human beings. But to do this would almka certainly alienate a large number of adults. Caught between the Scylla of socially approved knavledge and the Charybdis of those who desire 'relevance' at any price, the struggtling teacher so often sticks to the'safe, traditional, the impotent and the largely 'useless'. Meanwhile our adolescents are cittight by the seeming relevance offered by the mass- media and the pulp magazines; and they fall prey to the dubious influences of market forces on a large scale. From the dull, the seemingly useless knowledge of equilateral triangles or iambic pentameters, they turn gladly to the glib, packaged and ersatz attractions of the salesman and the disco. Strangely, some matters of-moment are easier to inject into the primary curriculum. Partly this is because primary teachers are, for the most part, less possessive and parochial about their knowledge (which, as Wilson" says, is 'Apread very thin'); partly it rests on the now well-established recent traditions of integration together with those past traditions of 'usefulness' which are part of the elementary inheritance. But mostly I suspect that, as Ted Sizer implies, it is much easier to introduce even radical changes into thetlementary/primary schools because people tend to think primary schools do not have much impact upon our social structures, upon societyitself." Certaijy, their products do not have the same immediate imPort for,the job market, the labour exchange, or the voting booth as has the adolescent school- leayer. 'Socialisation in our society is still very deperi ent upon schooling. Yet during adolescence especially, many childrenrceive the curricula as frozen in the traditions of the past, as irreleva t to their needs and as socially unattractive. If some of this may beue to those 'natural' processes of adolescent development, to the increasing attention paid to the peer group and to the problems associated with their own burgeoning power and sexuality, these are factors which schools should surely be able.to exploit more fully. For a healthy society youth needs to be involved in the wider activities of that society, not isolated and insulated from them. Youth needs responsibility and power; and the school curriculum has to ensure a genuine introduction to the concerns of an adult society, as well as basic knowledge and skills. But perhaps as trends are, it is necessary to reiterate that it cannot be taken foy granted that the more schooling there is, the better off the children are likely to be. Raising the school-leaving age may, for many children, be a bad kreparation for.later life. In England, it is greatly' to the credit of the teaching force that ROSLA was incorporated so smoothly into the curriculum, though at-what real cost to teachers and children few can say. Young people, and perhaps especially, those who

.113 I 16/Children and Schooling are underprivileged, .have to behelped to take part in the decision- making processes of society, The adult public:10r politicians, astheir representatives) may demand the incarceration of their adolescents withoutfullyre rsing that' many schools haveorganisations and curricula which et 11 for the acceptance of paternalisticand authoritarian views of society, which demand that much of the (lay is spentin 'busy .work," of preciotis little use to the adolescents involved, Consequently, matiy adolescents yotc with their feet, ROSLA caused a sharppeak. in th'e rates of truancy26 and many fifth-year pupils are aware of what ,13uxton" referred to as, the considerable mismatch betweenadolescents and school knciwledge; furthermoic, many schoolssecm,unwilling or incapable of realiing how fundamental' this mismatch is. Perhaps the real problem is most succinctly put by Ward inhis brilliant and perceptive study of adolescent girls. The greatest difficulty (apart from the case with the naturally gifted teacher) is that the teachingprofession )has itself become a nautonomous One, detached both from the frontiers of knowledge.and from the artisan and professional occupationswhere the teacher's knowledge is usable in the real world." Writing in the mid-1970's Coleman, in the USA, referred to the

. Presidential Science Advisory Committee Panel on Youth (1974), which suggested considerable reforms in the US school system. Among those reforms was the suggestion that,at post-pubertyinparticular, schools should pay much more heed to the problems of society at large, that there should be a fundamental reassessment Of thealms of the schools and that it is essential that children learif to be.accountable by being involved in the community..The Committee emphasisedthree major points concerning the aims of schooling. These were

(1) that schdols as currently conceived tend to restrictexperiences of children to those of their own subcultures and of age- stratified (peer) groups, that they therefore need to provide greater experience across social groups and age ranges than at present; (2)that social, maturation implies the experience of havingOthers dependent upon one's own actions, that schools fail to ensure this and tend to encourage passivity and dependency; (3)that involvement in interdependent and sharedactivities leading to (for instance) such things as communityprojects ought to be a major school aim."

At about the same time Eggleston, in England, wpssummarising the results of a five-year survey of the Youth ServieVn which hefound that adolescents were not, by and large, sufficiptlyinvolved in deCision- making processes, even when those decisions/affected them directly.He noted that the institutions which 'served youth over the age rangeof approximately 14-20 invariably demonstrated anddemanded the 114 .,.14mguage, Cottuttuttication and Curriculum/l 17 acceptance of a school-like paternalism itikt1 rigidly hierarchical views of society," (A condition to contemplate in the light of comments on the relatis)iships' between children's internal and eternal orientations and achievement; see Chapter 7.) , The Department of Education and science (DES) includes personal and social developinet of secondary pupils us its proposition 12 in a recent discussiqn dociatient on the secondary schoolcurriculum.One wonders whether the authors read Coleman's' taterial or that Issued by the Presidential Committee, since one notes 1w passively conceived is that curriculum outlined by them in the pro ositions thus presented; True; it is meant to be a discussion document al d the Inspectorate do See the need for a broader curriculum base. But the breadth briefly outlined seems very much the mixture as before., 'It implies' they say, 'a substithtially larger compulsory element than now'," but with some provision for choice and differentiation. It is not so much the notion of . 'compulsion in breadth' that one finds distasteful, as the tone of a document produced five years after the Eggleston survey of the Youth and Community Service and which takes little account of the plethora of reports from the USA and Europe on the need to involve adolescents in their education; a document which takes little account of recent workon the attitudes of youth towards schooling," of the pioneering work of, say, Dickson with VSO," of the cumulative rcports of Bronfcnbrenner on schooling in Western societies," to mention but a few. Yet in 1977 Hemming wrote,''The principle of-Involvement in education, to which people are turning more and more, is based on the conviction that edu cation should' be a mutual activity, in which the adult part is not to do something to children and adolescents but to do something with them'." Success or failure in the , even more than in the primary school, would seem to depend so much upon Shared goals and shared realities, rather than otherwise. This is not to, see the curriculum simply in terms of 'openness', or of greater child/student control and simple beliefs in the enhancement of pleasure in learning. There are undoubtedly many variables at play. But itis to state that a participation in a cur- riculum which has some obvious meaning for living seems essential for effective adolescent motivation. Adolescents do need and deserve to see what results are clearly contingent upon their actions, much as expressed by the US Presidential Committee. Futhermore, whatever the methodological weaknesses of current research, or the concomitant fashions which tend to emphasise home, or school, or teaching style virtually to the exclusion of the others, it does seem as though schooling post-puberty is quite commonly detached from the needs and aspirations of many ordinary pupils. From a psychologist's point of view, schools ought to be concerned about communicating with pupils,- ought to be concerned about human relations and citizenship, as much as about 'basic skills. ('Basic' is perhaps a misnomer anyway forskills that I I ti/Clahlren and Se hatha's , . are basic to human aprvival, andtte ipiality ofrelationships may 1)0 even more basicthan..'004 curyeal ),(.1esignateil as such.) Indifference towards school. 0*ffigli attitude Ill Presenkthy adolescents' Within Iffy recent r)ipeirieuce, and effective communication With them only to 'es place'..,wnen it involves cognitive and emotional motivation such that they 1.001:tesponsible or 'engaged', The research of Rutter et al. showed .tlial?."s.chools in Which children were given responsibility were likely', if have higher cxntnination success and show more co -o 1)CrtHiVe'pupilbehaviour,thanwereschoolsWhere respeinsibilify was less'f4lioiluently shared with pupils.' Such criteria are by no n ans the onfiiit;even sufficient ones for measuring the success of sato°g, but they'41thuch work from diversesources (see Chapter 7), ,They neatly.wijthe current work of Brophy or Aronson" and esp cially stream of work by de Charms, who enhanced ren's ot i!ationbydemonstratingclearerpatternsof msibility,,airtsuccess in'his classroom-intervention studies." The s are,11" er,.neither, simple to investigate ncir to present. They Ove repeated value judgements about the purpose of )101::,"Society. Does 'one encourage passivity, group .obedience 401,0 n active feature currently being researched in Poland and unp tlif various social-psychological studies)?And might this lead to alienation,' andrejection?Does one wishto enhance ity and personalresponsibility and power? And might that narchy?,"The relationships between such dimensions of pupil. ity and behaviour are in part-the results of the systems and

tr .y c"..;ajlOpt. As yet many curriculum- planners have not begun to ',,i6iftPfehelid,:the messages implicit in the work of psychologists like Bidnfenbreriner or Roller,' that much of the problem about shaping and content of the curriculum lies in the type of transactions,in.,the contingencies and prcdictabilities of the child's learning, ratherthan in content itself."

NOTES AND REFERENCES: CHAPTER 4 This chapter is an extended version of 'Language, communication and the curriculum' which first appeared in New Universities Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 3 (Summer 1978), pp. 353-68. Ryan, J., 'Early language development: towards a communicational analysis'. in Richards. M. P. M. (ed.), The Integration of a Child into a SocialWorld (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (974), p. 185. 2Sullivan. H. S., The Fusion of Psychiatry and the Social Sciences (New York: Norton, 1964), 3 Vygotsky, L. S., Thought and Language (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1962). 4 Furth, H.. Thinking without Language (New York: The Free Press, 1966). 5 Conrad, R., The Development of Verbal Language in Congenitally Deaf Children. summary paper (London: Association of Child Psychology andPsychiatry; 1978). 6Wells, G.. Language Use and Educational Success (Bristol: University of Bristol .0trInttinlestliurt nth/ Ciffrielihirrr,

lchuol of I Isttmllon, 1911); stussioss, Soo especially Vs'olts, Ilescithing ilivrloPmont al home *lid It iss hiall', E Aida Ilona He least A Jout Vid. 5, ow.I197511, pp, 71-,9N, q torrid Introduction In some Aircni of 1141 of she largest language Icscartft pi ojet Is Ell DI Mobcritir urrotrat histoty. / 1:,1%)Itil, V, P., it MI I Iyine+, oitiolcil iai livd11%, U.1). ermtietrrp'os at v Inlikencei in tads' Childhood I dutution, 2nd east Mon Volk: Holt, BieteliairA Winston, 1975), p, 141, ltice also Itriattl, I I, Binges*, T., 1.an estop, and !Wales' lonolom Ni hoot Chi/then (I rrib1011: Wriftl 1.0kIk YJucational, ONO). thiltbufst. IL, IA, Alva, of the i)eitrivrd C/07./(Iliglostiod Nt 1972). 1 9Rosen, 11,, /../m,cilage aa47 ( 70 it' A Owl al I roA al the llsiotiesof (lltistol: Press, 1917). 10 Met c ate many papers, but one of the most t Icor and kilIflpIcle %troll% to hc !kiosk in, 11,, 'Social class, language and sin taItsat ton Katahel, J., aial I folacy, A. II. (141%), Power and Ideology its Education ((Worst ')shadVasvesso(y Press, 1977), pp. 47,1-86, I Rosen, op. cit.. 1972, p.19, 2 6121111, op. cit., 1973. 3 Wells, op. cit., 1977, p, 13, 4 Girditian, P.. Compulsory Aliseducation (New York: Vantage 1962), S Wilt. J., Ettedont and lleyond (Ilartitonthwouth: Proguid, 1972). 6Barnes, et al. Language, the Learner and .School (Ilattitimilswolth: Penguin, , 7 Ileit9s).1ein;op. cit,, 1972. ii., 'TN teacher's role - a sociological analysis'lilt ash Journal of Sociology, vol. I), no. 1 (1962), pp. 13-32. 9'Myles, I., ..lbt management of knowledge: it critique of the use of typologies in educational sociology', Sociology. vol. 4 (1970), pp. 2-22. 1971). 20Young, M. F. D, (ed.), Knowledge and Control (New York: Collier Macmillan, 21 It should be borne in mind that this problem is exacerbated by falling roldStlining the decade 1980-90; and that it has been estimated that an increasing proportion of primary schools (up to 70 per cent) may be involved in organisations of vertically grouped children in default of sufficient entering numbers to form single-age cohorts. Sec Richards, C. (ed.) Primary Education; Issues.forshe Eighties (London: Black, 1980). 22 See Bruner, J. S., The Relevance of Education (Ncw York: Norton.-I 973); andBrameld T., Education and Power (New York: Holt. Rinehart & Winston,1965), 23 De Charms, R. (ed.), Enhancing Motivation: Change in the Classroom (New York: Irvington (Halstead Press), 1976). 24 Wilson. op, cit.. 1962. 25Sixes, T. R., Places for Learning. Places for Joy .(Cambridge,Moss.; Harvard University Press, 1973). 26Galloway, D., 'Persistent unjustified absence from school'. Trends inEducation. vol. 4 (1976). pp. 22-7. . 27Buxton, C. E.. Adolescents In School (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973). 28 Ward, J.P..Social Reality for the Adolescent Girl (Swansea: University of Swansea. 1976), pp. 83-4. 29 Coleman. J. S., Youth: Transition to Adulthood (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1974). 30Eggleston, S. J., Adolescence and Community (London: Arnold, 1976); but see also Murray. C. (ed.). Youth in Contemporary Society (Windsor: NFER, 1978). Matters 31 Department of Education and Science. A View of the Curriculum, FINI series: for Discussion, I I (London: HMSO. 1980), p. 23. 32See Buxton. op. cit.; Murray. op.. cit.; and Ward, op. cit. I 7 IlUiehihboo and hoofing

if`kg likk.soil, A tf Ltc tllfrhuluin god Itie u,.:44 ao,Iclv% ikewbthrtillifet oi 4 (1M), pp 41) -1MAh, 114 Ison Voluntary 4'1 Ocim'cs% lit 14i14. anal IfIcIt the 1: 0% In 1;,./4)1. 4 .wg tit partwular IinutIctitucnnot, 1.r., .1 ot.csol cpciiotcittat tiology sit bi,111411 .-laorth.ot 1.) (1911). 1,p111 -II, 1411 hco alto littill(FIlt,lcmiet, 11, 'I fiv to..1% of alwitalioo', ist (cd ht//rxm, ./ .'n ilkonan 11,nelornieni (IIto4.141e, to,,,Lro 19/.!), pprm 1/. ti..otiming,it 1, 'Pet404/41 410.'0001411i 11111.1iEllcAtitallie, In Aitil4i-41, 1.it. (cd id#0-atiott jor..sqj //111 mei I 1 .oitdoo((nailer A %to/40,1,m, 1911), p. 11 IA Rutter. Al Matighan, kt,flotio,v,, and Moon, 1,it /iron lhouland Flow, (I 14141011()pelt Book', . i/`Xe Ilinphy, 1- interactions iv./411 ,carne( chata.tclialka 411,1 pitta A1011;1,111, 1.,, Ihi,lgrolan, I)I.$01,1 ticttner, It, 1 he cliech it( t:tiopcfruive thou/room situ/ on; on 4iudctii Leltavinur and auftude.', U4141-.141) and SAta, I.. (MO, .104 hi/ khoiog of duem ion (Ncw )(oi: 1 laktead 11444, 1978) I)c Chalon*, op tit. Itualci, 1.II., J`.,,i,rl training and Clinical rots hohogi, (flcw 'fork: cu1i,:c11411, 19'.14)Ihia is In Icspcvls ct,politittit of tot !coming Iltlofy, It 1; g book whit!' has led to hiceally lh00%alul% of tr%ca r% h prop-its in the (ISA Mid l/rope, It has direct Ifliplios toms tor edncutiolmt%,vClhat bcc0,,straoscly negkcted in I rigland until relati4ely revently, Sec nuapter 7. 40 lice D'Arcy, .'Curriculum change. product or plotrvtr, ill Chtflott, M. (eit). .4401c4dtifft4114triKe.'the I"°41 Of a Deuade (Leicester; leice%tet 1980), pp 95-105; Ilas,, Sonthiary', in I lcnt etittifidum Planning .4 New Ariathn h. 3n1 c.in (1toroit, Mast.: Allym& 111;:op, 191101, pp. 473', 474.

tillle(itS II t) RI A DIN(i ; clIA elR 4 I), Barnes, 1 N. Britton, and 11. Rusin, l_angliage.rhe 1 earner and the School, icy, cdo (Ilarntontlsworth: Penguin, 1971). I), 114rm.t, ham Communlealion la ('inrieulunt (Ilarmorullworth: Penguin, 1976). 1. C, Coleman, The /Volute of Adolescents. (London: Methuen. 1980). 741. A, K. IIalliday, language at Social Sendoir (London: Arnold, 1978), (1. 1444, C'urriculuin Planning: .4 Nov .4pproach, 3rd edit (Dolton, Allyn -& Bacon, 1980)- A. V. Kelly (cd.), Curriculum Cornett (London: !Loper & Row, 1980), ' 1. Tough, MIA for Teaching and Learning (London: Ward Lock Cdueational, 1979).

118 Chapter 5

Ao

Socialisation atiki Achievement,

WOO rtItte, ANIt:t.titt-.N1* ANt mama ot,ICAt, O.Irt IcAtIoN% TO the ivtat'xian the individual titan13 matte by his economic criviiiiimic lit; the revolutionary, the ititist, the inventor is pushed up like ti bubhle out Of kcolittig economic nerd. The Freudian likewise, though on very different groundsputs the genetic endowment at discount, and sees inan's achievement from the point of view of his adjustment or rualadj o his particftlar expel-lent* /human Almost all Itcot.c% I behaViOtie have, at some stage or other to take account of the question 'What is it that apPcats, to motivate a man or woman?' and, while the idea expressed byk Barlow it somewhat simplistic (for t1131811Cc,Firtitt held that the /8/ never chanties and therefore cannot property be regarded as putting Or genetic endowment at total discounti).11eveithclos it cpitonti%cl two.ratfeinc points of view which may be conidered along that continuum of theories which are commonly embraced by social psychologists. 1 low a person develop% a &site to do well inall or certain activities is Often the subject el enormous inferential leaps. After all,itis often difficult enough to decide why the person standing next to one in the queue has trodden ori one's toe! \Vasil accidental? Did he do istlehheratcly? Is-he trying to say something? WC go through life attributing motive and cause, Often on the slenderest of evidence. People, we are' told, internalise certain views of the world. These views appear tootle related to childhood experiences, to early socialisation, to the values and social norms of the groups to which the children belong. Also, while acknowledging the prime importance of the family in this process, it is clear that the school plays a not insignificant part, as recent work by Rutter and his associates (despite methodological weaknesses) would confirm.' Since schools are themselves concerned with what counts as 'valid knowledge!, some link between school and culture must be assumed, if not always apparent. Lines of connection arc tenuous and diffuse at times. at others.. immediate and'obvious. Diagrammatically a _static illustration of the arena (that is, one which cannot show the changing shifts and emphases, pressures and feedback which arc constantly taking place in the real world) would resemble Figure 5.1. The adaptive, creative and 'plastic' nature of human behaviour is sufficicnt warning in itself to anyone intent upon tracing, howevet

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. Figure31The /0A s tvineen the yeliiiution4liustion 'Rah,/ A nat. ledge* artJ culorre.

briefly, the immediate historical antecdents of what has beenloosely termed by psychologists and sociologists 'achievement motivation'. a widely, generalised wish to master or desire to do well. But to any educationist.the burgeoning of stateprosision of education in nineteenth-century Europe and North America ,.nd the fact that 0#

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14-4411,1 ii..111;141,211111(11cel!iffiKatoiwailt1) r t1.7,7 itt'tatiout fotilo11;!---C, alt tIithe littertIcrenciciu:e of c ognitioit ao41 tultute, (2)therelattoothitttectioccit t,acipirtun1 an,l ciltii:ational attainment, f i!the IN.-IL of the aane%iii5 trtf thr. live Otter ate ti,1111:e11) Wirt:dated .2:1.1 it .24(:1:-.- a E2/11441 tattat:ti, 11%411 the kir Aily Liqys.ri:,1 ill terms of i.,111.1tial Ts) cholor, to thote tnutc usually 2314.0.1:4-4! $4.01 the anal'ilnt of 1444,4at at-stemsI CV11 to AtIcItipt to citcontjtasa the st hole I attic. thouEtt tonne hate aquect that sok toloEti, altete h benefit horn the uae of 1,11-..tiolofi: at Oleo!, at all ilfir.ttaill elf 111Ciltlit So, t.d.,,ip,41 ttd.2,1011 (m)ttvlain11,when,rcimartrig that took ettet of tritcouloltioit got) feautitig ate elitemeal toat taltlatIon. itc?....3142. tte 114111(tit3 of hot I to Ott. 41111241e the kat mitt 114.444C%2C1%%hit IIate not-Etat to%,,,,,atitatiiiitateriot '1111,111 441014.140pand (111111 1-01414410p111 rtilOit re asoitatilt10, 'ILfor help to that do., 10 Isle %%hot' hatdr-cote('contiderableattentiontosuchpro, cites.air $"Itrtt;cl,:::;:it tI' art itovortant factor in the rrocett and oric net attiirt's flotint aft (1)110 Meant 11c:rat-Mt) those Of another'.Ico hurray chantesfromL.tnicr .atiotttogeneration,at newet litcoccand unidetttanding permeate the cultureHut the dominant kcio,:eftoof and- V414:1C1) Mull beintplicAtoitsidiNational ;not won." In .trsciustt 1st and techrocal s,ozictics, 3114.11 at 11101,ew111.4;11 4(eNe1411.edIn iingtand, the USA and parts ofI tit opc 111 the nineteenth century, cciuc.atton rapidly became s socsal riecrislIN the Jiff wil.oti of /4411.,: ,k such as Iitcracy, and the pro% won of technocrats a rtc (entrcrteneurs for the f1111011.114111.14)ttlIC expansion %etc of prime tltlptI LION:Le. 111e 14:h001 I...A. 4 23.,1-2c2224,4,21

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What one is concerned to suggest islhat the predominantly Protestant flavour of the developing stare schooling in nineteenth-Century England and America was of itself bound to stress A those elements of economic capitalism and personal striving mentioned by Weber as arising from the Calvjnist doctrines of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and over which the great political and .cultural struggles of Europe were fought," It stems reasonable to,aintain, as Butts and Cremin have done,16 that the history of education must be as much concerned with the broad sweep of ideas (which helped fashion and give rationale for pedagogical provision and practice) as with documenting the changing social conditions which aid or accompany them. In Western and Central Europe during the nineteenth century one might perceive the gradual movement towards democratic government, or atleastthe adoption of universal manhood suffrage for `parliamentityr elections of various types. This was less 'a Matter of philanthropy or of middle-class thinking, than the result of agitation by working-class leaders. Such movements were `usually acquiesced in,and even applauded by, liberals ....[everyone] might be expected to share the basic concern of the bourgeoisie for industry and commerce, for property rights an''d material prosperity'," This necessarily led to an increasing state interest in the education of its workers for a machine age, an education which echoed the tenets of the governing classes and therisingbourgeoisie. Hayes points outthatin many ways protestantism appeared demonstrably more adaptable than catholicism to the 'modern civilisation'. Not only were there repeated emphases upon and exhortations towards progreSs, sober thrift and individualism, but there was also the fact that Protestants were able to employ the 'right of private judgement', could justify, explain and interpret their ideas about religion, science and social structure without rejecting their. Christian beliefs or official creeds." As is now well known, the Protestants were also much more open to the various impacts of Darwinism and to the pressure from the emerging intellectuals and scientists. This led to some major conflict and to the support of quite different positions within protestantism, from which emerged such totally polarised viewpoints as fundamentalism and 126 /Children, and Schooling -,. . positivism (this latter, it should be noted, reflects a marked change from the earlier Calvinist doctrine with its emphasis on predetermination).', No one in his right mind would present the Protestant Ethic as some unified whole:. This would be to flout historical evidence.° But undoubtedly an ethos of independence, self-control and striving led to .notio6s of life dedicated to a sudcession of good works, and theseideas may easily be representedas part of a roughly unified syitem which had become common (even as early as the "Reformation) to all forms of protestantism. Goldstein and Oldham in talking of the social history of the USA refer. ko the religious legitimation and significance of 'our pre- eminent social doctrine and guiding myth'; perhaps, one of; the best ways of describing the Protestant Ethic." . 'The admittance of differing shades of protestantism was one of the vital aspects which particularly distinguished the evolutionary or 'moderately progressive' attitude of the nineteenth-century Protestant towards religion and Christianity, and which involved this 'shift of emphasis from "faith" to "good works "' 2' Whether that modernist attitude was 'in part responsible for the striving, competing ambience now associated with the Weberian Protestant Ethic, whetherthat ,, ambience had something to with the national nature of the Protestant religions, as opposed to the supranational nature of catholicism, is perhaps a matter of conjecture. Certainly, a cluster of notions thus derived has become labelled -, a convenient shorthand since. Weber's essays, and one which has been employed by a greatvariety of social scientists for the last seventy years or so. And one notes with interest that a combination of nationalism,belief in material progress, Upsurging concern with education, an emphasis on duty and work in theeducation of children and protestantism were all-part of the common mixture of ideas prevalent in nineteenth:century England and North America. An optimism, too, was also present; a belief that material and spiritual advance lay before 'them is epitomised in Belamy's statement, 'The Golden Age lies before us and not behind us, and is not far away. Our and women, , children will surely see it, and we, oo, who are already men if we deserve it by our faith and by our, works'.22 One still cannot do better than consult Karier" for a discussion of this belief inrelation to the impact of Darwinism and of Spencerian thought upon that admixture of achievement and competition. Frther, to assert that this was entirely a period of optimism and belief &material progress is to exaggerate. Certain people, from the impoverished farm labourers to thepoetic establishment-, were far from hopefdl. Woodhead,24, in an essay on Arnold, writes of the sense of loss and dissillusionmenr often characteristic of Victorian poets, saying that there was a nostalgic feeling 'of something irrevocably lost. Clearly there were those whodid not subscribe to the notion of the spiritualadvantage of material progress. Whilst many Victorians mayhave regarded progress as a

124'. Socialisation and Achievement /127 substitute religionthere were still plenty who opposed it (including the Catholics). Pope Pius IX listed progress as the eightietherror. in his. Syllabus Errorunt of 1864' .25 As a prelude to the 'Golden Age', the USA for examplewas seeking, and to no little effect, to weld her immigrant inhabitants into one homogeneous nation. English was the unifying language, protestantism (and its variants from New England pietism onwards) the predominant religion, and/above all,educationwas the vehicle for implanting common idGals and traditions. The Ainericans began more and more to equate pi-sonal achievement with moral excellence. 'From log cabin to White/House' came to signify something more thanmere m terial advphcement. Suirtja work ethic or ideology, whilst no doub n i Oortant unifyi actor in American society after the Civil War, stilted in a marked upsurge of materialism. There was also, as Coveney points out, an increasing number of books on childhood. Thiswas 'the surest sign of the prevalence of that arrested moral development which is the result of the business life, the universal repression in the American population of allthose impulsesthat,., conflict with commercial success'.26 Coveney extends this view, quoting Mark Twain, andsays that for the private as opposed to the public Mark 'Twain the reality of the nineteenth cep,tury was one of intense materialism and redolent of the air of everyonse striving for material success. 'All Europe and all America are feverishly sdrambling for money... Money-lust has always existed, but not in the history of the world was it ever a craze, a 6tnadhouse, until your time and mine.'" It may well be unwise to take Twain's bitter statement as yet another piece of evidence linking present-day achievement motivation with the burgeoning capitalism of the USA and Europe of 100 years ago. Yet such a thesis is very well known and there are many hundreds of references to it in current English social-science literature. It is explicit, as regards the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in particular, in Weber'sThe Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism;28 it is implicit in ahost of cognitive-attitudinal expressions on the purpose of child- rearing, 'in educational curricula of the nineteenth century, in the poetry and story-books beloved of private and state schoolsalike, in the mottoes adopted by Victorian schools and their masters. Haviland29 °t and Stickland3° both provide specific evidence in this respect. The former presents a selection of essays showing major trends in children's literature and its differentgenres.whilst the latter has collected letters, comment and advice to and from children during the period 1700-1914. Stickland talks in terms of dynamic evangelism binding children to the work ethic, and says, 'The emergence of a new industrialised society ' necessitated a literate labour force. This made it essential to educate children, and for their parents to work for their suppore.31 Weber attempted to shore that the Protestant Ethic as an iderefiable

125 128/Children and Schooling ethos was in large part responsible'for the development of thoie economic activities which he describes in their concretesettings. One of Weber's main contentions was that this ethos,which had its roots in protestantism and its varianO, had broadened andbecome secularised. Work had become a duty. Much laterMcClelland and others" suggested that this work ethic had so permeatedthe cultures of Europe and the USA as to give impetus to theestablishment, during the nineteenth century, of state educationalprovision and the persistence and dominance of certain perceptions ofone's moral duty to strive. Children thus became 'soaked' in a culture ofwork-related values in which independence and pride took such a strong holdthat even poverty could be regarded as a sin." For instance, theNewcastle Commission, set up in 1858, was asked toconsider the measures required for a sound and cheap elementary education; andfollowing its report, the system of 'payment by results' was established. 'Assistancegiven by the State to education should assume the form .of a bounty upon theproduction of certain results'." Results were interpreted interms of marks which chil- dren obtained in the 'three Rs', andLingen (secretary of.the Education Departmcnt at the time) clsarlyconceived education as a business in which measured achievement was to be theoverriding principle." One should not forget that this particular thesis ofWeber has caused, as Eisenstadt says, 'Acontinuous force, of scientific controversy'." Details of its worth have been many, and the controversystill abounds. The dominating feature is that Weber'sideas in this respect, like some of Freud's, are still invoked as a convenientexplanation and classification of something very central to understandingin the fields of psychology and sociology, and as an appreciation of 'howit is like it is'. Eisenstadt highlights the ambivalence felt by many who haveexamined Weber's thesis, saying that with the exception of the'extreme negativists' everyone simply has to admit thatthere is a good deal of explanatory power in the old Webetianpicture of events. For him, the core of Weber's postulations is that part concerned with thedeveloping role of the economic entrepreneur, the way inwhich labour was prepared and used, and the way in which the role of the entrepreneurwas becoming sanctioned and institutionalised. In effect Weber statedthat Luther and Calvin had emphasised the sanctity of working to somepurpose, that they had made virtues of industry andthrift. Wesley, too; it will be recalled, had taught that the fruits of labour were thesigns of salvation. The result of such a strong ideology arisingfrom the Protestant Reformation and the period which followed was togive divine sanction to the motive to achieve, tothe desire to better oneself and to excel." Weber's work on the place of the Protestant Ethicin the development of Europearkcapitalism is probably theleast factual and the most speculative Onny of his writings on ideology."His arguments' were bAsically of two kinds: 126 Socialisation and Achievement/129 (I)those concerned to sugght that capitalism could only arise from groups of people of particular beliefs and traitsand that certain creeds particularly inculcated such traits; (2)those based on the accumulation" of evidence derived from the observation of countries where protestantism and catholicism dwelt side by side. These purported to show that Protestantswere much more successful' in terms of sincss and positions of economic prominence.

Both arguments have weaknesses. First, there does notseem much face- validity in the notions of a direct linkage bctwecn belief in forms of predeterminisin (albeit, heavily modified, as they became) andsuccess in the here and now., Secondly, there is perhaps sufficient evidence from observation of minority groups to show that the very defensive closeness of such groups could activate deterMination and endeavour. Now while itisclear that in the early, stages Calvinism and the roots of protestantism might look like this, they can hardly have been described as such by the late eighteenth century. There would be many smaller sects for candidature on this score. (One might make out as gooda case for any ethnic or religious group in similar circumstances. What might a 'Jewish ethic' look like in these terms? The have been possessed of an enormous number of very talented and successful members even when in an oppressed minority situation.) Both Little and Fischoff 39 argue that Weber's thesis has been frequently misrespresented; they feel that too much attention has been paid to its tentative causal hypothesis, butboth,agree, as Little puts it, that 'Up to a point, when Puritanism appears, the moral pressure will be on for voluntaiy, self-initiated economic behaviour'.4° In his two original essays (1904 and 1905), which later formed the the whole century, it was not merely one more nail in the predeerministic to state clearly what he felt to be the psychological conditions leading to capitalism. But in such a brief overview as this, it is as well to note Tawney's rather wry comment in his foreword to the English translation of Weber's book, 'It is the temptation of one who expounds anew and fruitful idea to use it as a key to unlock all doors, and to explain by 'reference to a single principle phenomena which are, in reality, the result of several converging causes'." Silver, in a study of ideas and social movements in earlynineteeneh- century Englanif>says that there are useful indications of major ideological changes and of the ways that they affected education. Certainly, ideas of education as an avenue to social reconstruction figu're quite large in Owenism and in the later rise of the Chartist movement. But Silver also suggests that, such ideas and 'popular movements' rarely had the effect of shaping education 'from below', that primarily one must record that the education of the masses was for.

127 130/Children and Schooling culture. the most part clearly directedtowards UStfilifICSS rather than Knowledge grounded in the'ideology of middle-clast) 1940 Sir Fred Clarke could write,'The Silver calls it.'i Even as late as cultural , elementotry school ()I' today strugglingtowards a more ade,quate conception, isstill under the influence ofthis datnnoth heredlias operating strongly even inminds that would callthemselveslibliberal'.''. fair, it But while Sir Fred Clarke'sunusually sharp comment is probably is equally fair to say thatvisions of education as a socialladder, us a means of betteringoneself, began to appear withjust a little more frequency and clarity to thelabouring poor during andafter the impact English of Owenism and the franchise movementof the Chartists." The government's later implementationof 'payment by results' merelygas;e impetus,to such notions. For the most partthe middle-class officials an concerned were convinced ofthe rightness of their approaches: attitude epitomised nicely inthis comment by Houghton:'The Victorians might be, and often were,uncertain about what theory to occurred to them accept or what faculty ofmind to rely on, but it never to doubt their capacity toarrive at the truth.'" By the middle of the century(1859) Darwin's views ondeterminism These were to act as a catalyst to atotally new view of were made public. of continuous nature in which man, too,could be seen as simply part theory of evolution necessarilyinvolved phylogeny. The Darwinian experience was perceptions of the continuityof man and beast. The It. had wide repercussionsthroughout shattering for the Victorians. consciousness of Europe and North America.Fitting into the stream of predeterministic the whole century, it was notmerely one more nail in the guiding hand of God on Naturehad coffin, it was a whole handful! The pattern been somewhat overshadowed.When seen as part of a complex added to the growingtechnological revolution of of shifting ideas, when methods of the Brunels and Bessemer(Bessemer and Siemens invented This had a rapid effect,making steel making bulk steel in 1856. superseding abundant by the end of thenineteenth century and virtually wrought iron), when added tothe view of Spencer(1870) that pain and detetminants of human behaviour,it pleasure were the principal springing from contributed to a movement,arguably (in Weber's terms) the sciences andreligfon and which was Luther, which influenced all in a way not applicable to psychologicaland sociological phenomena hitherto perceived. Perhaps manyof the present-daymotivational lessening determinism of concepts can be said tohave stemmed from the nineteenth century ideas, for mensought new modes of explanation. Darwin and Spencer asgiants in the Particularly one must see evolution of quickening pace of ideas. Spencerargued that, `With the things became pleasurable.This is the antecedent of the man different that the survival model of reinforcement,which assumes the postulate have survived1.46 species that derive pleasurefrom what isgood for them

'1.28 Socialisation and Achievement/131 Weiner. in a contemporary book on motivation, says ihat both Marx and Naga can bo said to MVO been influenced by biological models and by Darwin in particular. Weiner reminds one that Marx dedicatedDas Kornai to Darwin." Atkinson in looking at the historical antecedents of achievement motivation suggested that 'there have been three main implicationS of Darwin's work which have critically affected studies of motivation:

(1) The notion that animalsmaybe capable of intelligent behaviour or reason. (2) The idea that human behaviour may be influenced by instinct. (3) The importance of individual differences." Both Weber, and later Merton," relate Protestant beliefs to the increasing effort applied in fields of economic and scientific, activity and neither thesis is unique or uncontested. Shipman, amongmany others, had noted the attempts at 'direct historical investigation' in the work of Bradburn and Bedew." These writers attempted to measure achieve- ment motivation by connccting(somcwhat tenuously) comments made in a selection of writings over a considerable time-span withany subsequent rises in the production of coal. Their suggestions were that the urgings and exhortations towards achievement thus indicated in the writings of a given period later affected industrial growth. Thereare many more studics, however, which perhaps more successfully link the child-rearing practices of different groups and the achievements of their children,though these too suffer from the weakness of being retrospective studies." There are also many writings concerned with the social processes that influence the learning of the child. Chief of these is still that of Parsons (1959), who characterised achievement orientation in school as being in broadly two dimensions, 'cognitive' and 'moral', and said that these two primary components could not easily be differentiated at the elementary stage of education: 'the "high achievers" of the elementary school are both the "bright" pupils who catch on easily to their more strictly intellectual tasks, and the more responsible pupils who "behave well" and on whom the teacher can count in her difficult problems of managing the class'." 'Responsible', is usually taken by teachers I have spoken to as meaning that the child exhibits: (a) a high.degree of self- control; and (b) an ability to self-direct work effort." It also suggests distinctively affiliative aspects of teacherpupil relationships. After all, teachers have to work with what they have, motivating the here and now, not changing the antecendents of the child's background, even if they could. They, therefore, rely on having some (preferably many) children who seem interested and who persist at their work with the minimum of cajoling. When the class is largely composed of those

129 132/Children and Schoo oemanding, constant pressure andexhortation, then the teacher's task becomes an exhausting near-Impossibility.Parsons suggests that his use of the term achievement whendiscussing the conditions of the classroom would seem very close to thatof McClelland. In a latc'r work McClelland concentrated attention on theachievement motive as a major source of economic effort:" andseveral psychologists, such as Strodtbeck," and sociologists, such as Drucker orGoodwin or Terkel," have attempted to connect theneed or motive with the levels of aspirations of parents, and have takenthis through to adult work occupations. Such approaches, however, have tobe careful not to overlook the importance of schoolconditions, including the classroom organisation and climate; and it would seemparticularly inappropriate to laberlonie environmentswhich do not correlate well with indices of high achievement as necessarily'deficient'." What does emerge of interest, though, is that, as well as Materialconditions and associated value systems (and perhaps because ofthem), it would seem that self- reliance and self-regard are importanttraits in those with high aspirations.Mu4grave emphasisedthatself-reliance, and other 'Protestant' virtues such as thrift, were allcharacter traits that could be appropriately stressedjust as well inhome or school as in church." He added that, since the time of Arnoldof Rugby, teachers in England had devoted considerable care to theinculcation of certain character traits in pupils (usually boys), thoge verytraits necessary to ensure the maintenance of a capitalist system of economy.While it might be true that in the 1850s one could havescen'in the microcosm of a'great school [Rugby) the intellectual ferment that wasseething in the country'," it would be very foolish to regard that school as any morethan marginally expressing an ill-defined ideology or groupof beliefs which had been developing for at least half a'century in England and elsewhere. As Drucker mentions," a point also dealtwith by Silver when writing on the rise of the Mechanics' Institutesof the last century,6' educational development and educational competitionhave often been seen as essential twin elements in nationaldevelopment. While a supply of highly educated administrators,politicians, clerics and,:at the lower level, technicians was an importantfactor in the increasing power of the nineteenth-century England, theNewcastle Report showed how officialdom was even more wedded tobeliefs in laissez-faire and rigorous competition for the labouringpoor.62That position, as English educationists knoW, was somewhat underminedwithin the space of ten years, and on 17 February1870 W.E. Forster introduced a bill into the House of Corrimons providing forcompulsory attendance at schoOl for all aged 5-13 years (this, however, tobe a matter of Focal option and enforcement through bye-laws). Tenuous associations formed in part with thebenefit of 'hindsight' do not make history, nor necessarilygood social science. But the Protestant

o Soda limlion and Achievement/133 Ethic has stayed with us. 11 is still a theme with powerful emotive value,- and Malelland's attempttorehife achievement motivation to economic growth is simply One or a large limber of sociological, sociopsychological and anthropological investigationssupporting the association, Weiner, like Tawney speaking of Weber, says, 'One is tempted to accuse McCiellaml of trying to explain extremely complex and overdetermi lied phenomena in an oversimplified manner'." Hut for all that, Weiner recounts it, and McClelland's study of the relationships involved is convincing, especially when placed in the context of the gradually developing stream of work froma varietyof disciplines. Work in sociolinguistics, in sociology, in early-childhood education, in child- development and in social-psychology, may 1>c fairly said to contribute myriad links between socialisation and achievement." What Rutter calls the 'external' factors, thatis, those home and group value associations and facilities, 'do not act. independently. of the ,school. Rather they constitute one set of elements in a complex pattern of ecological interactions'," McClelland's now-famous series of relationships linking thc Protes- tant Ethic with the need to achieve are:

(I)protestantism and early independence training; (2)early independence training and the need for achievement; (3)need for achievement and economic growth; (4)protestantism therefore leading to economic growth.

Diagrammatically this is represented as in Figure 5.2. Weber's line, you will remember, was one chiefly linking A and D in the figure but McClellandmaintains that changes in family socialisation are implicit. Inthemainm McClelland was interested in relationships 3 and 4, above;as Weiner says, those expressed in I and 2 are equally indeterminate and should not be assumed; it is certainly difficult to characterise them or

(A) (D) Protestantism Economic and technological (self-reliance values) development

1 (a) (C) Independence training by parents Need for achievement in children (characterised by McClelland's term 'n. Ach' now used by many psychologists)

Figure5.2McClelland's series of relationships linking the Protestant Ethic with the need to achieve. 1.4/Children and .Vehooliag investigate them." Furthermore, asalready stated, the achievement motive is not easily isolated orseparated NM II a host ofClosely IMOCitartiCt IthittlelS. Not least there havebeen studies associating Bred foutchievement with personality measuresin general, namely, need for indepr ridrirce, self-regard,self,esteem, self- control, power, autonomy, perceptions of anxiety, and so On nor canit he easily dissociated front causality, or limo aspects ofsocial IC310114 and attribution, evidence While one may, with McClelland,si rupl y have to accept the between the variants of protestantistaand arc/rue historical association and levels of the rise of capitalism, thelinks bet wren those beliefs variables aspiration remain confused, confusedby complex factors and Levels of which do not easily yieldttl simple causal hypothesis-probing. aspiration have been linked withsocial mobilitY, with advertising,with changing levels of affluence, with'corisciorisnem-raising', with educa- tion itself; and Catholics, itis suggested, may well beinternalising substantially the same ethic as Protestantsnowadays) " The confusion Is by further confounded by the variousvalue systems of different groups, those broadly 'adopted' bydifferent social classes, by thepervasive least by sex, effects of polity and economy,by the mass-media, and not birth-order and by fashions inchild-rearing and schooling. Moreover, 'age-realistic' and age-related. levels of aspirations are to some extent of Clearly, too, the feelings of success orfailure, or of having a measure absolute control over one's own life chancesdo not depend simply upon related to levels bf achievement, nor arethey obviously and directly overall feelings of powerlessness,nnor to apparently class-consistent much attitudes of alienation. If they were,most of us would feel pretty in an failures, in life. To take a closelyassociated construct, Seeman, examination of four types ofalienation,"self-estrangement, feelings of serious powerlessness, social isolation and cuRural estrangement'," cast global, explanations ofalienation, showing doubts on conventional different. quite clearly that powerlessnessin particular can have very powerlessness with sources and quitedifferent consequences. He equates beingexternally controlled. Whileaeknowledging, more- feelings of social-class attitudes in over, that numerousstudies do report different in the deferment of gratification,he says that types of aspiration and interpretation of extreme caution is necessaryin the observation and earlier such findings. Current modelsappeared no less simplistic than flaws of considerable ones. Too oftenthey arc shown to possess magnitude as soon as any realscrutiny is applied." In discussing sources ofachievement motivation, its apparent does importance in school and theplethora of related constructs, one of the seductiveness of suchideas and of the need constant reminding pass for relative ease with which aseries of ill-founded assumptions may science has many such examples.Yet, for all that, to a theory. Social rules, to be too reluctant to appear too anxious topreserve technical

13.E Siwialiussioto and Achievente41/11i I V0101)411410 cavil 'cats ono to #41,p1 otcoc and isneleative alloteit to invcstigation. Wealth(' the social (Insect ale vriy interdeprod (It, we need all the crostlinking of ideas we can get, and 'hit nullities a tempts at creativity anti tpeetilation. Al is simplest all we have been di,i cussing to far 6 that (met concept of th ((lime is in liar i dependent tit, us (met s tatut;vahles and feelings at lbpresent; a not unreasonable 44gestion, and 0 topic 110f Wiill1P011utif 1) ilti)o eilitirliicil with the education of children, All in all, the complexity of these shifting sands Or itkolo iy, culls!' e and personality imilepkotc. the naivety of any thesis which would attempt to reduce or stcreot ye the vast m11114'1 of subtle stociations between the developingi 0 stun Millhis (1101.01IiiMli, Emus like 'Protestant Ethic', 'achieves sent motivation', 'alienation'. 'middle-class

. valises', 'deprivation', and so on, ate dangerously seduct ve and must often obscure as much as hey illuminate, All contain at their core Ake notion dust cestain value , attitudes and dispositions a e internalised (learned) to such an ext 1st that they become the often unconscious wellsprings for later hit nan behaviour, and that the substance and context of certain sets of arly experiences have imports It consequences for the whole of our liv s.

Self-Concept

(soll.rogard. asstsrtion of responsibility, perceptions endxpoctations of self, persists ca)

IResources Interests, abill les, attainments (SES, modes of childrearing, (value of the o by self and value systems, others) sociocultural definitions)

Achieve nt (school, jolife, relationsps)

Figure 5.3Pr ncipal variables associated withvIchievement motivation.

133 trq't 4,.1 %.4 A$4,111$5. 4IllA114 411ilti ANIII till tilit1411! 'VialbayI alit iepeating sonsettlitig I hasc bat,' battle. I slialissay it again'

It $1 %co lcmpting,wh$01 oblcivisItt tlillcivilkca lit human tcitsv$iitil. to atetiChittil Ir4vOliU".atliatifilltly*whichtics:tunes amenable to sweeping gym tabs:slit-it'. ijor instance, the waysnit wins h titildirti ale lit dil1etC111 ac stub' And St4141 tuko St$ IttslitY 4Spekli tot anti values, that almost any witfolmity$,Alutif ticlit'cived by a student ardent enough in titsbeliefs or subtle ritittigh with histheory. I dually Insults! and equally CO111'11%1;1/1 has been !hal aura atr9C410C99114:14 tilig sot, tat-classttiffetCtitT3 with child Mating practices. Conflicts in reseatch findings abound,Sonic t esetstkli suggests that 'middle -Mass' patents are 'molerigorousthan kvsatisitlii-.'lass parents in training their cbildien"," while laterorsearch findings have presented institile-slais. :mothers as more permissiveand iolet ant. DiKussions of sock controve 'ties and 114 rticultarly of how they relate to educational success can be found throughout social.science writing,in for instance the work of Bernstein." I Iiiiimelweit,"Iltonfenbiennet," Newson and Newsom,'' Dotig14s,' liatgreaves" andMitsgiosx.." to mention merely a few commonly encountered byeducationsists, klein, atter an ostensive analysis of fess-ads onchild-rearing practices generally. emphasised the tole of anxiety in childsocialisation, saying, a child has learned iseisiersce.self-control. independence and hisown value as IntilVitit.141, 111C11 his anxieties can tallayed by effort and - given that society does not change toodrastically while he grows up - he lias.tseen successfullysocialised ilsr high achievernene." liut children are not passive in all this, and as most parentsand teachers will tell, the process of bringing up and educatingchildren involves interaction which may have as lasting an effect upon the adult as upon the child! Too often socialisation is thought' of as a one-way process, something adults do to childten.This is very farfrom the case. Living with active adolescents can be s more rigorous ritede paling( for the parent than for the adolescent.. The somewhat passive concept of socialisationin its modern sense appears to have its origins in the laic19301 and carry 1940s." It does not stem from the writings of G.11. Mead, as somehave suggested. He may, perhaps, have overemphasised the importance oflanguage, but he did sec the socialisation ofchildren as a highly' creative; flexible and 'interactive affair." The trouble is that the concept has sooften been employed in a way which itself has led to a distinctlydeterministic view. For instance, it has often been seen as a'process of 'mouldinL,'" and Brim has written of the purpose of socialisation asbeing tIt of transforming the raw material of humanity into good working mom ors for society." The goal of socialisation, says Danzigcr, 'as conventions 134 S.wiaiia.ssi.ea 444 1.Aiv i. 4tAit*lit tottcivcd, ix to 14041 (tic intliaitlualiittttatuotrct ocf-aof tot. Ific noilitattf arta oat cittittilc lostistiotit itt taticia aituatiofla tilatiott- ettiVi'-"fIc ItiCli itici3C3 iitta iCW 14 ttititticittOwilta3 and (4 (Iscii 14114. l tittifitGlii ;Vial ilitC #8.tiot, cm.* iv., titto,too ITactr out, fmoot-c),c), altit tclititat liflaitatitiiit titiolit oflcatjait,. tiiil fictsct if iiil iLmit inAti bait itiiii1u141 iiti MalEiffel 411 4;Tinafia.4 toI tic titmice ill' mitnifhatit kitticix, not oca he .11,o4c hia ticatcsiti otlacit tastc upon him', ail.) (tic,tirfitic the aitittatiiiia"fn taattit.mtai, (tic poract to dcfine tiloatiotiti3 t CI) 11.21111%1 1142tViit2 loval c :pct. the ratty ataEct of I. fintlft11 ntia ti,K4 ric Cli( 3otlit iStipt.k It)11S (tic i.C33, it ki.,C1 ac (ICI) it flitia,1111, trill% 3, ta 'too titan) fia..etj Its Oita tatlict lifititcti anti t mac-v.)131 'mt. hanisti. ttiatinct, that as (tic ittok caz h} whit it the ahiltl tcctc:the a,iltc.tisC w3)3 i,fa,...ictx 4lowi1 hint. tsraunuiiga,..iiiltinatr1 Not mil!, air Ulcer proldriii4 to liovot the vsok cxx is +Schrift!.(lac itto,cts (aaltatract itit)i2ahti cttrcnicls tiltitte coin it,mislca, cold din(trill iKtti..tiara air 'riftt,.itoola of thought itt pxdiotoo and th,iolo I hr asst tto!otit at vcitvi-a (tact of tali!..atiost arc tiloa.11) tract) fs)I a.a atc111 anti Stritifict at

(!) Iof frainitig tfirotittattic ilt-adttititiclioof Annmoo,' fait, iltiscaaatrilia,au.. fi at ilcvc titIc tit tialit), :titand a. hic.cnicnt (:)Itit1,1)% ho.ltiairti. tlicollitt(tic dccloriticnt ofaattiact4-E0. 1.1'11111mi:ottc'afl1CION111(0 14411111Ab.t.r111.2tilr aatnttica211t1 teamingI.)11.1111Ulit: Inimr,ttalc Eratifi,ation (1) ItICCALlSot11111Alt 'cittrfilitil on intrtai. twit IK.k.vi rem the natutc of the .held and 1115 co% itotoncot anti oil Inc tratjit.tat triationx taclssccn the itithl and alEnifitanl ittfico at

?! 1".00libk!lk.11 thhfir a Of 01 Oil tAialtaation hairlknitsontrt,scti %lib Inc soktat vetting of tfIC fatitil)Plowcact tlC.ttitCiltnicooajitn... ethnic. anti pohtii.41 fat tuts 411 1)14N,A VAILbut uni.jttct3111C 3}1tC1111 INCttill.it It' 4.11.,QC(Ctit 01(4.4111 alick t the uphringnig of the child arctill rtut%t often dc.itthca in tctnts of u111 Class or It S Faintly status of itc11, iii tcrtns of Wealth and FrAtirs. %mita appcartis tics mtc translated into so.t.tatctreticni.ex,.% attics Anti flotilla and tact:tit-11c intcttialiscil ul cat.ft 'Tits 'dual hisI tccotttlrtwns tot thattitgorsheii.the uaitoltytial INctaiXitlaca thus

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136 Socialisation and,Achievement/139 oftheir_economic and social context. Some writers, such as Bordieu; ,place particular weight on the school's role in all this, attributing to the school a deliberate perversity in the transference of values such that particular forms of hegemony are maintained. Others have attempted to examine the relationship between child-training and subsistence economy adaptation. Indeed, in one such well-known study data from observations of over 100 societies led to the identification of the method of accumulating food resources as the common variable underlying the relationship between economy and- socialisation. The researchers suggested that children were, 'pressurised' into obedience and respon bility in societies with high-accumulation economies (that is, economies in which the supply of food had to be developed gradually and protected throughouttheyear).. Societiewith What was termed a low- accumulation economy tended to emphasise self-reliance and individual achievement, however; andlhis was in line with the more venturesome modes in which the adults daily wrested food from nature.92 In similar vein (and echoing once again the Weberian thesis) Evans states that ample data exist throughout the world, showing a link between industrialisation' and the modes of socialisation adopted." -- Common to both the psychological and sociological perspectives one may discern a consistent theme, that of the establishment of control sanctions Upon those being socialised. LeVine puts the position very clearly when describing socialisation in respect of three different groups. In,the so-called `primitive; or no,n-literate family the primary goals are concerned with submission to recognised authority for the good of the group. The group's need for members who participate in the survival economy usually means fairly late application of those controls, at a stage of the child's development when he or she is old enough to understand. Concrete social and economic reasons are offered' to the child for such changes in adult behaviour towards him. Hegoes on to suggest that in the case of 'a Western Protestant sect' of the seventeenth to nineteenth -centuries the child-rearing would have been very much `infusedwith moral considerations';inother words,that, the socialisation process tends to become ideologised; that the control elements become part ofthe abstract, religious ideas about how a child ought to behave. He-argues that one of the key elements in this pattern of socialisationis self-awareness and the grt of defining one's own behaviour. LeVine's third example is of a contemporary group of US university-educated families. They, like the first group, are deeply concerned with the economic survival of their children, but have `inherited' much of the Protestant ideology of the second group -a point of view I find very easy to understand when looking at the ways many sanctions and controls are sometimes expressed in contemporary English primary schools (small children are 'trusted' to be 'good', not to indulge in 'wicked' behaviour)." There are, however, noted differences. 13r. ...,,..,..

140/ hildren and Schooling r . . The contemporary group searches the culturtilenvironment for signs of the dynamics of the future, for thatinformation which might indicate how adjustments should be made in order to meetthe changing culture. This group relies heavily on the !experts% the 'highpriests' of our time, since it believes in science rather than religion and henceis influenced by the scientific advisers, paediatricians andeducationists. Perhaps the modern equivalent of The Mother's Role inEducation (early nine teenth- century New England) is somethinglike The Parents' Guide to Piaget! In each of the three examples above thesocialisation process acts in somewhat different ways with very different endsin view. Yet the core of , the process is that, in each case, the growingchild should take into himself the control elements of the group, sothat they become his `internal voices', the explainers of his behaviour notonly to others, but to himself. Clearly, as new patternsof socialisation emerge, or existing' ones adjust to fit changingideologies and sociatforces, different values are internalised. To so-called`exacting affection' of the English and American middle classes gives way to greaterreliance on cognitive appeals, 'democratic' family advice, or uponinstitutions such as schools. But the internalisation of systemsof belief still goes, on in the child's mind. Not so long ago I observed a groupor l0-year-olds discussing the story of Exodus with a young andenthusiastic minister. The minister was somewhat taken aback bythe children's insistence that the journey through Sinai (which heexplained as a 'miracle') could be explained much more satisfactorily' by'scientific evidence'. The children's assertions seemed as unwarranted asthe priesrs. Yet both believed implicitly in the systems bf analysisemployed. ' One of the most well-known articles onchanging patterns of child socialisation is that by Urie Bronfenbtenner, Heargued that there have been major . changes' in (Western), parentalbehaviour which have affected the socialisation ,of children, thus:

(1) greater permissiveness towards thechild's spontaneous desires; (2)freer expression of affection; (3)increased reliance on indirect 'psychological'techniques of discipline (such as reasoning or appeals toguilt) versus direct methods (like physical punishment, scolding, orthreats); (4)in consequence of the above, shifts in thedirection of what, are predominantly middle-class values and techniques, anarrowing of the gap between social classes in their patternsof child-rearing.96 Bronfenbienner also said that, when taken inconjunction with other data from the social sciences, such a trendappeared to be consistent throughout the first half of the twentieth century.Bronfenbrenner called this socialisation orientation towardsadjustment.; His speculative analysis ends with the rueful commentthat,since the success of the first Socialisation and Achievement/141 Russian sputnik, US society may well have taken a more positive move towards achievement in terms of directing socialisation, in order to increase the achieement drive hilts people. (Goldstein and Oldham's commentary forms a somewhat more up-to-date assessment in this respect.") Contemporary studies of the wide range of issues'subsumed under the `umbrella' title of early childhood socialisation have tended to assume that there is a direct relationship between parent variables (those_of behaviour, personality and attitudes) and child behaviour and attitudes. A surprising number ofqhem have concentrated upon the dimension

Iparental characteristics Ichild characteristics I

and few have been able to consider the reciprocal aspects, or indeed the multitude of associated factors.", The mother-child relationship has been the most popular and certainlythat most amenable to investigation, possibly because of the relative ease of access to data (via questionnaire and observation) and possibly because of its traditional ° focal importance in the nuclear family, which in the past has been economically depen&nt upon the daily absence of a father following his gainful employment. Some studies start with' assumptions derived from sociohistorical methods of investigation, and certainly several relating achievement and child socialisation specifically invoke the Protestant Ethic as some kind of basic causal antecedent." Shipman has labelled those considerable number of retrospective studies which purport to make this link as `debatable','°° Different cultural groups have been/ obvious targets for such investigations,10' without there being as yet more than the most modest accretion of evidence pointing to definite causal factors.'" (It was jokingly said in universities in Australia in the early 1970s that there were more social anthropologists investigating aboriginals in Arnhem Land than there were aboriginals!) There have been obviousfashions in investigation topics. The work of Adorno et al 103 in the early 1950s stimulated investigations of authoritarianism in parents and associated styles of child-rearing.I04 Sex-role learning and parental identification are still extemely popular topics since the work of Maccoby and Jacklin in the 1960s105 and have been given added impetus by the increasing interest in feminism as a social force. Maternal

. behaviour and personality development have been almost continuously investigated since the start of the Berkeley, California, longitudinal studies (1928 cohort). 1°6 Some of the more recent series of studies would appear to support Bronfenbrenner's earlier work. For instance, work of the Newsonsm. has shown that parent-child interactionis more 4;,Ipermissive in middle- and professional-class families than in working- class families.'" Kohn 1" has said that much child socialisation research .64 142/Children and Schooling is ingenuously simplistic; he has endeavoured to show that the differences lie in the value systems of different groups and that these values have important consequences for the relationships built up with children and, later, by them. For all that, he was simply adopting one of themost common -sociologicalperspectives, which interpreted socialisation thus:

social classie--conditiona of life4---sivaluss behaviour.

Although most social classes would appear to share many of the basic problems associated with child socialisation, such as degree of attachment, feeding habits, bowel training, and modesty and sexual conventions, there would appear to be wide variations in the more sophisticated goals of socialisation, particularly in terms of values and their acquisition through social and linguistic orientation. Thechild's life may, in effect, be depicted as one long series of informational cues; and, as the Newsons have shown, language does Playa vital part in it all. (Some of the problems are touched upon in Chapter 4.) For instance, though a whole range of environmental factors) appears to relate to scholastic achievement,II° and these are enmeshed with the value systems adopted by the different groups, it has becomefairly clear that mode of speech may be an important factor in the speedy acquisition of certain cognitive skills and possibly in certain perceptions of the import ance of achievement itself. Certainly, it is very clear that some modesof speech will enhance expectations by the teacher in respect of certain school `performance outcomes'. For many years it has been well documented that different groups, often broadly classified in terms of social class or SES, encourage different emphases in thesocialisation of their young and that these emphases have a bearing on the children'sadaptation to schooling and, hence, to the levels of success achieved. During the last twenty years or so one of the most widelypublicised and widely accepted theories concerning languageacquisition and its beating upon and part in socialisation has been that of Bernstein andhis colleagues." As most edticationists know, he developed adetailed analysis of the differences in languagecharacteristici of working-class and middle-class children. Bernstein distinguishedbroadly between two main forms of language (initially proposed as 'public'and 'formal), which he later referred to as the 'restricted' and 'elaborated'linguistic codes. Briefly, the theory was that the elaborated code had avariation in form and syntax which could be adjusted to fit thespeaker's exact purpose with precision, The childusing language in this manner would the environment. He would be '\-- tend to use it as an aid for manipulating likely to employ this linguistic sophistication as an aid toproblem- solving (this has been termed 'verbal mediation', andBruner has referred to an iniportant part of this ability as theability to `de-

1 4 0 .,

Socialisation and Ach evement/143 contextualise', to employ language in order to posit anandhypothesise away from the immediate context).H3 The child frotn the lower socioeconomic group, on the other hand, would be less likely to use language in this way. His linguistic code and his mode of socialisation encourage him to depend much more on gesture and intondtion and on implicit assumptions that thelistener shares or appreciates the standpoint adopted. As such the language was characterised as a language of 'implicit meaning'. Evidence that these different variants of language behaviour are not confined to England has been offered from a variety of sources throughout the world)Hess has suggested that the language of thelow SES mother does not provide the same informational and environmental cues for the child as does that of the higher-class. mdther. Consequently, since children may well arrive at school with the home language thoroughly internalised, they arrive with what is in effect classed as a 'superior' or 'inferior' set of verbal techniques to apply to their own learning situation. Some of the earlier US compensatory programmes wen firmly wedded to these notions and were bawl on the belief that this was one of 'the core elements in disadvantage'.'" Working-class culture has been portrayed as deficient, particularly in respect of language development and usage. As Denzin says, there has been a marked tendency to assume that the children of lower-income families have failed in some way, that their 'deficiencies' need to be made good, that because the, children fail to act like the norm (middle-class whites?) they-are culturally disadvantaged and deprived!" Overall, Bernstein's views still tend to receive strong support from many educationists and educational psychologists, but writings in the sociological field (and in the humanities) are now much less supportive. Bernstein's view of social class has been criticised for being vague and his original research lacking in hard evidence. He has been attacked for being a 'myth-maker' and for fostering an already somewhat prejudiced attitude by (middle-class) teachers towards working-class children. Those antagonistic to the Bernstein research tend to quote the criticisms of Harold Rosen, who showed that there was confusion of categories in the work of Bernstein, that there was insufficient awareness of the obviously, wide spread of linguistic variations, a lack of acceptable evidence concerning the elaborated and restricted codes, and the constant implicit message that 'middle-class language' was superior.'" The linguist Labov, who investigated the logical and abstract qualities displayed in non - standard English, is also regarded as a fierce critic of Bernstein and his supporters. Labov purports to show from his investigation of black ghetto English that,- complicated and sophistiCated propositions and relationships can be as easily explored in the tongue of Harlem as with the 'elaborated code' of standard American English."' 'Compensation', thatis, education designed for those assigned 144/ Children and Schooling culturally deprived, has tended to focus on the early yearsof childhood. It has been very popular in the USA, less so inEngland, But both sides of the Atlantic have seen an attempt over the lastdecade or more to improve the children's language development and usagein various ways. The emphasis was uponlanguage to facilitate the 'deprived' child's control of the environment. But therehas undoubtedly been a quiet revolution in pre-school(nursery) curricula and pedagogy since the early enthusiastic days of Head Start,In the late 1970s there was a considerable move away from the focus upon languageand its effects upon early school achievement.Other goals of early intervention have come to the fore, particularlyin the USA. Current programmes are much more concerned with wider goalsfor the early. intervention programmes, with nutrition,creative arts and emotional health. Equally,aftertheinitialdisenchantment with thc Head Start approaches of the late 1960s, there is someevidence of belated success beginning to accumulate. Intervention curricula,including the language sr programmes, arc beginning to showsigns of many small successes, particularly where child-care professionals arebeing involved in influencing the mother at home as well as thechild, and particularly where language development is seen not as asingle key but a part of a whole approach to enhancing social facilities."' Bernstein, it will be recalled, posited that the linguisticcode acted as a focusing or channelling device, so that the userof the elaborated form took a more instrumental view of the worldthan did the user of the restricted form. Thus; the elaborated code-userssupposedly become more and more concerned withlanguage as a tool. The school is then able to build upon this tool usage and toshape and alter perceptions in the way most likely to lead to speedydevelopment of measurable school attainments. There has been much debate concerningthe similarity of perspective and language usage between'middle-class' teachers and children;19 the argument being that working-classchildren are handicapped by the gulf between their linguistic code,its perceptual and aspirational context and that appreciated andunderstood by the teachers. Bernstein clearly believes that theclass system in England is one which criticallyaffects communication and socialisation, 'the division of labour influences the availabilityof elaborated codes; the class system affecti their distribution'.12° For the most part, Bernstein's work has fitted wellwith the findings of psychometricians, some social-anthropologists and mosteducationists, though what the consequences really are in termsof educational practice remain to be seen. There are, however, quiteserious weaknesses in what Bernstein has proposed and developed overthe years. The first is the obvious one that has been pointed out manytimes. Division into two codes, as Rosen said (see above), is childishlysimple and does not in any way fitour knowledge about howhuman differences tend to be

1 4 Socialisation and Achievement/145 distribt*d. The second is the insistence that the language of the reception classroom (that is, when the 'collision' would presumably be Most noticeable In impact) is somehow such an elaborated one that many working-class children are puzzled, alienated, or unable to learn much frorn the initial experience of school, This does not easily relate to what I have seen of infant-school classrooms. The language of the teacher in the infant, junior and even sometimes the secondary §chool is often very necessarily 'restricted' itself, relying on context-bound instruction, unfinished sentences and a host of visual signals that have meaning for the children. Teachers may define much of the context, but this context is relatively simple, the rules obvious and the style almost always context-specific,'" Sometimes, however, when the situation becomes very 'open' or markedly 'child-centred', the context becomes more fluid and certain children may then find the rules less obvious and the learning goals and communications uncicar.'22 From a different perspective, it is interesting to note that Miller and Swanson, who saw culturally patterned child-rearing practices as the primary factor in the development of appropriate adult behaviour, examined the practices of North American parents in two broad, orientations; entrepreneurial versus bureaucratic occupational roles. They reported that child-rearing practices differed between the two groups. The so-called 'entrepreneurial' parents stressed training for independence and self-reliance. The 'bureaucratic' parents emphasised social adjustment.' The basic 'theory' so evinced is common to all socialisation theories, whichever perspective is adopted. This is that from the initial need for security and warmth others arise and are fostered or neglected. This process takes place in an ambient value system of a specific kind, within a set of particular attitudes and beliefs. Within this system the child's own motivational pattern develops.'His aspirations are filtered through his own physical adaptatiOn, personality and the opinions of others. Many writers have pointed out that how a child experiences life is greatly influenced by the way he has been taught to think, and that he is constantly adding to his perception of appropriate reality according to the notions of those around him. The child's ideas are/therefore, to a surprising degree, ifnot initiated, at least controlledby the people, situations and value systems around him. One-of the common problems of research into child socialisation is that investigations of the parental antecedents of child behaviour have often been concerned with studies of maternal rather than paternal behaviour. Now this may be entirely appropriate in certain types of family where the nurturant role has clearly been assigned to, or is predominantly occupied by, the woman. But it may well be that such is not the case; also, the perception that the child has of the parent or of the situation may itself be disproportionately psychologically significant. There are other problems, too. For instance, Medinnus has suggested I 46/Children and Schooling that we may not he justified in thinkingthat poor personal or social adjustment of children is earned bytheir unfavourable perception of their parents or of the parenting, ratherthey may simply' have such perceptions because they themselves are poorlyadjusted."' Causality is not easily assigned. But datado exist concerning the way that family circumstances (for example, those relating torural or industrial conditions, to degree of urbanisation, poverty,ethnic tics, religion, and so on) can influence theupbringing of children, though such data are not necessarily those gained solely fromempirical studies. Much can be found in survey mudiesof the social-science field, such as those byBarry or Boehm.'" But,equally, much may be found inliterature,126 and biography, however unreliable, is particularlyfruitful in this respect."' Some thirty years ago Heider stressedthat there were -rich scams and insights into interpersonal relations to befound in novels, biography and other forms of literature; and thatsuch a view as his was 'shared by many psychologists'.'2* Thesocio-historical method, too, has in such works as those by Pinchbeck andHewitt,'" or of Aries,"0 thrown light not only on the processes ofsocialisation, but. on their changing emphases. The study of socialisationthrough time not only reveals fashions in child-rearing, but indicateschanges in the value systems of a particular culture as seen in the upbringingof children. In particular, examination of the subtle factors which appear tounderlie the success of certain apparently achievement-oriented groupsmust take account of the sort of educative reasoningwhich has often characterised the sociohistorical method. As we have seen, the mostwell known in this context is that which liesbehind Weber's classic 'Protestant Ethic' and, like certain terms from FreudianpsychOlogy, the term 'Protestant Ethic' has become a catchword and rallying-cry.But taken at its simplest, such reasoning merely proceeds from theeveryday, phenomenological observations by which most of usattribute purpose, motive, orconcern. The existence of numerous epigramsand aphorisms testifies to this; and they are employed by many as they movethrough life as a sort of 'shorthand' o f principle; from the tart'what kind of people do they think we are?' to the famousremarks of history, 'to travel hopefullyisabetter thing than to arrive, and the true successis 'to labour'."' Indeed, the social sciences are closely linkedwith, if not rooted in, commonsense and common experience: this maybe one of the reasons why they are often so suspiciously and cynically regardedby the general public as no more than grandfather'sfavourite sayings dressed up in acertain academic jargon! In looking at an individual's orgroup's early socialisation experiences one cannot afford tooverlook what are so often termedthe 'over- arching determinants' of time sex andsocial class. Change over a lengthy petiod of time is, of course,exemplified in sociohistorical analysis and is perhaps not quite so open tovexed controversies such as

144 L. Socialisation andAchierement/147 those bedevilling the term 'class', In England, in common parlance, 'class' is an evocative term redolent asocial prejudice, group solidarity and. of 'station in life', a term exploited and used so often that its imprecision is often overlooked. In the USA the term socioeconomic status is more commonly employed, but there as in the UK, the father's occupation is the prime index of the category. Gradations of social class and their relationship to styles of child-rearing and to- educational attainment have preoccupied a large number of psychologists and sociologists for several decades. Many writers, for example, Byrne and Williamson,'" Rosen,'" and Musgrove,'" have criticised the crudeuse of the concept social class as any index in Itself of group behaviour, and some have offered other explanations based rather on availability of resources or on certain sets of values. Much recent English work has relied upon the Registrar General's (1960) classificationas its major indicator of social class (for example, wide-scale national cohoit studies, such as that resulting in the second report of the National Child Development Study in 19721"). Common though its use is, the Registrar General's classification system is extremely crude and is often criticised. Brandis and Henderson have used more specific and apparently more satisfactory measures in their language studiesmbut these depend upon knowledge of the educational backgrOund of parents, data not always easily obtainable. Discrimination between subsets and subjects within social -class groups has also been attempted, such as in the classic work of Fraser in the late 1950s with a class of Aberdeen schoolchildren.'" Shipman suggested that one improvement in measures had been categorisation in terms of observation of 'common features', rather than the use of the single index, such as the father's job.'" But one notes that in a later book"' he, too, reverts to use of social class for meaningful explanation of differences in educational performance.. Dreeben, in his now famous paper on the part played by schooling in

.the Socialisation of children, looked at the social structure of the schOol and the relationship- between that structure and the acquisition of norms. The structural characteristics of school which, he claimed, distinguished it most sharply from other agencieS (notably the family) were as follows:

(I)Those who control schools and organise the learning experiences are adults not related to the pupils. (2)Children attend school regularly but return daily to, and continue to participate in, their fantily life. (3)There are structural distinctions in schools according to their level: (a) changes in the relative homogeneity, heterogeneity _of child- grouping in relation to size/type of catchment;

145 140/Children and Schooling of subject (b)differentiation of teaching staff according to types specialisation; (r)presence or absence ofstreaming/tracking devices In the school organisation; (d)'variations in the number of pupils thateach teacher confronts daily', (4) Chi Ithep progress throughschool year by year, thus severing associations with one set of teachers andestablishing new ones. (Such a distinction is less easilyapplied to English schools, since there arc variations of verticalage-grouping in primary schools and since more attention is now OM) tocontinuity of pastoral care in secondary schools). members of relatively (5)Generally speaking, schoolchildren arc 'Age-equal cohorts', whereas in the typicalfamily the age dispersion is larger than that of any singleclassroom (even in the case of vertical grouping). (6) Though families and classroomshave adult and non-adult positions, the classroom has a much,greaterproportion of what Drechen calls 'non-guilt membership'.

Dreeben suggested that, through thestructurarfirrangements of schools the and the behaviour patternsof teachers, children come to acquire specificity; and norms of independence,achievement, universalism and he said that many US observersregarded the first two, independence and achievement, as dominantculturalvalues. (He avoided calling universality and specificity culturalvalues, since he remarked,that they were not normallyincluded among the principlesthought desirable in American life.'") of Few would disagree with Drecbenthat the basic social properties school are so devised as to encouragethe child's learning of those principles rather more effectivelythan if the child had been left entirely need to the devices of his ownfamily and their idiosyncrasies. It does observation, some qualification,however. At the level of commonsense circumstances would one would assumethat social (class) and familial be of considerable influence. There issufficient evidence in terms of family language, overall linguistic and(possibly) value orientation in the work of a substantial number ofAmerican and English researchers1'1 to suggest that the acquisitionof certain norms as a basis for 'competent' and successful adult life is easier and moreeffective when there is a high degree of congruence between thedominant value systems of the home and those of the school. Given that there are differences insocialisation, and given that its study is rooted in at least threedifferent broad fields, namely, psychology, sociology and anthropology,it would seem pertinent to Soeialitation tottl Attl,enteni/149 remind ourselves that both psychologists and ttdologi314 have become more and more preoccupied with the ways in which differencesin motivation and achievement orientation are learned, and the ways in Which they affect schooling and are affected by it, (This has been particularly tine of language Mid hitidlei.) In England the main impetus would appear to blellt (rim% the work of such people as Ikrnsteinl" and Fraser,'" in the lute 1950s; the now-fin gotten Crowther Report;'" and from the work of Douglas and his associates,'" 11%c obvious focus of at tack here, as the research evidence on social-class differences In educational opportunity accumulated, was se lection'tOr secondary schooling,'" But some educational and social psychologists chose to concentrate on the apparent contradictions in some of the research work on motivation andrichigement, particularly in terms of the relationship between personality variables and academic achieve- meat measures.'" Despite many unexplained features of such research, it stems reasonable to summarise the present position as approximating to:

(I)that certain measurable personality traits, for example, levels of introversion and neuroticisni, levels of self-esteem and degree or internality,seemtohave somerelationshiptoacademic achievement; (2)that there are curious anomalies in traits associated with high academic achievement and inexplicabledifferences between associations at. different levels of schooling, as well as marked differences between the sexes. (For instance, it has been said that in England at the primary-school level the stable, extroverted girl seems likely lobe most successful. In the unstable introvert seems most likely to be a high-achiever.'")

To summarise this stage 'of thediscussioe.' say that the socialisation of the child, and his eventual trans Was411thood, have become major topics in the social sciences. (This is currently especially fashionable in respect of the socialisation of girls, a topic which has increasingly preoccupied sociologists during the 1970s and 1980s.'0) But there are curious gaps in our knowledge, for while there are differences of viewpoint corresponding roughly to the disciplinary stance taken. there arerelatively few realsocial-psychological perspectives of childhood to date." It would seem important, too, for educationists to have as wide an interdisciplinary view of childhood as is practicable, since socialisation (and much of education) involves the acquisition of norms and values, the learning of rules and roles and the internalisation of knowledge about the self and one's patterns of response in a variety of situations. Knowledge of the assocation between culture and cognition is still surprisingly hazy and incomplete, even though there are many I Aildtett 4$11,i St./tooting accounts pin poi ling to showhow we itcttt1UC what we cue awing!! Inletailion idle sIttlyttnes and thoughts Of sinters IiiChetah, it would scent essential toslless again the inlet actional nature of socialisation. to adopt a genet al peispei Ilse ak illIi1111)3e ul ,o,ral- trai fling theorists who see the child', cumulativecognition, 43 4 C011111illati1111of socially(lei isedexpriirsiccstespionled iitio- synciatically.lt ssould also seem irasoliatik s;outtodo that 14h. achievement -oriented behaviour, or the votive' r, isceitaiiil y assi$. laird with and is in part ilf lei mined by certain factorsroole'd let the child's i-sklislisist ion; that is, by what one may 'pos1113 C. bellcimk.epta, or by selrvitmcpts sLI ll a, %elicit t ibution or low arnlit y and ofthings boyinut pet sonal cotiol, As Katt hassaid, the 'hiltt can well be 'tiwialised to impose failinc upon hinisell',") 1 hisleads one to ask l lir question, sidiut arc the par ticula ("mild framed 111111htlIct which arc tIctVerl fruit early rspeticticcs unit how are they inimical orhelpful to school achievement'? Some of the answets may be toilful in certainfields of sociapsychological re se m ch and writing and it is to these' thatChapter 7 is addressed. l'etrt Drucker once %gime thatby the time a child has 1C1101Cti hit itletc of 4 or 5, he has 'been conditioned towork; , 'Wolk 11 t achievement. It is one of flit. way. m alt oneminn oincrlon3lny,11i which a liCru)11 ticfiuca hittIsCii or het ell, itIC:ntttcNhis SsOft11 and his humanity'.'"

NMI S AND WI 1t Kt Nut s 1:11,641*11 It 1

I 1.1.o tow, N. (cd.1.the,-(wohtogroph y of (Aorlcl Daru (1.0thlon Collorti. 1015), pp. I4-15. I tic teltMettl1.11 killtimoni) of mow,es', in tco au, c., And litenty. 2 A lIport , (1 14, C. (CAM, theories of Motivation In Bei 1,nalst y ort,1.%oial Aoh,K (huh:cloy'. NJ, Vain NowAntl, MA), 1 Putter, ts1Manglian. It.. MmtiMotr, anti rhotoo, J., tifiren !hoodlums' !lours (Icinilon: Open Books, 1979) lice, boW.CVCI, the CtifiCilftlf byM.4g, F. (ed.), The Rutter Research (1..c1cr: 11noicmty.ol Teeter Sth.xtl or Education,1910). Irmisslctlgr'. in 4Ikrmacin, H., 'On the classifkation Anil training of cdts...411.sti4 Young. M. 1:, 1). ). knou ledge and Control(Ncw York: Collttr Mactoill4n,1971). -toculorigins of 5 l'or instance, sec Roscri, H. C., and D'Antlrik1c, R., *rhe psycho achievement motivation', Sociornetry. vol. 22 (1959), pp. 185-93.2151..18: and Argyle, M., and Robinson. P., 'Two origins of achievementmotivation'. British Journal of Social and Chnical Psychology, vol, I. pt 2 (1981), pp.107-20. 6For such a panoramic vicw, scc hfachr, M., 'Sociocultural originsof achicvcment motivation', in Ilar-Tat, D., and Saxe, L. OLIO, Social Psychologyof Education (New York: 1 falstcad Press, 1971), 7 Inkcics, A., 'Sociological theory in relation to social psychologicalsariablcs*. in McKinney, J., arid Tyriakian, (cN), Theoretical Sociology.. Perspeduces and Developments (New York: AppletonCcntury-Crofts, 1970). It Finlayson, IT. S.. 'Towards a socio-psychological view of schoolachievement'. British Journal of Educational Studies. vol. 21, no. 3 (1973), p.291. 9Eakin, P.1. g., 'Tlic changing world of science and the social scicnccs', titIlaviland, V, (cd.), Children and Literature: Views and Reviews (Chicago: Scott,Fornman, 1973). of tradition and the 10Though one must bcar in mind the effects of cultural time-lag,

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It Ilates,C lowr 104 $5 it4.1, p 19 Stsoape.iaily lutrur, I1.'1 WI/horn must Ott Wati41 threca`,114ttrrA./..44144/ 21, nu, 2 (1414), t, II 41+.101.1tuutt,), Ark/refs ata Woti (Non tliunwe, Trimaaction books. 1979), p 91.. 21 Hayes, op 411p 211 22 lkitAliq. I ooA ant thk-Awaill (Now Yiitk' New America t.110( AO, I%k1I,p 2)Kotler, C.'1 Sa41etv and T.Akigttoo Nocantati, IWO). :4 WOOttlIC441,.C. 'What !mac' Attuola sttiltal lista e tt 014i.:1,ititt*or, ustput414tai stay, uni,Iftity of parrot, 1944 25Wood:N.J, op (it., p. 26Overlie y, 1' , rtv, ey oditod Clay, 1011), iluoilogVso ft roo1 s, p 27('orency, op tit . quoting Mark I warn,ppI 7)-4 21 Weber, op eil. 29Hartland, op. cit. 39 St.:Wild, 1, The of ( Addrvi, f;o04014 ((Word. Blackwell, NM 31Stickland, op titp. is. 32McClelland, D. C.. lAt ,itAirstftg So,rrtr (11 in. chili, t1): Vin ram); bet 1,441 M R,Ille relation of nerd tot se hictintitt to teaming esptiiencts in independence and masiety', in Atkinson, J. W. (t,1), A.latner hintalw,.4,-110ndm/ NoClefiell`tincrion, Ni: Van Nom and. 19111.alto .ccPlatte, R., biro/city ael..1 i:Jsration (New York: McKay, 1974 3)Though Weiner, 11., Mort(' of Moroi:non (Chicago Markham, 1972) says. he child anacctients kading to the development or itchiest/nen! mini anon remain in doubt'(p.258) 34Committee of Council. 'Report or the commissioners ;appointed to inquire into the state of popular education in England' (Newcastle Report) (London: 1rducation Department. 1861). p. 315. 35See Lowe'. toter to Ling en in Sellec. R. 1. W., The Ne tjucation (Melbourne: 1965). p. 17. 36Eistnstadt, S. N. (ed.). The Proteliont Ethic and Modernelation (New York: Basic Books, 19611. p. 3. 37 For an elaboration of this view, see especially the work of 'Higher, A.. WaA. ({'hest u ha, meant to non rAro.gili the Age] (London: Ilatrap. 19311 38Andreski, S.. 'Method and substantive theory in Mat Weber', in Eisenstadt, op. cit., p, 53. 39Little, D., 'Calvinism and law*, in Eisenstadt, op. cit.; and FischolT.

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In the Infant School(London: Rout ledge & Kegan Paul, 1974): and Maehr, M., in Bar-Tal and Snxe, op, cit. 65Rutterelat, op. cit, p. 146. 66Weiner, op. cit., p. 259. 67, Mack, R. W., Murphy, R. J., and Yellin, S., 'The protestant ethic, level of aspiration ' and social mobility: an empirical test', in Stoodley, B. H. (ed.),Society and Self(New York: The Free Press, 1972), pp. 475-84. 68 Seeman, M., 'The urban alienations: some dubious theses froin Marx to Marcuse', Journal *Personality and Social Psychology,vol, 19, no2 (1971), pp, 135-43. 69 This has certainly been the casein the area of educational 'myth-making'. See chapter and r ferences toPygmalion in the Classroom,or the work on teaching styles by Bennett. 70Eliot, T. S., 'st Coker'(Fqur Quartets)(London: Faber, 1944), p. 20. 71Klein, J.,Samples from English Cultures.Vol. 2 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 454. a 72See especially Bemsteirt, B., Sociaj clasp, language and socialisation', in Karabel .... and Halsey, op. cit., pp. 473-86. ' \ . . 73See Himmelweit, H. T., and Swift, B., 'A model for the understanding of school as a socialising agent', in Mussen, P. H., Langer, J., and Covington, M. (eds),Trends and Issues, in Developmental Psychology(New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969), pp. 154781. 0 74 See especially, Bronfenbrenner, U., 'The changing American child - a speculative analysis'; in Evans', E. D. (ed.),Children: Readings in Behavior and Development (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968), pp. 93-105. 75There has been consistent investigation over some two decades of all aspects of early' childhqod socialisatiOn by John and Elizabeth Newson. See especially, Newson, J., and Newson, E.,Perspectives on School at Seven YearsOld (London: Allen & Unwin, 1977). 76Douglas, J. W. B.,The Home and theSchool (London: MacGibbon &Kee, 1964). 77Hargreaves, D.,Interpersonal Relations and Education(London: R outledge & K egan Paul, 19.72). .. 78 ° Musgrove, F.,School and the Social Order(New York: Wiley, 1979).

79Klein, op.,cit.', p. 610. .

80Danziger, K:Socialization(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971). , 81 Denzin, N. K.,Childhood Socialization(New York: Jossey-Bass, 1977), p. 204. 82- Davis, K.,Human Society(New York: Macmillan, 1950). 83Brim, 0. G., 'Socialization through the life cycle:, in Brim, 0. G., and Wheeler, S. (eds),Socialization after Childhood(New York: Wiley, 1966). 84Dan2iger, op. cit., p. 22. . 85Berger, P., and Luckman, T.,The Social Construction ofReality(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p. 151. 86Lavatelli, C. S., and Stendler, E.,Readings in Child Development.3rd edn (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovitch, 1972), p. 309. .87Elkin, F.,The Child and Sdciety(New York: Random House, 1961), p. 9. 88Bronfenbrenner, op. cit. 89Bernstein, B.,Class. Codes and Control(London: Paladin, 1973), p. 198. 90 Musgrove, op. cit., p. 51. ..,, 91LeVirie, R. A.,Culture, Behaviour and Personality(London: Hutchinson, 1973), p. 106. 92'Barry, H., Bacon, M., and Child, I, L., 'The relation of child training to subsistence economy,' American Anthropologist,vol. 61 (1959), p. 63. 93Evans, E. D., 'Orientation 1.4', in Evans, E. D. (ed.),Children: Readings in Behavior and Development (NewYork: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969), p. 47. 94 Note the semi-religious nature of such exhortations in our multi-belief society. See I54 /Children and Schooling also Porter, J. N., 'The normative framework of the primary school classroom'. un- published M.FAI. dissertation, University of liristol, 1974. 95Ktihn, A. L.,The Mother's Role in Childhood Education: New England Concepts, /8304860 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1947). 96 TBronfenbrenner, op. cit., p. 94. 97Seeth. 20, above. 98 Johnson, R. C., and Medinnus, G. R.,Child Psyctitology: Behavior and Development (New York: Wiley, 1965), p. 238. 99 See especially Stoodley, B. H.,Society and Sel((NewYork: The Free Press, 1972); and Miller, D. R., and Swanson, G. E.,The Changing American Parenl(NewYork: Wiley, 1958). 100 Shipman, op. cit., p. 98. 101More recently societies for the support of one-parent families or for divorced parents have been investigated: see and Willmott, P., 'The age of family diversity',New Society,vol. 846-7,;nd. '46 (1978), pp. viii-x. 102See for instance StIlleck, op. cit.; Waters, E., and Crandall, V. J.,'Social class and observedmatei- 'behavior,1940-1960',Child Development,tol. 35 (1964), pp. 1021-32; and Denzin, 103 Adorno, T. W., Frenkel-Brunswick, E., Levinson, D. J., andSanford, R. N.The Authoritarian Personality(Ww York:Harper,.1950). 104 For example, the work of Hart,1.,'Maternal child-rearing practice and authoritarianideology', Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, vol. 55(1957), pp. 232-37. 105Maccoby,E. E. (ed.),The Development of Sex Differences(London: Tavistock, 1967). 106Bayley, N.,and Schaeffer,E. S., 'Maternal behavior and personality development: data from' the Berkeley Growth Study', in Medinnus, G. R. (ed.),Readings, in the Psychology of Parent-Child Relations(New York: Wiley,4961), pp, 157-69. 107 Newson, J., and Newson,E., Infant Care in an Urban Community(London: Allen & Unwin, 1963), 108Bronfenbrenner, op. cit. 109Kohn, M. L., 'Social class and parent-child relationships'American Journal of Sociology,vol. 68 (1963), pp. 471-80. 110See, for instance, the work of Fraser, E. D.,Home Environment and the School (London: University of London Press, 1959). There are also excellentgeneral summaries of this topic in Entwistle, H.,Class. Culture and Education(London: ,Methuen, 1978); and Shipman, M. D.,The Sociology of the School,2nd edn '(London: Longman, 1975). British 1 1 1 Starting with Bernstein,B.,'Some sociological determinants of perception', Journal of S;rciology.vol. 9 (1958), pp. 159-74. The whole Bernstein thesis andits weaknesses are clearly discussed in Robinson, P.,Language Managemen) in- Education(Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1978)., &7`..4 112 Bruner, J.,The Relevance of Education(London: Allen & Unwin, 1971). vol. 12 113HessR. D., and Shipman, V., 'Early blocks tochildren's learning',Children, (1965), pp. 189-94; Deutsch, M., Katz, L, and Jensen, A. R.(eds),Social Class, Race and Psychololical Development(New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1968); and Denzin, op. cit. 114Such as the pre-school programmes conducted at the Universityof Illinois by Bereiter and Engelmann in 1966. 115benzin, op: cit., P. 195. For the counter argument that too much attention has been focused on labguage production rather than on what children(especially low-SES children)can dowith their language, see Robinson, op. cit.° See also Rosen, H., Language and Class(Bristol: Falling Wall Press, 1972). inLanguage 116Rosen, op. cit.; see also Labov, W.,'Thelogic of non - standardEnglish', and Linguistics,Georgetown Monograph, vol. 22 (1969), pp. 1-31; Sochi lisdtton and Achievement/155

117Latiov, op. cit. 118Ste, for instance, Wcikart, D Bond, J. T.. and McNeil. M..The Ypsilanti Perry Project: Preschool Years and Longitudinal Results through Fourth Grade (Michigan, Ill.: High/Scope Educational Research Foundation, 1978); Smith, G., and James, T., 'The effects of preschool education: some American and British evidence', in Halsey. A..11.WO, heredity and Environment(London: Methuen, 1977); Schools Council Communication Skills in Early Childhood Project and associated projects (Director, Joan Tough). University of Leeds. School of Education; and Zigler, E.. and Valentine. J. (Ws).Project Head Start(London: Collier Macmillan, 1979). 119Barnes, D., Britten, J., and Rosen, H..Language, the Learner and the School (Harmondsworth:Penguin.1969);alsoBeinstein,II.,'Education cannot compensate for society', in Cosin. B.et at(eds),School and Society(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1971). 120Bernstein, B., in Karabel and Halsey, op. cit., p. 485. 121 See Musgrove, op. cit., pp. 48-50; also Bar-Tal and Saxe, op. cit. 122See Chapter 7, ontaspects of locus of control. 123Miller and Swanson, op. cit. 124Medinnus, op. cit. 125Barryet al..op. cit.; see also Boehm, L., 'The development of independence: a comparativestudy', Child Development.vol. 28 (1957), pp. 85-92. 126For instance, in Coveney, op. cit.;,in Aries, P.,Centuries of Childhood(London: Cape, 1962); in Boas, G.,The Cult of Childhood(London: Warburg Institute, 1966); a contemporary example typical of biography is Jones, L.,Schoolin's Log(London: Michael Joseph. 1980). 127 Such as that of Darwin (see Barlow, op. cit.), or Ashby, M. I.,Joseph Ashby of Tysoe (London: Merlin Press, 1974). 128 Heider, F.,The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations(New York: Wiley, 1958), p. 6. See also Bettelheim, B.,The Uses of Enchantment(London: Thames & Hudson, 1976). 129Pinchbeck, I., and Hewitt, M.,Children in English Society, Vols1 and 2 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1969. 1973). 130Aries, op. cit. 131 Robert Louis Stevenson, 'El Dorado'. 132 Byrne, D. S., and Williamson, W., 'The myth of the restricted code', inWorking Papers in Sociology(Durham: University of Durham Department of Sociology and Social Administration, 1971). 133 Rosen, op. cit., 1972. 134Musgrove, op. cit. 135 Davie, R., Butler, N.. and Goldstein, H.,From Birth to Seven(London: Longman, 1972). 136Brandis, W., and Henderson, D.,Social Class, Language and Communication (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970). 137 Fraser. op. cit. 138Shipman, 1972, op. cit., p. 93. 139Shipman, 1975, op. cit., pp. 67-8. 140Dreeben, R., 'The contribution of schooling to the learning of norms',Harvard Educational Review,vol. 37, no. 2 (1967), pp. 211-37. 141 Dredben, op. cit., p. 237. 142Newson and Newson, 1968, 1977, op. cit.; Barneset al., op.cit., 1969; Bernstein, all works so far stated; Holt, J.,How Children Fail(New York: Pitnian, 1969); Jencks, C, et al.. Inequality: A Reassessment of the Effects of Family and Schooling in America (New York: Basic Books, 1972); Denzin, op. cit.; and Rutteret al.,op. cit. 143 Bernstein, all works so far stated, but see especially Bernstein, 1958, op. cit. 144Fraser, op. cit.

4 5 3 I 56/Children and Schooling

I45Central Advisory Council for Education, /5 to 18 (Crowther Report),Vol. I, (London: HMSO, 1959). 146 Douglas, op. cit, 147See especially Shipmen, 1972, op. cit., p. 83, 148See Weiner, B. (ed.), Achievement Motivation and Attribution Theory(Morristown, NJ: General Learning Press, 1974); De Charms, R., Personal Causation (NewYork: Academic Press, 1968); and Bar-Tal and Saxe, op. cit. 149 A good deal of the literature on self-esteem, aspects of the self-concept andschool performance is summarised in Bar-Tal and Saxe, op. cit. For that specifically relating to introversion/extroversion, see Naylor, F. D., Personality andEducytional Achievement (New York: Wiley, 1972). 150 See, for instance, Byrne, E. M., Women and Education (London:Tavistock, 1978); Mitchell, J., and Oakley, A. (eds), The Rights and Wrongs of Women(Harmonds- worth: Penguin, 1976); and Deem, R., Women and Schooling (London:Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978), to mention but a few. ' 151 Denzin, op. cit., tries to redress this balance by taking an avowedlyinteractionist perspective of childhood socialisation. 152 Schmidt, W. H. 0., Child Development: The Human,Cultural and Edumtional ,Context (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), p. 105. 153Katz, L., The socialization of academic motivation in minority group children', in Le Vine, D. (ed.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, Vol. 15(Lincoln, Nebr.: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 133. 154Drucker, P., Management: Tasks, Responsibilities, Practices (New York: Harper& Row, 1973), pp. 184S.

SUGGESTED READING: CHAPTER 5 K. Danziger, Socialization (Harmondsworth: Penguin,1971). N. K. Denzin, Childhood Socialization (New York: Jossey-Bass, 1977). S. N. Eiienstadt (ed.) The Protestant Ethic and Modernization (NewYork: Basic Books, 1968). 13. Goldstein and J. Oldham, Children and Work (New Brunswick ,NJ:Transaction Books, 1979). M. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and theSpleit ofCapitalism (London: Allen & Unwin,. 1931). 13. Weiner, Theories of Motivation from Mechanism toCognition (Chicago: Markham, 1972).

1.54 Chapter 6 Constraints on the Curriculum: Sbcial-Psychological Issues

Attractive though it is, telling other people what to do is fraught with difficulty. As most parents, especiallylhose of sensitive adolescents, will confirm, knowing how to say it as well as what to say are both factors , requiring judgement and" skill.Schoolingisconcernedwith communicating what society deems ought to be known. It consists, in part, of telling other people what to do and how to do it. It is concerned among other things with making chosen aspects of the culture tangible and meaningful'to those who become the future citizens and creators of the culture. The main purpose of schooling is to 'exchange ideas, resources and people through a network of communication systems.. The curriculum as taught is an example of such a communication system') But, as everyone knows, schooling is also used as a form of social control, of distribution of life chances. Added to which, as Silberman said, the teacher is concerned with much that does not exist in hard concrete forms; with procedures, with attitudes and feelings which act as4nediators in the moving and changing process of socialisation.2 'CurricUlum studies', therefore, that loose area of interest to the teacher- trainer and researcher, rather than to the teacher himself, tends to be as wide and diffuse an area of study as education itself. The diffuseness of curriculum studies and of curriculum 'theory' is probably matched by the diffuseness of social psychology. Social psychglogy seems to focus on those gaps, those' interstices between indidaual psych ology and social systems. It may be approached from a variety of sociological,viewpoints, from psychodynamic or behavioural- psychological ones, from almost any .background discipline from literature to medicine. It frequently is. Additionally, there is so much in psychology and social psychology which is part myth and part reality, so much which is not amenable to disciplined validation, that to take a 'social-psychological perspective' of the curriculum may be no more than to assert that one wishes to take a particularly human and inter- active view of what is taught in school. To study the curriculum currently fashionable in schools, one clearly needs some- sort of framework for description and analysis. In my opinion the best framework does not lie with those terms and concepts employed in earlier days by Thompson, Bloom, Tyler, or Eisner. Indeed, some years ago, Sockett,3 Pring4 and Shipman' made it clear that the dominance of 'behavioral' objectives' approaches to the * ' 155 I 58/Children and Schooling curriculum appeared to he on the wane (though there seemedlittle evidence of this in North America in 1979) and that anysuch behavioural 'models' tended to rest on 'methodologicalbehaviourism', with its concomitant restrictions, absurdities and 'implicationsof a verification theory for testing the learner's behavior andmeasuring it'.6 While not wishing to dispose of aims and objectives altogether;,and bearing in ,mind that we inherit or absorb many of these prior to our entry into the profession, letalone theclassroom, I wouldsuggestthat the curriculum as a whole is best perceived asan' cducationist's blueprint for human development. This blueprint is not onlybound up with questions of socialisation and of the validity ofcertain sorts of knowledge, it is directly interpreted by someone other thanits designer. Furthermore, in passing it on, the transaction itself frequentlyoverrides the content. It has been said,

Even when the teacher acts like a broadcastingstation, it is doubtful that all pupils are tuned in. A more plausible model is that theteacher is communicating with different individuals forbrief sporadic periods and that these pupils are responding to otherstimuli the rest of the time.' Hence, any curriculum, while conceived in terms of roundness or balance, in terms of width or of depth ,is unlikely to arrive at the earsand eyes of the beholder in any suchcomplete manner. The socialisation of the young is not a one-way process -- andeducation as part of sociali- Sation is interpreted, selected from, adjusted to and internalised in terms of the experience of the learner. Thus, in emphasisingthe transactional 'nature of education, one is being bothrealistic and acknowledging that the social psychologist may have something tocontribute to discussions of the curriculum. To emphasise the transactional natureofeducation is to recognise, to change theaxiom, that one not only teaches some thing but somebody; that a curriculum arises from ahistory of perceptions of child-rearing and of our culture; that it operates withinparticular institutions which have real people as staff; thatit takes place with today's children not yesterday's; that it isinstitutionalised and ritualised as an artefact of the culture.

ACTUALITY Much of what is taught in schools may strike one ashardly worth knowing as a child, let alone as an adult. Once, whenI was a sixth- former, one of my friends studying economics estimatedthat 90 per cent of what he was learning and had been learning overthe past two, years, was either out of date, in strictutilitarian terms, or was related to the immediate goal of examination-passing, of certification ratherthan 156 Constraints on the Currku ho /159 education. Now, of course,' he could have been wrong - and children's views of what Is useful are not the only criteria to employ by any means. Indeed, I would wish to assert strongly that a curriculum should always include opportunity to study the useless, as well as the useful, Many people take an extremely 'means-to-ends' view of the curriculum. They see the curriculum in the same way that they view an assembly-line process in a factory. They apply the same criteria. Does the 'product' sell; is it good value for money? Thcy take the view that education is of little or no value in itself, It leads somewhere; it.gct's you something. It makes you richer, you gainprestige, or it (at very least'?) meets an expressed societal need. If it does not meet any of these requirements, you scrap it, Stich'views are often 'heady' and persuasive stuff, Moreover, they fall into place with many an adolescent's views of relevance (and, perhaps, are not that incongruent with an adult's, either); of themselves they can lend great weight in the shaping of a curriculum. But of themselves they can so easily become materialistic, shallow and miseducative.Inactuality, what happens is that the curriculum in most schools represents at best an uneasy compromise between the 'cultural repository', sonic considerable traditional and

ritualistic.time-filling, utilitarian possibility (surprisingly little) and what one might term idiosyncratic, teacher-originated academic hobbies. The teacher walking into his classroom is usually credited with knowing what ideas he hopes to deal with in the ensuing session. If he is an experienced teacher, he will probably be acutely aware of the problems and pitfalls likely to occur in the sequencing of his ideas: He will be aware of the need to be monitoring constantly the response of his pupils, in order that he may alter and modify the level and conceptual 'match' of his material. But as an experienced teacher he will be well aware that the shaping of much of the curriculum lies outside his hands. There are constraints upon him, upon his presentation and upon his pupils' reception of his ideas. No matter how varied his pedagogical style, how attractive the packaging of his knowledge, the content will be to a large extent determined by many factors totally beyond his control. For instance, the knowledge he deals in will clearly be, at least in part, a portioo of some existing cultural repository. It will have been shaped, altered, explored and redefined by many minds and many social processcs. Neither a particular subject, nor the total school curriculum, just happens. Both depend upon a complex mixture of factors which interact in any given society. Those factors which influence the teacher's

. transactions with his or her pupils can be thought of simplistically in terms of relative immediacy in impact or of distance. Mr Jones,.in'teaching classics on a Friday afternoon to a class of bored 15-year-olds isiikely to be most immediately concerned with holding their attention by convincing them of the utility of the subject or simply of the importance of 'meal-tickets' seen in terms of examinations passed. He may wish to

157 160/C'hihlren and Schooling focus enthusiasm and encourageinterest illn:stkfie form for its own sake - but unless he is extremely lucky,the immediate constraints Will dominate, and aims willbe interpretedinierms of pragnuilic consideration, rather than in terms of long-termlearning. Additionally, and ns is well known, any schoolcurriculum as a whole will have been subjectedtomanipulation and reshaping as sociallyvalidated knowledge, Mr Jones's Litin lessons,while still regarded by sonic as useful bases for ,will for the most part be disregarded and sometimes only endured in termsof relevant professional entry or access to further education.In short, his Latin lessons may wellbe considered by pupils, as well, as bysociety a large, as having less immediate or obvious validity than, say,phis or mathematics, especially since the apparentinstrumental use of the subject matter usually has some considerable bearing uponattitudes adopted towards that subject. I would contend that any .curriculumhas to combine hard-nosed analysis (in terms of both societaliradilionand relevance) with utopian imagination. Indeed, at its most fundamentalit is precisely the balance between those two extremes which is at theheart of most statements of educational aims. It is this balance, too,which in non-authoritarian societies can so depend upon teacherskills and imagination. As Shipmanhassaid,eventuallythecurriculumconsistsof 'accommodation and compromise, amixture of horse trading and horse sense'.9 And, as a large number ofeducationists have pointed out, even where there is substantial agreement onthe core of 'teachable units' in a given curriculum, those elements taught are asmuch affected by the interaction (the transaction betweenteacher and taught) as they are by the actual content. Furthermore, there areadditional complications. Any system of schooling is embeddedin a system of beliefs and values. When such a system is not in harmonywith beliefs and values of the child- ren, or at least able todraw upon some of their concerns, thecurriculum is in danger of becoming less effective, and at worstalmost useless. Thus, knowledge of the values and attitudesof the children, while not the only information to be heeded, has long beenconsidered essential if one is to plan an effective curriculum. One of the more curious imbalancesin curriculum studies which one might. notice over recent years is thetendency for the field to become dominated by sociologists and administrators.[The recent thirty or so Open University units on the curriculumreflected this domination.9 Only about 5 per cent of thecontributions emphasised psychological issues.] To understand the curriculum, one mustassuredly look at the surrounding cultural, economic andideological circumstances; but one must also look at the'recipients' and 'actors"° in the learning process. In 1946 Jersild was attempting toapply some of the findings of human development and developmentalpsychology to specific curriculum

'158 .Cothiltainu ott the'Currlculunt/161 problems.'' Indeed, when one makes even the most simplistic analysis of a curriculum in terms of content, it is realised that, for till the many and complex analyses of what,itisthe whets (in terms of human development) which has often been the most fruitful of guides for teachers. Let us examine this in more detail. Many discussions of the school curriculum hinge upon three closely interrelated questions. Some writers have seen them as a sort of education 'trinity' (Figures 6.1). Clearly, the 'what' is extremely complex.

(1) level A (2) level

C When How

Figure 6.1 Three closely interrelated questions the education 'trinity'.

Moreover,itis commonly discussed at two quite fundamentally different levels. Level A( I) concerns the culture as a whole. Such discussion usually includes-the purpose of schooling, the role of the school and of the teacher in a given society and (often) perspectives, both political and ideological, of that society's structure. Textbooks abound in this field; some with an avowedly political flavour, such as Dale; 12 some more obviously neutral in tone, such as Lawton or Kelly;" some truly seminal in my opinion, such as Warnock." But such books, while often extremely stimulating, tend in my experience to have little effect upon those engaged at the 'chalk face'. This may be a pity, but the practitioners are more concerned with level A(2), that is, with the 'what', in terms of the content of a particular programme or series of programmes in a given type of school. This level is more often dealt with by administrators, learning theorists, subject specialists and curriculum theorists. 'Recipe' books abound and appear to be well used." While thereis an obvious interrelationship between A(1) and AD), as demonstratedfor exampleinNycrere'sfamous paper" orin Bronfen4enner's Two Worlds of Childhood." practising teachers can rarely afford the luxury of dwelling for too long on such connections and tend to move rapidly from content to questions concerning the right timing for the child, the 'when' of the curriculum process. The 'when' is generally discussed in terms of developmental. Characteristics, but inevitably has overtones of both 'what' and 'how'. Indeed, for many teachers of young children this has become the central feature of their curriculum-planning, often providing in limited terms rationale and 162/Children and Schooling TrittlillonallY, justificationforbothcontent, Andtransaction. psychologists have had a considerable amountto contribute here and hove attempted to identify key issues.Evans and others'' have described such issues in terms of (four)subcategories roughly as follows:

of human behaviour and learning, 11(1)10 . terms of sequences of .ttages Very differently oriented psychologistshave a lot to say here, Indeed, Itmight be regarded as the mostfruitful strand in curriculum theory. Its effects on contenthave been considerable. One has only to think of Nagel,Kohlberg, Erikson, or Bruner to identify theories of child learning andsocialisation which appear to have had a direct effect uponthe curriculum (Nuffield Maths, Science 5-:13, Middle Years Project,Health Education Project, Ypsilanti Language Curriculum, MACOSand Nachalot Project, to mention but a few). Clearly, many suchcurricular packages or 'Proposals have been based ontheories of human development blueprints by the currentlyfashionable and employed as curriculum architects. B(2)iir terms of theidentification of certain learningstrategies, that is, in terms of those theoriesrelating the cognitive style of the learner to what is being learned.Notions of timing are not so appropriate here, but tend to be employed as a partof the total explanation,sometimesagaininterms of developMental sequences. Though one mayfind evidence to suggest a considerable amount of research workin this area, I would assert that there has been little direct spin-off for thecurriculum as yet. B(3) in terms of timing related to thetransaction, in respect of sustaining motivation and enhancing feedback. There is muchdiverse work by psychologists here. Principal amongthe theorists have been . behaviourists, batalsoverydifferentlyorientedsocial psychologists, and somepsychodynamically oriented educationists, notably Morris.'9Here, some of the Schools Council English/humanities work is also relevant;and several English local education authorities haveconcentrated on the issue within their revised _systems of diagnosisand recording in the primary school (currently of the profile orlog type). B(4) isola ling developmental sequencesof hierarchies wl0fiin the structure of the subject, discipline, or area tobe learned. Gagnew is one of the noted theorists here. His ideasconcerning task analysistaxonomy approaches to instruction (and it shouldbe emphasised that Gagn6 sees instruction as only oneaspect of education) centre upon the arrangement of conditions whichfacilitate learning in terms of both vertical and lateraltransfer. There are other theorists (particularly inthe USA) who hold that taskanalysis yields suggestions concerning the appropriatesequencing and structuring 160 ( ton viIaIII 1 j 010Met'urrltIrlumtllbl of the material to he teamed, As tiagnt has pointed out, this is no new idea. Its bases ip.r hack to I let bat t and rat her, It is an celectie them y (hawing on win k as diverse as that orthooldike, Piaget ;rod Pavlov,

'Closely connected with the 'what' and the 'when' is the question of 'how' one carries out the transactions with the child, This does, of course, throw one backto considerations of the child's levels of cognitive development and sophistication. Ilut it also opens up other important ateas for discrision, in the last tesort It may be that what the teacher teaches is him.v0; rather than his subject. This is an area of growing importance ink he study of the curriculum. Teaching methods, tactics and 'styles' Which appear suitable at one stage may not necessarily he suitable at the next. In this respect it may strike one as somewhat strange Oat, in England, one is quite likely to observe young /organising children choosing / and selecting their learning experiences and sometimes even the material tp he employed, while at secondary and !risk rn levels didactic expositioit and limited student choice are often the order of the/day, Overall this is an aspect of the curriculum where re- lationships. and/the quality of the transactions are coming inure and more under scrutiny/, an area where mutality(to use Morris's term) has become a major intercsi to curriculum theorists and educationists in general. Often the /most fundamental question of all in the curriculum'why?' is left unasked and unanswered, Notably it is omitted in most official- pronounc/ments, because it is so difficult to answer. Why teach this or that? WI y have this content as opposed to that? Why use this timing as oppose tothat? Why adopt this method as opposed to that? Furthe, more, the 'why' of the curriculum underscores one of the major emit-has in rationale for education in terms -of both content, and methhod.This conflictisperhaps best set out as follows:

'1'ducation, and hence by implication the curriculum, is primarily concerned with preparing children for the future society. As such the momentary needs and interests of children must receive secondary consideration to societal needs. Put in its extreme form, as Stalin is /reported to have said to II. G. Wells, education is a 'weapon' and teachers hold the front-line in the battle for the mind and thus for the support of a certain sort of societal structure. Clearly, the line between indoctrination and education becomes very tenuous here. It is hard not to see the force of such views when reading the educational pronouncmcnts of deVeloping nations, or even when reading, for instance, the preambles to English Education Acts..

Opposing such a, perspective arc those who believe that edUcation should be based on the immediate needs and interests of children,

161 Itelit'hihkot ,Itt.1 S9hool;fog ttoiletcli needs should he that is, that aubsIrtincni tot), that, for the curticululll %On d to the child's needs. 'they 4 ratIC to be ettective, both contentand transaction 11111ht tme in tunewith the potentialities of the indisidual.

Ctrittly, lira( vieW in its extreme totaltinder lies a cuoictilmil based upon all tilliily3ii of what ueocicty t slinks generally in order tosucceed or to proVidefor (ideologically or economically)'satisfactory' adult roles. Such views may be, though ateby no means AbAltyS, concomitant in with overt politicisation, Sometimes, asis the case of Freirc's methods as Brasil in the early 19601, educationand pal Ocala r curl-it:WA are tliett 10013 (Of the expansion or 1,litictil consciousness, for what Vreire termed 'concientiracao' or'consciousness raising', (Stress upon group identity, allegiance and duty arc,however:the most usual forms of politicisa ion; see !hoiden r.) The second view is baud uponthe assumption that a 'full' and 'complete' daily existence duringchildhood is the best insurance for successful adulthoorl (a view withwhich I have ionic sympathy; and one which gains a measure of supportfrom various branches of psychology child- and even from biography).Great problems lie beneath such centred assumptions, however.What arc the real 'needs' of children? aside Who -assesses them? I low arethey perceived? In all, and putting the hulk of curriculum theory, anypractical consideration of the social-. psychological constraints upon thecurriculum would lead me to believe the curriculum arc those shownin Figure 6.2. , that the prime influences upon that In England, and to some extentin North America, it would seem primary/elementary schools have, by and large,been fairly successful in handling constraints I and 5 inthe figure. This is partly becausesuch urban schools are relatively smalland intimate (the average English primary school has about ten staffmembers); partly it is an outcome of the long traditions. of non-specialistand polymathic teaching in such schools. Both factors havecontributed to less parochialism over ividuafareas of the curriculum thanis usually possible at later, more cialiscd stages of education. Insuch small schools the com- runication structure is much moreinformal than in secondary schools. if decisions concerning changesin pedagogy, style and content arc required, these can be effectedquickly and simply. Different class the sharing of common core'subject' groupings, team teaching, of concerns, all combine toproduce. less protective attitudes on the part Added to the teachers towards eachparticular subject in the curriculum. this 'looser framing'22 are what manyinfant and kindergarten teachers would describe as the 'factsof life', that children come 16reception classes or first grades at suchobviously diverse ability levels within a given curriculum. All thisinvites and indeed compels theprimary differential teacher to concentrate continuallyupon the facilitation of

.162 l'ontirinntv on the Currieutu/I6i

eftre*A...e. netts* of sullied motenel ru hisee tonoometl

*Mewing Charectenotica 3 of the lienuos (individual dittluenoee, [Curriculum i_.einiti and developmental, ---- uhlectiveaI. psycholoolcal, * /

otuanisation ot Mont ime *mein y and personnel veal/lea of lcornmuMeation leech */ structures. social.. (enthusiasm, psycholooy of aptitudes. nstitution) leachinu styles,

- represent* maimpressures, rep/seants possible intenklion

Figure6.2Prime inllueneet upon the urrieulum,

accts to the curriculum for different children within the same class or group. Additionally, and especiallyinEnglish primary schoO, traditions of 'learning alongside thc.child' affect the role of the teacher, so that his or her position is not solely that of the ..'fountain -head' sprinkling each'child equally, nor that of the 'expert' whose expertise would be diminished by exploration or admissions -of uncertainty. Rather, the primary teacher's talents, asVilson" put it, are spread pretty thinly and modern teaching styles tenonstantly to reinforce his awareness of width and shallowness rather tln of depth. It could be said, however, that primary .hools have not done particularly well in respect of those constrainnumbered'2 and 3. (Iligure 6.2). Frequently there has been weak of neffective analysis of the discipline or knowledge area being taught. There have been some suggestions, too, that certain aspects of the curriculum are not as systematically developed as they might bemathematics, science and history being commonly cited especially in respect of the more able child." Some general concern has been expressed as to whether modern methods, such us integrated-day approaches, ensure sufficient develop- ment of the core curriculum; and in mathematics in particular there is a little evidence, from Land's early work to the more recent work of

163 OWN ris 1111.1 hooliiis titIffilli% and Natalia of Ills I," dial the t is ttot 1)416. titaily 4cli11411,tiCti In the too, ohms and objecihro a it atilt c*IitezletIlit%ague and gericsrdictttiatllIt that ttaii3latiiiii Illlitell411111O11,1 Of them by ltie public iu ir3pet lotthe t144 -to-AA hi4,inteogi.ze. of the 9.htH,I ti.c.'1:6 Mei tel1 nigh tinpottztiblcItrt rrith ssutkiitg many to,. education antlimitic) its I tiglaud haveimtitiited paitira !oolong Into a mole tatchit analysis and ct ablation it1 Iciiitt of It cutlattaillla I, anti 1, :11141 Ott" attIljt-1 t 1111111e4 101 t ate alicady oliatniii;the tuttiintutn molt diict tly. Ilie I11.,; Assessment of redo* manke Unit is likctthcactluuafy (*A tipied in into the ItaltbilitY of Mott' tat colts! guidant cand moult, iiing of the t limn the middle yeart of childhood noAdditionAlk,-, Uanatet limn one at,tge to another has tunic tinderocpcatrt1 !Ai tinny, atilt aoine toggcrd that one of the woue shins tlt the pi luta tyand elehlem at y ;Choi ila Must be to COStite t11.1t their (ill tit tila bum a !Witbash lot Ott; tit at stage. AIliculaUun ofthe rultttulum, the lefotc,bct'oinos of dominant

Education tor children 1):,111)tabcrty has, mboth 1-1,81,thil anti North America, emphasised agraduallymei easingwet;1,11r,1113uiits approach. Consckpiently such naditiiiits,when combined with gieater specialist knowledge of the teachers,the neatness of sthtitil le,ssuo g exiiinitiation't, dime pubficlvaccountable'Incal.titActs'inmost ads:allied teChnological ,,ocienes, haveled to greater success in the curriculum when dealing with consttanlla2 and 3 (figure ts,2), Ilowcv r, in my limit cd cxpericnce in avarlets. of commies (the LISA. Canada. theIIK,Spain and Australia) Secondary statues of education have been woefully weak in cateringfor diifetemt.d access to the curriculum. 'Rolling' tinictablcsvariable tints /subject commitinents, free choice and curricular 'width. arc riot commonexperiences for the 13I6year-old adolcsccnt. Frcipictuly, such achild is still 'grouped'. 'set', or 'streamed' According to ability, oraccording to a restricted choice of spccialisation and combination ofsubjects, Indeed, in the large comprclicnsivc. collcgiatc, or high schooltlicrc are many factors operating within thc organisation whichmake curriculum flexibility and dificrciitialaccess almostimpossible to achieve, Communication structures become channelled andhicrarchiscd, traditions and subject validation harden and most children sit throughidentical portions or 'gobbets'" of the subject. The enteringcharacteristics of the many children, initially from different primaryinstitutions, cannot be catered for, except in the crudest of groupings.ThosiTh1".wlio arc familiar with the problems of resource andremedial tcachcrs; with t he difficulties which teachers ofnewsubject areas (such as socialstudies or consumer education) h aye, arc well aware thatintroduction of a di fic rcnt aspect of the curriculum into an alreadyfrozen. crowded and competitive situation may well lead to despair andconflict among the staff. (One 164

so, Constraints on the Curriculum/167 might, of course, flee the current decline in schOol population as an opportunity for greater diversification, for dual-subject training of staff and for institutionalising a greater flexibility.) Those omnibus features grouped under constraint 4 (Figure 6.2) still need agreat deal more research before even the crudest of generalisations can be made about the-effect upon the curriculum. Mutuality, concern, involvement, charisma, 'styles' and approaches, all affect the classroom climate to a great extent. We know that they can be important, but to what degree and in what context we know less. There is a long tradition of research in this area, but little conclusive to report, beyond the rather trite reiteration that, in the last resort, what the teacher teaches is as mtichhimselfasthe subject. It is interesting to note that after a period of apParent disenchantment with psychodynaraics, ego-psychology and humanistic psychology, some college courses which I have examined in England and some observedin North America, are beginning to focus on the modelsof,healthy personalitylas discussed in the theories of Allport, Maslciw, Rogers, Fromm, and others. Maslow's theories,in particular, seem to form a quite prominent part of educational and social-psychology courses for teachers. Perhaps, too, more teachers are at least minimally aware of the work of Coopersmith, Gordon and Gergen,28 and possilily of Rosenthal anclJacobson.29 If the self concepqs as important as such writers Would have us believe, then it clearly has great implication for learning and for curriculum-planning. If' children develop the self concept through interaction with those around them, they need teachers who are capable of understanding and perceiving both the child's and the teacher's views of the world. Clearly, a major, aim in any curriculum construction Should. be to provide chances of success for the child. How can a child feel able unless he succeeds? How will he go on learning in the face of repeated failure?

A. NOTE ON EVALUATION Evaluation could not normally be considered as a social-psychological constraint, yet its modes and vehicles of employment are often suet'. It does not easily fft under any one label in the diagram; yet is implied in. much that his been said and is an integral part of constraints 19.2 and 3. (Figure!6.2); and Often present 'in a variety of subtle ways in those constiaintspumbered 4 and 5. Unfortunately, it is most often thought of in terms ofaims and objectivesonly, of ultimate certification for' 'advancement in life, the 'meal-tickets' as they have been termed. In fact, . ourknowlede of, familiarity with and ready access to means of diagnosing the entering characteristics of the learners in the classrooms are remarkably spar,*ost: teachers have only minimal facility,with foOns of,,diagnosttp,7 ation, many do not understand thfrn'even :%Vfiere *feria's° ra:ble; and bur knowle4ge:'Ortherpre6iie skills ., . .

1 6 5 168/Children aid Schooling necessary and theproblems encountered even in, say,reading primersis surprisingly limited. In general it would seem thatevaluation is taken to mean:how far 'along the 'road' have your childrentravelled, and how do they compare with one another,,and in termsof everyone else of the same age.The dictionary definition exemplifies these twodifferent aspects very clearly, since it gives evaluation as askill tote acquired and as an assessment procedure. For Tyler in the earlierdays of curriculum theory,evaluation behavioural change, the realisationof objectives and was a measure of and the detection of anydiscrepancies." But, according to Lawton by and large and despite thelarge .Kelly,3' such approaches were, number of well-funded attempts whichfollowed them, considered to be /failures. Whether this was becausethere -were intrinsic weaknessesin such early behavioural approaches(as I believe), or whether it was because of changing and competingideologies in education is difficult to ascertain. Certainly, changes in theclimate of education, notably the partial shift from subject-basedapproaches to more fluid, child-based approaches must have hadsomeleffect. Regarding the child as an important centre of the wholeeducltioilal process, rather than focusing solely upon the body ofknoWledge concerned, necessitates less Hirlen summarises this shift very clearly empirical means of assessment. the wheh she says, 'Evaluation mustbe concerned not.'only with characteristics, variables and iir,dcessesrelating to the class as a whole, but also with individuals, eachWith-his own set of abilities, preferences, interests and past experiences1.32The new styles of learning, attitudes, usually mode of evaluation epitomisedin this statement is nowadays described as 'illuminative' andappaIently more'clearly related to recent interaction." . This aims fordescription, knowledge on classroom its main interpretation and understandingof what is.going on and protagonists seem to beMacDonald,' and Parlett andHamilton.34 MacDonald, for instance,concentrates on the political aspects of evaluation, seeing, like many currentwriters, evaluation as 'embroiled political process which concernsthe inthe action, built into a distribution of power'.33 Parlettand Hamilton advocatesmall sample which would take into account thewider context studies for evaluation and feedback and in which the educationalprogramme functions; communication of results wouldneed to be speedy enough toinform and intelligible to a variety ofaudiences. action as well as be accessible they Any report to the teacherhas to be expressed in practical terms, suggest, and not fullof confusing theoretical concepts. As was said earlier in respectof the Open Universitycurriculum course, there hasbeen a. tendency forcurriculum theorists, and especially tome of thetyritings of the new evaluators, toadopt a concerned sociological framewdrk..But.theydo not always appear too to adhere to therigours 0( their professeddisCipline. Parsons, in Constraints on the Curriculum/169 particular, is critical of the parallels drawn between their own activities and the research of Becker, Cicourelet al, inthe USA, who have adopted more conventional procedures and higher methodological standards.

He suggests that insufficient attention has been given to the need for ' carefully trained evaluators, who are able and e,xperienced enough to build up and interpret explanatory models of the curriculum and the associated interchange. Parsons certainly_ advocates caution in the adoption of the ideas and models of the new evaluators. Like Stcnhouse, he appears concerned by the lack of clarity of criteria for assessment. Stenhouse provides five clear criteria for estimation of the curriculum. Questions need to be asked concerningmeaning, potential, interest, conditionallyandelucidation.Suchcriteria,if employed rigorously he says, would help to overcome the inadequacies inherent in new modes of evaluation. Basically what one is observing both in 'discussion in journals, and in the practical debates by groups of teachers and advisers concerned with forming more definitive instructions on evaluation within each English local authority, are attempts to resolve the conflicts between goal-free versus goal-based assessment. The 'Great Debate', the establishment of certain initiatives by local advisers and by HMIs, the devising of mass - systems of testing (particularly at primary levels, and after a substantial period of minimal attention to recording systems) and the research of the DES Assessment of Performance Unit, are all part and parcel of the current climate. Clearly, whichever perspective is adopted, evaluation is an ongoing process which itselfreflectsthe changing ideologies prevalent in society. Sockett has defined this process quite clearly and stated the essential components asappraisal; judgements made in light of (agreed) criteria; criteria appropriate to particular contexts;andcontexts embodying human. purposes, thusthe evaluation informs decision- making.36Inevitably, evaluations at the different levels of are bound by the history and context of those particular institutions. Elementary and primary schools are not normally embedded in processes of certificatiop affecting job opportunity, and thesocial andcultural,constraints on the secondary- or high-school .curriculum are, above all, allied to questions of comparability and- certification for life in the adult world outside. Schooling, say many, is themajor vehicle for fitting people into, the hierarchy and order of a specified economic and political structure. Evaluation is a central feature in a curriculum dependent upon `selection, defining culture and rules, and teaching certain cognitive skills'." In all, any social-psychological,perspective must serve to remind us of the context and process of interaction, of the competing forces in the socialising of the child, must emphasise again and again that school is compulsory institutionalisation of a particular type ip which the scales of measurement and evaluation are ever-present. But socialisation is

1;0 1701Chddrin and Schooling about tl4i!7tittitutles, feelings and emotions of the person, aswell as about his:lcognitive construction of the world. Socialisation tendstowards ' cservation and the confirmation of existing norms,values and social roles; mercifully education is more creative,in that people do imagine, create, expand and develop new ideas about theworld and about themselves. Learning, and hence the curriculuM, is notmerely the process of a sorbing and storingfacts, or of seeing how one performs in relation another, it is about human development, too. It is aboutthe development of the learners aspersons.Thus, one returns to the crucial feature in any social-psychological considerationof the curriculum, that particular-learner,his or her entering characteristics, feelings, per- ceptions and models of the world. Knowledgetransmitted is not just knowledge received. To imagine so is to commit' the most grossteaching blunder. To undertake transmission, withoutreflecting ,on and attempting to ascertain the perceptions of the learner,is to engage in insensitive (and certainly incomplete) forms ofcurriculum-planning. Object and perception are not necessarily congruent.The entering characteristics of the learners are vital ingredients, possibly the most vital ingredients, in the production ofmeaningful, well-matched, well- designed school learning." Lastly, it is as well to remember that the experiencedteacher may be a more subtle evaluator,and possibly more accurate one, than many 'objective' forms of group evaluation commonlyemployed:

Discussing the results of an IQ test administered to herclass, Ms Allen disputed two-thirds of the scores. In almost every caseshe claimed that the child in question was considerablybrighter than his score indicated, his poor performance being attributable tothe group setting, tO inexperience with test procedures, to poor motorcontrol, to perfectionist standards, and so on,For Ms Allen none of the children in her class [was) intellectually deficient...[tests and evaluation of that sort] ... shefelt were insidious ways of labelling children as inferior and often served to bring aboutthe kind of negative self-fulfthing prophecy that she sought toeliminate from her own relationships withchildren."

NOTES AND REFERENCES: CHAPTER 6 This chapter is an extended, modified version of a paperwhich first appeared in Katz, L. et al. (eds),Current Topics in Early Childhood Education,Vol: 3 (Norwood; Ablex, 1980). pp. 139-50. Skilbeck, M., appendix, A, in Walton, J., and Walton, J.(eds), Rational Curriculum Planning (London: Ward Lock, 1976), pp. 154-66. House, 1970). 2Silberman, C. E., Crisis in the Classroom (New York: Random Constrahtts on the Curriculum /17l

3SoCkctl, 11.. 'Behavioural objectives', London Education Review, vol. 2. no. 3 (1973). pp. 38 -45, 4l'ring, 11,, 'Objectives and innovation: the Irrelevance of theory', London Educational Review, vol. 2, no. 3 (1973), pp. 46-54. 5 Shipman, M., 'Contrasting views of a 'curriculum project', Journal of Curriculum Studies, vol. 4 no. 2 (1972), pp. 445-33. 6Sockett, op. cll., p. 38. 7Silberman. H. E.. 'A symposium on current research on classroom behaviour of teacheri and its implications for teacher educatiolP. Journal' of Teacher Education, vol. I4 (1963). p. 236, 8Shipman, op. cit. 9E. 203. Open University. 1976. 10 For instance. and to pursue the example given earlier, it Is common for people to ascribe like or dislike for particular subject areas and for their associated success or failure in terms concerning their perceptions of the teacher, such as 'I didn't get on with Latin because the teacher didn't like me, was unpleasant'. etc. I I Jersild, A. T., Child Development and the Curriculum (New ork: Columbia University Teachers' College. 1948). 12 Dale. I. R.. Esland, G., and MacDonald. M.; (elg, Schooling and Capitalism (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1976), 13 Lawton7D., Class, Culture and the Currlculum(London: Routledge & Kcgan Paul. 1975); and Kelly. A. V. (ed.). Currkulum Context (London: Harper & Row, 1980). 14 Warnock. M., Schools of Thought (London: Faber. 1977). 13 Nicholls, A., and Nicholls, H.. Developing a Curriculum (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978); and Warwick, D., Curriculum Structure and Design (London: University of London Press, 1975), 16 Nyerere, J., Education for SelfReliance (Dar es Salaam: Government Publishing House. 1967). 17 Bronfenbrenner, U.. Two Worlds of Childhood (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970). 18 Evans. E. D., Contemporary Influences in Early Childhood Education, 2nd edn (Ncw York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 1975). 19 Morris. B. S.. Objectives and Perspectives in Education (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972). 20 Gagne. R., The Conditions of

1969). , 21 It has always struck me prAather curious that curriculum 'theory' for the most part centres upon school eathEeihan institutions of further and higher education. Is this part of the tradition that teachers of students over the age of 18 need no pedagogical training, while teachers of young children and adolescents do? 22Bernstein, B., 'On the classification and framing of educational knowledge', in Young. M. F. D. (ed.), Knowledge and Control (New York: Collier Macmillan. 1971), pp. 47-69. 23Wilson, B.. 'The teacher's role -a sociological analysis', British Journal of Sociology, vol. 13, no. 1 (1962), pp. 15-32. 24 Department of Education and Science (Bullock Report). A Language for Life (London: HMSO, 1975). Society makes its most conscious and concerted attempt at developing children's attitudes and beliefs through the school curriculum. These are made through policy documents, centrally inspired 'guidelines' and discussion. papers (such as the DES paper on the curriculum. Four Subjects of Debate (London: HMSO. 1977) through systems of licence and inspection, through local or provincial advisory systems, through public and externally validated examinations, through teacher- training courses and textbooks, through research and development bodies (such as the Schools Council in the UK). 25Land, F. W., New Approaches to Mathematics Teaching (London: Macmillan, 1963); and Griffiths. J., 'An exploratory analysis-of attitudes towards mathematics', 172/Chddren and Schoo ling unpublished M,Litt. dissertation, University ofBristol,1974. Sec also DES (Assessment of Performance Unit), MothenusticalDevelopment. Primary Survey Report No. I (London: IIMSO, 1978). emphasis on vocational aspects of education, 16 In North America there is nuich greater particularly for age groups of 16 years onwardin the collegiate and senior high schools. of attempting to 'wet each child 27 A process of sprinkling from a fountainhead, or equally', as a colleague put it. (San Francisco: Freeman, 1967); 28 Coopersmith, S., The Antecedents of Self-Esteem Gordon, L, Studying the Child In School (NewYork: Wiley, 1966); and Gergen, K. J., The Concept of Self (New York: Holt.Rinehart & Winston, 1971), Classroom (New York: (loll, 29Rosenthal, IL. and Jacobson, L. F., Pygmalion in the Rinehart & Winston, 1968). Instruction (Chicago: University of 30Tyler, It W., Basic Principles of Curriculum and Chicago Prim 1949). (Ldndon: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 31 Lawton, D., Class, Culture and the Curriculum 1975); Kelly, A, V. (ed), Curriculum Context(London: Harper & Row, 1980). evaluation strategy', In Tawney, D. (ed.), 32Haden. W., 'Change and development M Curriculum Evaluation Today: Trends andImplications (London: Schools Council/Macmillan, 1976). Interaction in the Classroom (London: 33See, for instance, the work of Delamont, S.. Methuen, 1976), or Galton, M., Simon,B., and Croft, P., Inside the Primary Clasiroom (London: Routledge & KeganPaul, 1980). .illumination', in Tawney, op. cit. 34Parlett, M., and Hamilton, D., 'Evaluation as See also, Galton, M. (ed.), CurriculumChange: The Lessons of a Decade (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1980). MacDonald, B., 'Evaluation and the controlof education', in Tawney, op. cit., p. 131. 35 (London: Open Books, 1976), 36Socket!, H., Designing the Curriculum Carnoy, M, Education as CulturalImperialism (New York: McKay, 1974), p. 13. 37 Biddle, IL, and Brophy, J., Teachers Make a 38See especially the work of Good, L., Difference (New York: Holt, Rinehart &Winston, 1975). In referring to many studies of teacher effectiveness the authors reportwork showing that different styles. methodologies and structures are requiredfor different types of pupils at different and those with age levels. They say thattheir survey suggested that low-SES children minimal skills progressed most rapidly in theearly stages of schooling, 'in a carefully planned and teacher structured environment .. .[but] that although this appears the best initial strategy for teaching suchstudents, the strategy becomes less effective between to the extent that it succeeds!'(p. 78). See also, Brophy, J.. 'Interactions learner characteristics and optimalinstruction', in Bar-Tal, D., and Saxe, L., .S'ocial Psychology of Education (NewYork: Halstead Press, 1978). Bias: Perspectives on Classrooms(Cambridge. 39Carew, J., and Lightfoot, S. L., Beyond Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979). p. 239.

SUGGESTED READING: CHAPTER 6 Press. 1978). D. Bar -Tat and L, Saxe, SocialPsychology of Edueman (New York: Halstead (Leicester: Leicester University, Press. 1980). M. Galton, (ed.), Curriculum Change Difference (New York: T. L. Good, B. J. Biddle, and J.E. Brophy, Teachers Make a Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1975). Mass.: G. Hass (ed.), Curriculum Planning:A New Approach. 3rd edn (Boston, Allyn & Bacon, 1980). Context (London: Harper & Row, 1980). A. V. Kelly (ed.), Curriculum Schools D. Tawney, Curriculum EvaluationToday: Trends and Implications (London: Council/Macmillan, 1976). M. Warnock, Schools of Thought(London: Faber. 1977). Chapter 7 Seff-Esteem and Social Learning

PERSONALITY AND SELFESTI?EM: AN INTRODUOLION Studies of personality arc really studies about individual differences: the very core of psychology. (each of us has a limited appreciation of our own personality.) Others may talk of it as attractive, complex, painfully shy, morose, and so on. We may view ourselves generously or critically. Rarely can we assess our own personalities, and never do we really sec ourselves as others see us. So what is personality? It is, quite simply, the actual quality of being recognisably human and unique. Dictionary definitions usually stress that the term is used as signifying the totality of a person's behaviour and emotions, or the unique organisation of the person's traits, dispositions, habits and feelings. Whcrcas the aselr may be thought of as the recognition of one's own personality, itis in reality an abstraction that each person develops about himself for herself. The 'self is the perception one has of one's attributes, qualities (both intellectual and emotional), about one's behaviour and one's physique. This abstraction is represented by the term 'me'. 'I' recognises 'me' as unique. The concept `me' is learned in the course of development from a nco-natc to an adult. It is learned in the course of events which enable one to locate, measure and compare oneself with others, and it is self-referent, that is, it cannot be viewed as objectively as 'you'the total personalitymight be by others. Thus, the self sand personality are not quite the same thing. Others may appraise your personality, weigh and compare its various facets with a colder or a warmer eye than you. The self is an abstraction that is selective. Certain aspects will be valued in our own appraising more than others. Certain people close to us as we grow (notably our parents and peers) will be more salient to and more formative of our emotions, desires and intellect than others. The gradual growth of the personality and of the 'selfwill be subject to strange choices, odd elements of selectivity. When one refers some thing, some behaviour, or some consistency en (imagined or real) of events to a particular origin or cause, one ascribes 11) or attributesan origin or source to the event or observation. In some CO senses a major component of one's personality is an accretion ofsuch perceptions, since this is composed ora whole history of remembered inferences about self and others and the apparent consistencies or t/) inconsistencies which have led to inferral about 'me' and 'them', about am the relationship of self to others. It is not possible to see this in an

171 / 174/C'hildren and .S'clundli4 e,,,

, I 'others' dimension only, since inferring 111101110' N iniitivationsfrom his --actions will at times, especially when that other isHighly significant in the socialisation process, critically impinge on the'perceptions of one's own behaviour and of itsappropriateness in a given context..It would appear that in the early stages ofinfancy there can he lit tie awareness by the individual of his own characteristics andattribiltes. Initially, it would seem the '1' exists not only in relafion topowerful others but almost inextension,rather than in relation': Gradually, something like the beginning of self - awarenessdevelops during the first year of the child's life, during the sensdri-motor period; and thedifferentiation of what is 'me' from what is 'not me' consiitutes one of thefirst major steps in the formation of the self coneept. There are,however, major differences in the perspectives takeri by psychologists, anddefinitions of self and explanations of its develbpment arc by no meansconsensual. `The concept of self is often used to refer ton0lithe process and the reflexive content of conseious4hinking," So sychologists, such as Erikson? have portrayed the increasingly sensitive definitions ofsat' almost as a series of developmental goals for theindividual. Successful solution of conflicts in each of his eight epigenetic developmental stages motivates the person upwards on the scale of maturity.' Andclearly, this is an extremely useful,ivay of looking at thedeveloping self. But all definitions of personaiity and of the self are ratherinclined to hover betweenstructurea'nd change orprocess.By and large, those of psychodynamic orlpsychoanalytie background and inclinationtend to stress the organigational integrity rather morethan emphasising the effects of stryCtural variables, whereas thosepsychologists more behaviourali'n approach concentrate on the effects of theperson's responses ,t6 changing situations. Definitions ofpersonality reflecting the necesSity for viewing the self as `stable yetchanging' abound. A classioidelinition of personality is Allport's, `the dynamicorganisation within the individual of those psychophysical systemsthat determine his charactetristic. behaviour and-thought'. A definition 'for better orworse', Allport called i1,4 and it is one which emphasised structurerather than process. -CY There are so many definitions of personality that even adetailed examination of some of the principal writings may leave oneconfused. Is personality the result of learning throughoutlife? Of development and constant modification? Or is it arelatively enduring display of those principal traits and beliefs with which one has learned to greetthe world by the age of 7? `Personality' is itself a major areaof study for psychologists and personality psychologists generallywork in areas of mental health and adjustment.Not surprisingly, many are medically trained and use clinical techniques of analysis andtherapy which rely (on the whole) more on fixed than fluidnotions of personality. Such.a paradox can be best explained bynoting the emphasis placed by such

- 172 .111 CI-1,1111S 00000 ..yrs rv A , It clinicians upon early, formative and so.called 'critical' periods of infant learning and adjustment, and in their attempts to uncover any of the processes in such periods which may have causedmaladjustment. It has been said earlier that u vital, indeed central, part of one's personality is that cluster of notions called the 'self' or 'self-concept', amt that theself- concept refers to the way an individual secs himself or herself, One vital aspect of that nuilli-facelcd self-concept, Which seenis to'spill over' into so much of the personality in general, is how one.pereeivesone's value. I low one values oneself in relation to others determines (fri part) one's self-esteem or self-regard. The self-concept and self-esteenr a re llo/ the same. Self-esteem has been defined by Coopersmith as 'theevaluation which an individual makes and cutomarily niaintains with regard to .himself: it expresses an attitude of approval or disapproval and indicates the extent to which the Individual believes himself to he capable, significant, successful and worthy'.' In short, your self-esteem is what You think you're worth, both in your eyes and those of others. Self-esteem, like many other characteristics of personality, seems to be fixed at a fairly stable level by 7-10 years of age and, according to Coopersmith and others, is from then on relatively consistent and enduring.^ But some writers (notably 'Erikson') have maintained that during adolescence, when the peer group is of great significance, a person is able to experiment with new identities, try out new roles and, in a sense, re-establish his personality. This means thatself-esteem can he critically affected during that 'psychological moratorium', as Erikson calls it. Coopersmith, in his study, decided that 'popularity is not associated withthesubjective experience of esteem' but other researchers have been more inclined to see a relationship between peer acceptance and self-esteem.9 particularly during adolescence. But, the evidence is not that clear."' and in general it seems that self-esteem asan 'entity' is moderately settled by puberty. Of considerable interest in studies of self-esteem is another rather tenuous finding, that there appears to he some relationship between lowself-esteem and various forms of ma [adaptation to society, Typical, in this respect, are the findings by McKinney et a!," who noted that low self-respect and low confidence correlated fairly consistently with maladjustment and delinquency in a group of children. Levels of self-esteem tend to vary across activities. While there may be some global entity, 'self-esteem', which seems roughly stable, the different elements which make it up are situationally specific. You may be good at Scrabble, but poor at football, and the feedback from the different situations will have an effect upon your own self-evaluation. There are, therefore, two major components to self-esteem, the subjective (that is, the individual's private' evaluation of his general worth) and the behavioural (the actual way the individual performs in particular events, the observed behaviour). These -components can

:173 I76 /Children and Schooling flelfloteorn

Subjective component Ilebovioural component

(A) High High ,r

(0) Modium

(C) Low Low

Figure 7.1Selkserm. relate to each other in a variety of ways, as can be seen from Figure7.1.'2 According to Coopersmith, children exhibiting congruent components along dimension A are generally socially and academicallysuccessful and (by definition) fairly content with themselves. DimensionB represents the average child, a moderately content,moderate, achiever. Those children exhibiting congruence on dimension C tend to be anxious and to display signs of distress concerning their lackof academic and social success and 'to accept the unhappy reality oftheir inferiority'." There is apparently little discrepancy betweensubjective and behavioural assessments, and children exhibitinghigh to low or low to high components are relatively rare and may beanxious, disturbed, or decidedly odd. The principal burden of Coopersmith's research was thatself-esteem had a marked effect upon the motivational patterns ofschoolchildren. From his work with both children and adults, he concluded that success was normally assessed in terms of:

(1) powerthe ability to influence and control others; , (2) significancethe attention, affection and acceptance of others; (3) virtuethe adherence to certain valued moral and ethical standards; (4) competencesuccessful performance in the face of demands for achievement.

His general conclusions fit into a stream of researchfrom the 1950s to the present," almost all of it pointing out that itis the under- or low- achiever who is most likely to express feelings of inadequacy ornegative attitudes towards self. Purkey has even sail that a host of studiesclearly verify that it is the successful student who is most likely to seehimself positively." In short, that the self-esteem of the child in schoolis .a crucial factor in his learning at all levels of success. Some havegone as far as to suggest that it has a predictive value foracademic achievement equal to or better than measures ofintelligence." But whereas a

1 7 4 Se 11-Eiteent and Social Learning/177 connection between tow 4e114!iteem and low hetiool lief ((instance SeCItIN fairlywellestablished,thatbetween high polo( mance and high evaluation of self seems (despite Putkey's comment) a little less Positive self-evaluation seems a necessary but not simply Aufildent condition for successful school le:truing." Both Naylorand Thomas " have pointed out that the research findings lead inescapably to the view that consistent differences in the self-concepts of children generally have been found to exist between high and low academic achievers, The causal relationship of self-esteem to academic achievementis an especially difficult one to establish, however, The two seem to result from complex sets ()I variables, and constantly to influence each other through the various experiences of success and failure. in school and life. There arc may other related aspects. For instance, children (and adults) possess multiple selves which overlap and arc set in particular circles of significant others. For a child the copying or roles (role- taking) becomes an important avenue to learning more about the self, and opportunities for role - taking arc vital avenues to' the gaining. of- consensual knowledge about the self. There arc also questions of consistency and congruence. These loom large in social psychology,:biit here one may simply ask: what of consistency in objective and subjective perceptions of sell? If one's self-evaluation is low, would that imply that one would wish to have tharconfirmed by others? Afteia II, dissonanceis difficult to deal with. There is also the process of rationalisation which occurs to varying degrees in adults and children. I may dance clumsily, but deny to myself and others the importance of this; thus the negative behavioural feedback is perhaps not so critical as, say, when I fail at a game of tennis, which means more to me. Then, too, one might consider discrepancies between the self, as ascertained by self (that is, the self- concept), and the self one would like to be (ideal self). Conflict here can be damaging and impose psychological strain on the individual. The relationship between anxiety and self-esteem is a curious one. Serious anxiety is consistently found to be a concomitant of self images. Yet it would appear that a certain degree of anxiety is neces- sary for an individual to be fully motivated to give of his best (see Chapter 5). Clearly, human behaviour is so complex that one should 'never try to explain it through the use of single concept. But a great deal of research into human behaviour indicates the importance of considering both the structural context, and those relatively stable sets or dispositions of the individual which go to make up his or her personality. In the latter self- esteem appears to have a lot to offer to educationists. Allthe evidenCe points to well-adjusted children and adults evaluating themselves positively. One cannot help thinking that a principal goal of schooling ought to be to assist pupils in this direction.

175 17t1/(Addreis and Schooling nittintilloN, (An%AllIV ANO tocto op coNiton. hl Ow larger conly4t of human !canting tine might hay thatgsadually the. peiception of causality, as a process of becomes pint Or the growing child's untleistanding of his win ld, flycertain proccsscx we itrilnite causes to Yin ions events. Our a tbilnition olcanses may or may not resultiii the perception of smile Noll of tinily - a generalisation (which may only he 'real' to us) = which we then employ in theascription of tiuthrr cathei, The piohlent Is, in 'raft, the verycircularity of midi processes. In seeking to iniswet 'Why'questions tin which Immo% are not inherently obvious in the associated events, we mayoften attribute where INC cannot obwiVe, inti)thing it 'rationale' orunity where none exists; and one based upon our subjective or prisonal needsrather than event, Or the intentions of,whets.I laving done so, appatently successfully, we go on. Some modicum of 'success'.Iiiterms Of explaining things to outsclves satisfactorily,gives us a 'winking model' which in truth leads to even gm% ter assurrilitris in theascription of causes, Too bad it' they tit our perceptions rather thanreality. Yet here, too, there arc problems: those perceptions arcindeed Our reality and they themselves become the powerful wellspringsof our behaviour, and frequently the rationale. for our course of action. This is not to imply that attribution of cause is necessarilyrational, nor will it necessarily appearlogicallyconsistent. Our judgementwillbesubjectto unconscious and to ego-defensive processes whichmay well disguise or alter perception. All this, may sound rather tedious, but it lies at the heartof what is called attribution theory and is very closely connectedwith self-esteem. For attribution theory is simply 'the process by, which anindividual interprets events as bring caused by a particular partof a relatively stable cnvironnwne.2° In short, man appears to need tounderstand his environment and to interpret and categorise eventswhich will make sense to him. his interpretation(as in self-esteem in CoOpersmith's diagram) depends on behavioural and onsubjective components. The connections between self - esteem,- attributiontheory and social-learning theory become clearer when one realisesthat attribution theory is primarily concerned with attribution of causes tophrnoinena in terms of self-others relations, and with 'models' of ascriptionlearned in social situations. Further, thejational-cum-conditioningemphasis has links with behaviourism, which are exposed in notions ofthe associative and accumulative effect of the experience which guidesthe person's.'ples' concerning the making of attributions.21 Byattributing causes to events, and motives to people, the resulting system of cumulativecognitions may be perceived as consistent withexperience. 'Verification', however, is entirely within the individual's perceptions of hisexperience, and as such is not amenable to the objective testingwhich might be possible in more controlled surroundings.But the cumulative effects of these .%'e/Irk-teem am/ Soi`hi1 Learning./ abtliptioti% oilthe posimax peoaniality, unlikethedifficultyiit utivellainfug the m11111141 motivational force, can siiiiirtinir6 hr moir. clearly observed. At t t ibut hal them y as Multi has its origins the wilting, of I leidri si and 6,143 has I)CCII Milled, collies fled with the ways in whicts people infer the vain(' t of bc11,ivitnit,,Ilnider.4 model is of Masi seeking lo make older knit of the chaos a found Mini, of man seeking the underlying causes of rVent, Anil Hulking, in utleiliptingto make, some unity of his perceptions, rstany hike tegiudril all' ibution du-0.1y as 'a naive vet aion Uf psychology Itself,!' and it k deal that I leider ,aW his own wink as a pursuance of what lie 'rimed 'coniiiion,eine psychology', Ili, owl' itICOrir'i WO(' %1101110 11111l14-11Crli by gestalt pNyCliology, mid by Kilt t Lewin in pal t WOO Weiner-says. Itchier s VICW1ohlie of behaviour ate 'inatiilestly similar to the Lewinian statement that behaviour is a luta:lion of the prison and the environment: It /(/'./..)' ." I !cider 1;11V internal anti CX1r111:11 (heir, Combining in sonic way to came brhaviiiiii. lVlorc novo' taut , hr was concerned piedominantly with perceived causos of brhitV10111. Mid with ,tlic con:equences iii differential ascliption of cause to intrinal or external facto's. The latter was not seen as invaliably dichotomised, brit riithcritsciciihngtt unique mix of causal ascriptions which would themselves hr subject to different levels of modification dependent iipim that individual's perceptual awareness and experience. Clearly, that degree or perceptual awareness would depend upon the antecedents of personal aetiology in term, of consistency in observation and experience, apparent accuracy of assessment and ita::ociatril irwa id (Or sakes,). Attribution theory is for tliC ino:t part couched in psychologists' terms, not in terms commonly employed in everyday language," As such, like the attitude scales whichrmindate schools from time to time, it may be concerned with manners of description and conception alien to those actually used by real people, corn though the acts of attributing are everyday, common experiences. Jones has suggested that, broadly attributiontheoryhas generatedorassistedresearch characterised along the following, lines:

( I)factors motivating the individual to seek causal explanation; (2)factors affecting the choice of cause; (3)the consequences of making one sort of CallSil I. attribution rather than another:'" ti The catisaljnIkrens drawn by a person may well influence subsequent perception and. by implication, subseqUent' motivation and achieve- mcnt behaviour, in such a way as to enhance or diminish the approach to the subject associated with those inferences. Dc Charms has expressed this rather differently by talking of attribution resulting in man seeing

0:7 1$0/thadirti tint .N.. hoolitt,1 .7 Iiiim-lf as fin 'of Iglu' to 4 'yawls', saving, 'When a peisini fccl% 11141 he ii apt (high', hiv ischaV lour tlio11111 he chars, lei isti, ally diftrient Isomhis hehaviiiiir when he tech like a Pawn'," vs heicas a pawn (eels that thing% air heyofitl hi% f+ct%ofial cootiol, of that the posseisthat am," his lite icslitc In others. hit Simply. for csatiiple, constant ewciien,-e. of/icing ICI ItlFhrillttt.l V !cad to an expectation that one will go onbefog tri Willed, r IWItelit 4' of irplehhiiill Mightleast to blilillihsiVe behaviour. People, so the theory runs: come tgeiteralisc.: on esoek tam:, lot illis Or that Islas is1 ticaloscol to stall an Ck rill that it eventually petvatic% then whole Isersoliality, Ii Silt 11 Vriiiile r Spelielit'r constant domination and lack of Oclunial {lower, they become convinced that they site the //tiers sit this %wild, the 'pawns' to lise I h- C14411111', trim. 1 heir ale %fly Chihe links between attiduition them v and colistincts "Inch 0%iii,hvithiAl Icelifirs 01 powcrilhiNCIlehhileth, hell'Clirrill and (4% we shall her late') perceptions olficitig ink-malty in externally contiolleit To the prison cinweined the pelt eption of cause, while opening 111111 some (leper of cognitive iincleistanding and even of cognitive mastrt y, does not iiccessailly imply that be feels he Is becoming mole in (wino' of Inside= span. His peiceptioniTt causality may, it fact,lead him to inteiences that lie is ICS% CO11110111:111 tic Wiltilit SViSh, fiisalteatly pointed out, such interencei may involve ego-deiensivc mechanisms w Inch salegnaid him III some way. In paint:111.u, a peison mayattribute causality to apparently haphataid external solutes (luck, tate and chance) When Laced with lily 01%1i inability to cliCtInivrtit or control courses of adion, As in %ludic% sit srlf-estrriti, it is possible to !elate such constructs to measures o(aChiCYcniclit intitiVation; :old the connection makes good sense, since pc tsons displaying high achievement motivationcould be expected to approach areas similar to those in which there had been previous success with a heightened sense of security. Such people would infer that their previous success had been the result of high ability or continued effort. They would thus be more' likely to select tasks associated with such previous experiences and the comulative.effect of knowing that success or failure appeared to be :elated to their efforts or ability . would contributetotheirfeelingsof control over their environment, as well as over themselves. Evidence cited by Jones and (;oethals" would seem to indicate that ability is perceived, from fairly early on, as usually stable both in oneself and others, and that people sezniuick, to base expectations upon perceptions of their own levels of abili , as relatively fixed personal attributes. In contrast,and of co \iderablc interest to educationists, effort is not viewedin quite the. s Mc way. For one thing, effort is clearly (andusually consistently) dcwardcd both in early socialisation, and in later school experience, in ermS 'which separateit from ability. The two. arc by no means concomitant. The 'tries hard despite low ability' comment on school r

1. Self-Esteem and SoclatLearningt\181. reports is not without ;meaning. De Charms posesthe question, where does the concept of causation come from? Forinsta nee', whatmade a 6- year-old Conitantly. Waite everything but himself for his failures tap a matchstick fence together? eft's Oltheir fault, isn'tit?')The answsrfor De Chathis is that our knowledge of causation is itself derived fror4 ',o4p knowledge Zif rovation. ' .:'The ,fir$0`ca se" that any of us know is ourselves. Whenliven ,' motivated we c use things -to happen,929 Such a; viewpoint has ',Chi.- reaching implicatidhs. ft means that, for De Charrhs% mOtiVation,ts primary and more fUndamental than causation;: More vet.,it:Mimi*: ,one in theproblems :associated wittiAie,' vaiid4tiort of:su elOye ',.

,tknowledge: of knowledge derived from private'experien e. In04a*' resort all scientists have to interpret their 'experiments throil medium of their own consciousness, As such, no knowledge Ca*, *objectivs', Nit the difficult/liq.-In thelsystemisatitM ofOpe'rienceS, that they can be ,,both commuhiCated-and experienced personall .others. Not only, does Acceptance of thiters eive pose proble or the sutjectiVe-olijective, knowledge inction, it also leadS,o to i:.;;' accept the fact that one may sometimes be ernploying'Somcodd notch's in order to *tie' together regularities, in behaVioursequetizsz(laws),: ,'1, regardless of the 'particulaocontent .ofihe bihaviour sequenceuAder ,=`).:., study 10 Both ftychlak. andDe Charms would appear to Viare theview ,7`'; 6 '' of Motivation that' is ,widely ,acespted at the .presint time, name! t 'present tlfeories of.. personal--..., motivation are not yep adcuate to acc un for complex human behaViour: ' . ,; In an earlier chapter, t said that there are many research reports,whicl show that there are systematic differenee,s in chi-rearing pra*ce employed by different grotips and't that much 0 ir thiswork emphasised socioeConomieristilus,(SES), or sociallass, as a ma variable iii.at,least two related ,areas of ,training: ti ternalisatipn O controls and the ledining of dchieveMentinotivati'. ThelahgUage, :by parents and degree of ernphasis on deferredgratifiCatiOtiwou appear to be major factOrs!here,,arid that these have someiinplicatfork f,.f9r :the,child's '.later educationatexperiences as currently difinkCis4N

Amddubted. But, as we have Mid:Seen-, much of the researcaiicitisal.. cognition's and expectancies acquired during childhood isiiieVitabli: rooted in, different disciplines and utilises -differenthedrieg of variables.,as..key .motivation andcausation.'Focusing on differing factors spay lead to the erevaticin Of those particular variables to the -.., central positIOn in the investigator's scheme of, thints: It is perhaps useful. to reiterate -that: `association with' does not imply ca4sed by': the tall-too-easy Inference that a key variableis,causal can Icadqo Tar too .siMplisiie:a'model of human behaviCad,let slie4Mplistic Modell may indeed be thoSe which, we alt employ. When einipirital invffitigatiRs (or ewiyday experience) reveal certain regularities,' dusal relitionships are I82 /Childrenand Schooling / often assumed. In everydaylanguage this might be wrote 'no smoke without fire rule, and it clearly is a useful rule ofthumb. Nn important offshoot of attribution theory is Rotter's thenry of generalised expectation. It is a direct'development of,some of Heider's ideas, and also closely related to those of De Chagrin. All threetheorists could, be classified as(members of the social learning 'school' ofthought. One of die fundamental tenets ofsocial learning theory; lit will be Vyt recalled, Is that people vary in the ,view they take of themselves as o determinersof situations, ordeterminedby them. But in attributing causes behaviourists of the social learningschool (and Rotter would probably best be described as founder-member) locate causesof behaviour as much in the visible contingencies of the situation asin the unconscious elements within the individual: and for those psychologists the ieinforcetnent.value (RV) of the situation, isvital.' Social learning theory itself makes the following assumptions;

First, that one should focus' attention on boththe person and the environment.This doesn't just mean the whole context of personal experience; it means trying to observe and ascertain how each person deals selectiyely with his experience: Secondly, it is a theoryconcerned withlearned sociaLbehaviour. Itis not so concerned with notions of instinctual drive. Thirdly, that -people make somethingof their experiences which form a unity.As Phares says, 'The common thread is their personality with all its stable aspects. Newexperiences become tinged by the effects of accumulated knowledgefrom previous experiences'?' Fourthly; that social learning theory is not: solely con- cerned with broad general traits or with specificdetails.,It uti/im both thegeneral and specific featuresof a human behaviour and seeks to represent human behviOur as a mix of both thesituationally specific and the dispositional. Fifthly, that human'behaviour is motivateA and thatthe motivation and its effect can be ascertained bythesubseiluent directibn of behaviour.° Sixthly, thatexpectanci, or anticipation becomes of prime importance, in that people/earntb expect thatthis or that behaviour will lead tocertain goals. In other words, that cumulative cognition and affective experience will play avital part in 'motivation and success and failure. ' As already stated, notions of expectanciesbased on experiences and their (perhaps highly idiosyncratic) interpretation arecentral to soc ial learning and attributional {zerspectiveS of behaviour;aid these erspectives can be highly useful in consideration of thesocialisatiOn of children in home or school. Mtich work in this field, theascription of Causality, has stemmed from the viewpoint firSt putforward by Ratter and later' refined by him and his colleagues?' the original work Rotter expounded four basic concepts as being of use in themeasurement and 9 . Self-Esteem- and Sbdal Learnhd I 3 prediction of behaviour. These were, behaviour.po4nttal (BP), expectancy (E), reinforced value (RV) and what Rotter, termedthe 'psychologicalsituation'.ROtter exprerestheseasa formula BP = f (E and RV), but it should be noted that ire expresslyavoids. precisestatement astothe mathematical relaAbnship of these constructs. Of these, it is expectancy in particular\iiKich has been the focus of much US research. Clearlk individuals do differ in their susceptibility to various influence's. They also experience different influences, 'and the study of *these two aspects tforms the major concern of students Of socialisation processes. Band ura and Walters have indicated that socialmodels are of prime imgortance in the reinforcement processand that major modes 'of behaviour. are acquired through punishment and reward. The elieitation iaiid strengthening of desired behaviour depends .upon ,positive ,reinforcement; the suppressive effect of punishment is only being of value if presented in the context of fupportive positive reward ..,pf desired behaviour." In Roger's social IcnirnIng theory, too, themajor modes Of'befinviouqreocquired through,the socialisation process and are 'inextricably fits'ed with needs requiringfor their satisfaction the mediation of other persons'." In the foOtnote to this comment Rotter acknowledges a prima ry'deht to Adler, Lewin and Kantor,but suggests that all the separate principles which have influenced him may be discerned Ih most eontemporary writings on personality and that some, indeed; gO.back t'O'cnntiquity. It has been frequently noted that Rotter's -concepts of woe' of control and of the development of:associated attitudes are noedissimilar to those of Heider on the situational analysis of causal attribittion and thecOnsequences of internal versus external attributions. Other writers hanoted the close relationship between the views ofjkotter' and those,of Tolman, Atkinson and McClelland on expectancy and .reward.", The concept of reinforcement is clearly in the behaviourist tradition, .though, Rotter does ,ose it rather loosely. He usesiterms like 'strong belief in' his own desiiny belief in self, and so on." 1.1eirertheless, there is, ' an accumulation, of empirical work which gives clear evidence in suppOrt orthe overall hypothesis of Rotter's that an individual who believes' he,COritrols his own destiny is likely to-be (1) more aware ,of Invironmental, cues which, provide him, with information for his on use; (2), concerned to improve his environmental circumstances;0. (3) more concerned with his own ability (especially his failures) and placing high value, on skill and reinforcement of achievement; (4) more resistant to attempts to influence him."

'.:In the same paper Rotter states the notion of generalised expectation

afr 184/Children am! School thus; there is a causal relationithip with events that'is based 'on' the perceived source of reinforcement. If the reinforcement isperceived as not contingent upon the behaviour,it has little effect in determining future outcome expectancies. Hut if the reinforcementis seen as internally caused, then it will be highly relevant indetermining future expectancies. This aspect of social learning, therefore, attempts to explain a person's reinforcement 'history' and posits thatconsistent 'cognitions accumulate whichlocate,the-reinforcement internally or externally in that person's scheme of,thinigs. However, as one might think, the expectancy variable cOmpriseS'Iwp independentdeterminants: one is that specific expectancy(E')which derives from thereinforcement history of the particular response in a particular stimulussituation; the other is a' generalisation ofexpeCiancies (GE) accruing from other related behaviour-reinforcementsituations, that is, E= f (E' and GE). The term 'locus of control' refers therefore to the extent towhich -persons see events in general as being consequenton their, own actions and thus to some extent controllable internal control), or to the extent that those persons perceive the events asunrelated to their own behaviour' and therefOre beyond personal control. The bulk of empirical work has been concerned with the investigation of individual differences and the development of a number ofscales for measuring differences in attitUdes qrinternal-external control.Since, about the mid-1960S, the.,tertn!locnS.OP Control', inrespect of internal- external attributions, seems to have,passed intopersonalitY:research as an acceptable and recognisableentity with relativelY' (Though it tends to have been much more popularittthe USA lhan in England.) Sociologists, so iaI.psychOlogists and.lisych'OlogiSts. have made a great' deal of Use it.Indeed, it woebefair,to say thatTlike :'the achieVement moti has been responsible for, .an .avalanche of investigations in the SA and 8urOpe;'.bit4angely" 'very few in 1 England. 0-, Initially, Phares and' Jamesadeveloped ae.,ttiliert-tye scale with 'separate items for thedisplay;of internal and external attitudes.Wtiut later Rotter et al. evolved as,eriesO(fOrcedAtoiCe items (yes or no) and eventually a twenty -nineitemsgale,',witOix:filter items employed. The original scale was not .suitable for"Childred, butduffing the early 1960s Crandall, katkOvsky and:: Prestkcitde!OlOped' an Intellectual Achieve- ment Responsibility (IAR) scalevypicti- Measured self-relponsibility in achievement situations 40 The *rib tion ofresponsibility 'was con- sidered a school- achievement'sp c`fic Measure ofinternality. This'has /been much used but..With cliff eire t.MeasUres o'of success:"Larsen has developed'a scalefor measure tisiof Control in an unstructured play;; situation,' using Peanut sty-;CartoonS.42 But 14probably the most successful scale for Children IMS; been that published byNowicki and Strickland in 1973.4 This,apkirs reliant! and valid andhas now been A Self-Esteem and Social:Learning/LK used in a "very large variety,Of confirming situations, There are ma other .scales in this highly complex field' of attribution and sod learning. Probably the most readable and comprehensive views of th' area 7especially as it rehites'to personality - are those ofPhares Lefcourt. These also include copies of the most well-known s4ti instructions on how to use them. A typical scale, designed foosch in England with children aged about 8-11 years is included at tIiislOW (AppendixLi).Thisisthe Children's Atipi ution Reit)Akiilityand,I...ocus of Control Scale (CARALOC). It is an,' amalgatn',,of. items .refined from an En lisp' nation cohort study carried taut tin 1980." In majt.Piviews of the topic carried out in 1972 and 1976, Lefcourt stressed that, as with many other pessollity variables, the use of locus of eolith)! as a :single predictor or behhViour Was unwise, since it was bin one element of a total behavioural prediction formula which must. also include situational and immediate reinforcementfactors." But overall Boner's hypothesised relationship between internal control and behaviour has been well documented over the past twenty yearS, and many researchers have obtained data which are moderately supportive of such a positive relationship, though with some conflict of evidence as regards sex differences. Weiner suggests that in general the I- E scales. have had much more success in prediction of behaviour related to action in the environment in order to improveone's life, than in prediction of behaviour in controlled laboratory,situations. In the fields of ethhic group, social action and I-E contiol there have been many studies following that of Battle and Ratter" which suggest that blacks in the USA are especially external in locus of control, though some authors report a distinction between I-E measures and 'system versusindividual ' blame' ones and say that these are independent factors." Aronfreed's work, however, Would/appealtiasupport the hypothesis that high status within a social structure prbvides greatfir reinforcement, for internal, control:This was evidented by his finding that middle-class children .,and boys in general showed significantlymore internality thanworldng- clachildren or girls in general. 4' of the most common of research findings in their field is that an initerse relatiiinshiPbetwEenmotivations for achieviine t sternal contrOl; and ROtter 1jk .aliblOpOrted a Anifica t re an. nship between;:externabritibl and. 1,itteasUreg..:bftith tarianisrn. It has. been\frequenifyntilised. in optrational'' ions of human motivation and .behaviour end, has come toe accepted as signifying some ,important andlairlyofable dimensi n of personality.. But, as Lacourt has said, thedeterminatt4familiar ntecedents) of au internal and external control orientation remain laely unexplained, Unless one is willing to extrapolate10 a greater degree an the data and content of experiments' wouldallow.

463 Ili6Whihfren and Schooling Internal control, t hen, represents the attribution of cansnlity to internal forces, rxtettial control represents the attribution ofcausality to forces outside of the self. Consistent 4withthe work of Rotter is the -notion that such attributions will themselves vary from time totime not only in respect of varied situations and circumstances,but alsoiin terms of the:individual himself, Locus of control has thus beenconceived as a variable of personality at least as stable as other variables currently delineated in tests .of anxiety, motivation, introversion, extroversion, and so. on. The concept has what PhareS calls'intuitive appeal'. Moreover, it fits into a stream asocial learning and Attribution theory which helps us to sec the world as people, really see it.As riser says,'one must start by looking at the "lay conceptions ofpersonality" held by the perceiver, rather than searching in the personality of the perceivedfor stable dispositions corresponding to every separate verbal tagattached to him'." In the last sectionof thischapter we shall see what some of this may mean in terms of schooling.

SOME IMPLICATIONS., 1012 SCIIOOLINO It appears to be widely accepted that confirmation of one's value as an individual enhaoces feelings of self-esteem' and confidenceand that these feelings are critical to the learning process. As thePlowden Report put it: 'Confidence in the powerto learn is vital'" But, as Barth points out, the' argument can be a circularone,.for 'If a child is capable of making important choices affecting his own.learnilig, he has a strong self-concept; if he has a strong self-concept,hewill be able tomake, responsible choices'," What, then, are someof,the principal findings. relevant to schooling from research in those areas touchedupon'here ... and at the beginning of this chapter? In summary form they are as. 1, ,. `rte. follows:. ;-,t. . ,,,, s.$); relatidiii .%'.. (1)that a wealth of research has clearly established some 0 ,- 1 .. , between low setsteem and low schoolachievement; , , ,.o. . ion's'iliitA (2)that a considera "le body of research also points to a relat 4: 1....4.... °between high self,7esteemiand high achievement; to a conctionbetween low self-A (3)that someresearchn . . and what one might term 'exq, ty., (4)that some research demonstrat nt relationship between positive self-eSteem in childrenfi 46 to*Ilph-teattTersare. calm, supportive and facilitai, . ...., (5)that some research suggekts 1t'kto enge int1 child, as expressed by the teacher, can iiifgalik. Int-thence the child's learning; . 4,-f-,.40.^.::....-'1.;-;: : (6)that some research shows a relationshipbetWeen' negative pupil self- conceptand threatening orsarcasticteacher ahaviour.

4 Self-Esteem and Social Learning/187 The six main points listed here repeatedly emerge in various formsfrom :the research cited at the end of this chapter, (Without citing more than a mere handful of more important writings, I. havetried 'to show the strength of findings by the judicious use of words like 'clearly' or 'some'.) There are, however, a number of subsidiaryissues somewhat less genefalisable, perhaps more contentious, and more clearlythe result of one writer or of one or two pieces of research. For instance,does low self-esteem block or hinder communication? Jourard said one has to feel free enough to talk truthfully; if communication is to be reallyeffective and that self-revelation is a symptom of a healthypersonality.5' Put differently by Powell,'I must be able to tell you who I am before I can act truly, that:is, in accordance with my true self ." If one refersback to Skilbeck's comment quoted at the beginning of this book (in the Introduction), you will see that he held the curriculum to be essentially a communication system. Jourard and Powell (and several others, notably Carkhuff 55) regard an adequate self-concept as basic to relaxed and facilitativecommunication:Cautious,ritualised,nervous com- munication is, in short, unlikely to be the route for effectivelearning. Another subsidiary, but related, aspect is that concerninghumiliation. Children clearly resent being exposed,bumiliated before otherchildren, since their own self-esteem can be badly shaken in the process.They will go to considerable lengths toavoid such situations, playing .docile, stupid, or attentive as the case may be The works ofHolt" and of Nash" show just how aware children are of their evaluation in the eyes of others; and also that, often, they will be able to rankrelative merits, of other children as accurately as any teacher.Furthermore, havingreceivedtheattributionof position,'personality',or character traits from a teacher; the child will very oftenstrive, to confirm or 'fit' that attribution so as not to disturb heevaluation

by others or self. . Staines regarded the self as 'pro-active'. By this he meantthat it has a cumulative or 'knock-on' effect, helphig or. hindering learningboth in terms of the ordinary cognitive andeffective involvement in school subjects, and in terms of further learning about theself." He suggested (rather. obviously) that the most effective motivesfor learning .4. e those 'leading to enhancement of theself-image in some wa 1,. Purkey has said that schools often damageself-esteem; th,4?-4' sometimes enemies,1..$1 ' 4 ributing failure.and defeat tothe very einren wif6;fieed.to experie ce success the most'." Certainly, thereare a*With of studies reported iPurkey, Yamamoto and ThomasIvhich fitter depressingly suggest that the image of schoolsheld by pupils becomes less positive with time and that', as the children growolder, schools communicate 'an increasing sense, Of personal inadequacy to manyof their pupils." Wragg has said-thatapproximately one in severihildren leaves school at 16 years (in 1980) with a senseof failure and with social

: - k:a

), 1 85 188/Children and Schooling andacailetiqc skills Inadequate to the needs of a technological society." Black in 1q4 round that retarded mailers tended to displaynegative or low self-esteem in compiirison with a group of normal achieving children, and 1.AV/relict has consistently talliatailled and demonstrated that the value of counselling (directed towards improving thechild's self-concept) is an important linkin improving children's school performance." Pritchard in his 'speculative analysis' (19714), based on small-scale review, and primary-school case studies, concluded; 'The child must be valued intrinsically, for himself, and where this feature is u natural characteristic of the child's environment the rest SCCI115 tofollow Juitoniatically Fill self - esteem is,positive, he achieves and, in the best senseof the words, is prepared for life.'" In a recent study of aggression in schools Olwcus found that the 'whipping boys (victims) stand but as generally more anxious, insecure and nervous than other boys'" and Paranjpe; using an Eriksonian case-study approach to identity, notes that to think oneself socially valued becomes an increasingly important feature of the adolescent personality." All the evidence points to the fact that self-regard (or self - esteem) relates very clearly to the degree of regard by others, that rejection lowers self-esteem." This isparticularly so at adolescence, when 'significance' appears tobe a dominant adolescent theme in a variety of guises. The adolescent perceiysthat making some sort of significant contribution, in whatever avenue,front punk rock to sixth-form physics, is a vital factor in the processof self-: definition. As the ability to make significant contributions increases, so also does self - esteem; conversely, when significantcontribution declines, so also does self-csteem.'"\m, the evidence suggests that adolescent self-esteem is particularly .I#pendent upon peer approval, companionshipandthechancesto; demonstrate some sort. or 'wortliwhileness'. The teacher cannot be ignored in this, either. Despite the less adult-oriented nature of post-pubertal development, the teacher .is stillAyowerfut _rewarder of self-esteem; and at all stages of child -'''-deVeloSienitheteaCher is a highly significant adult whose opinions can do. so' Muth for (or against) confidence in. the child." Denzirrhassaid, 'Depending on where students stand with respect to the school's.. dominant moral order, they will find their self-conceptionscorn plemented or derogated and sometimes both'.." The biggest thing that schools do allthe timeand for those 15,000 hours'orsohool life,is tocommunicate social judgetnentto children. Children are Weighed, evaldated, compared, praised, ridiculed andignored. Small 6, wonder that one's self-esteem is bound to be acritical factor in education!It appears that children with confidence andwith a reasonably high level of self-esteem are more likely toform good relationships with the teacher (especially if those teachers are partof the 'behavioural component' b-y which self-esteem is measured), and agood teacher pupils retationship tends towards a more securelearning

,;1.8 6 Self Esteem and Social teaming/ IH9 position, an adoption of teacher values and perspectives in part - anti hence more effective learning." MI this leads' 'One to ask, as Lawrence did,7' whether raising the self- esteem of pupils would have a significant effect on their school achievement. What evidence there is suggesti that this would indeed be so, though by itself it is no substitute for effective teaching." Lawrence says that though counselling is not likely to help children who lack basic skills, or who stiffer from specific physiological defects, it does seem likely that many of the causes of low attainment may be associated with low self-esteem. If counselling can improve the self-concept, then improvement in general school work is likely to result. Canfield and Wells have emphasised the value of a classroom atmosphere which enhances the self-concept, saying that such an environment must be free from suspicion, hostility and anxiety. They provide exercises designed for teachers in order to help them improve the classroom atmosphere and to enhance children's self-concepts." More recently Hemming writing on the search for self in education said, 'ensure the growth of confidence and self-value in every child'." And Wilson says that a sense of personal power and autonomy leads to effectiveness in the classroom, and that this is clearly associated with self-esteem." There seems therefore no good reason to disregard the messages of Yamamoto and many others, that the overriding task of a teacher is to sec that respect foit and acceptance of the self by each child is one of the main avenues to a loving and worthwhile life." Maslow said, 'Satisfaction of the self - esteem needs, leads to feelings of self-confidence, worth, strength, c4ability, and adequacy, of being useful and necessaryinthe world'." As we have seen earlier, Coopersmith (and many others) regard self-esteem as functionally dependent upon the appraisal of others, the external dimension, and upon subjective assessment and experience. But it has beensaid that, during adolescence, possibly' more than at any other time in life, the external dimension seems of critical importance. It may be that this is a relatively recent cleyelOPrgiiigioWestern society, for 'Bronfenbrenncr ..indicited'that a special form of agi"segre.gation is developing in which ,VieNnarkedly stratify and separati'- parentS° from adolescents and ,4, children such thata companionship 'vacuum' arises which is then filled by the peer group 75 of the strange facets of our present society is the way that we have so often excluded young people from an active 'stake' in the means of production-And regeneration. It may be inevitable, given the nature of 'technological society, of the lengthy processes of :,..,institutionalised education, but it cannot be denied that in past ages :Adults and young peop le' worked together. I think Mitchell is probably correct when he says that the problems of youth do not lie simply in lack of security or profound maladjustment; rather they lie in this exclusion froM productivity, involvement in thereat work, of society." And even 19O /f hi Own awl Schooling

at school iidolcuTlits sec C01111110011, S4110011 a 1)01rently subscribe to the Protestant lithic, But much that the adolescent does Isrecognised aS, ritualistic time-filling. It does not compete with peer -group pressures or thc enticements of the taass-atedia. Pv-en if it did, manyadolescents realise that not only do they have no useful plaCe in schools,they (may well) have no,useful place in society at large,Lindersuchcircumstances, educationists and psychologists may prattle about self-esteem and personality growth with no effect. The society is structured to exclude., adolescents and to increase their chances of conflictand confusion, rather than reduce them. klucationists seeking the implication of research on locus of control would he likely to note first two important aspects: therelationship between measures of internality and school achievement,and the relationship between measures of internality and social class. On close examination they would see that the findings in these respects are somewhat ambiguous. In the first case there does seem sonicconsistency in findings which relate boys' achievement to measures of locus'of control. In the case of girls such findings are less clear,particularly after puberty. This might lead one to ask whether the sexesreceive different feedback from the culture in such a way as to make theassociation between locus of control measures and those ofachievement entirely haphazard in the case of girls. Yet one might assert that,if anything, girls . receive a more _positive and certainly more uniformfeedback in the primary stages-of education than do boys. Such'it viewwould find some substantiation in thc work of Crandall". and, more recently, inthat of Brantis,. andBernstein. The lattersaythat'theinfant school environment favours girls , ..[and) the sex of the child in the middle cliss area is as important as measured ability in itseffect upon the overall teachers' rating'." All the evidence points toschoolgirls' achievement being more related to a desire for approvaland affection ,than is boys' achievement." This is not to suggest thatlocus of control is simply a measure of achievement motivation, butitis a construct associating beliefs with cognition's of the consequences of one's own past behaviour and may, thus, be expected to play aconsiderable part -achievement motivation. Of course, the goal of earlyachievement may be somewhat differently defined for each sex,andit is a fundamental tenet of social learning theory thatbehaviours become functionally associated with various *goal definitions throughthe processes of learning and socialisation. From his review ofthis field, Lesser" suggested that girls do tend to seek affiliative outcomes morethan boys. In primary- school situations sigh affiliative outcomes areusually possible at atiy level of performance. But girls appear to seehigh achievement as less appropriate-during adolescence and early adulthOod. It may be that security in the goals of closeness to teacher and/orfriends is for girls of more. overriding importance than-immediate success or apparent

s.

. Sett-Etteent and Social Learning/19,1 academic competence. In fact, if inch is the case, then fear of academic failure becomes considerably lessened and its consequences only important if it disturbs the tenor of those affillittive strivings or of social soccess. At the same time, iowever, it would seem hrHically consistent to see affiliation to some extent delimiting the area of internal control and permitting greater attention to external sources of direction.. If this %etc the case, one might expect girls to show greater externality on measures Of locus of control than boys, But findings have not been uniform here, either. There ix a suggestion that girls are somewhat less emotionally independent than boys and that parents might not stress the need for school achievement in girls in quite the same way. The meagre research on pre-school girls tloes, according to Lesser, point to itsimilar conclusion: that girls arc socialised towards greater dependency in a context of less concern for or emphasis upon school achievement. Within the elementary /primary - school context there is ample evidence to suggest that the differentiation of sex roles is stereotyped in its presentation," that both in England and the USA one'MUY see reading printers portraying adventurous and striving roles for boys and domestic, no rturant and more obviously affiliative roles for girls. It may be unwise to overestimate the importance of all this, especially in relation to the dominant patterns of behaviour already learned in the home, but analysis of sex-role stereotyping would seem to leave soma considerable room for justifiable female disquiet. Mead argued that, in American society, success for the female depended upon affiliative goals rather thancompetence in career, and she has shown that one might reasonably view the socialisation of each sex as very differently oriented voyages of enculturation. Even within the same culture sex-role 'learning entails fundamental differences in perspective." Hoffman, in her review of research findings in child development inrespect of female achievement motives, said that affective relationships were of paramount importance in females and that 'much of their achievement behaviour is motivated by a desire to please." She cites ,a number of school studies, including that of Crandall, to support the Viewpoint that boys' achievement motivation (measured by.kvjariety of different means) ing4ShiVelvelated to -actual school achievement, whereai among girls there appears little or no relationship. Such a perspective fits that of Sears," who found that among girls affiliative motives - not achievement motives-were related to schOol achievement. Hoffman's thesis is that generally the girl receives inadequate parental encouragement in her early strivings for independence ansi that there is some delay in the separation of the self from the mother because, being of the same sex, mother and child identify with each other in terms of sex-role expectations: Such a. viewpoint is by no means new. Rimer has reviewed much.of the substantive work on sex-role differentiation, all of which pojptS .to

189 I 9"/Clithlren and .Vchooling 4..iniclusions about the developmentof sr X ,iblIrsriwc% in lull- icgaided her thesis as speculative, but concept and attitudes," I tollman which wined one linking ,a largenumber of vanables in a way consistent with empirical findings, Shenoted also that formal education itself lends to reward uniformity andthat girls tended to clusicr closer to the mean of intellectual pci kin mancethan boys, During the last decade Of 54) maltyfeminists have tinned their bookc 'Out of attention to the models ofbehaviour olfc led in children's the 1,(tX) books read, the,gioupfound only 200 which they felt offered the readers a positive image ofwoman's "physical, emotionaland intellectual potential"," The feministviewpoint was 1)C1141111 most forcefully highlighted in Miller's nowclassic study of univei sit y students in the USA. She statethat her stmlies led her to believe that subtle loss of yowls women equatedhitcher:trial achievement with sonic femininity, and her original thesisillustrated a problem which has since been consOently examined by manysociologists. That the socialisation of the sexes is sometimes sostereotyped as to discourage strong motivation to intellectual achievement onthe part of girls is now a familiar enough, theme in theliterature. lint Acker has pointed out.

Levine and Crumrine have questionedwhether a motive to aVoidsucn CC,15 even exists, andhave criticised llorner's methodology.Their more careful experiment on a larger samplefailed to substantiate the thesis . Other replications of I lorner's workhave had conflicting resu,Its." ( A further implication which musthe considered in the context of sex differences is that of the staffing ofelementary.schools in the USA and primary schools in England. It isstill true that most teachers in these schools are women (about 80 per centoldie teaching force, as opposed to principals, in the USA;and about 70 per cent includingbead teachers, in the UK). Such a situationwoulticlearly make for similarity in modes still mainly of socialisation betweenthe .home,' where mother is responsible for early role-learning,"and the primary school. (Though, by the differing as has been saidearlier, this is clearly complicated subcultural value systems.) In a relatively recent English studyof locus of control kirls and boys of. ,primary-school age did not show markeddifferences in their scoreson that measure. But only inthe case of boys were the locus of control expectations clearly associated withachievement." Lesser: reviewing able to the findings on achievementmotivation in women generally, is indicate a 'fragmentary' yet reasonablyconsistent picture for girls from fire- school to secondary-school. Though he warnsthat one should not think 'of achievement motivation as somesimple unitary variable," he in girls does goes on to emphasisethat strong achievement motivation throughout the _appear to havebroadlysimilar socialisation antecedents

190 .fell twieeito aadSochi, tr,),

0111( tallgCs Lilicic ate best Ilionotit to !cum of background of bulk tct than usual thdtl rratilig. III. conchisions,weir, that, while data ale. stake, Oleic i11C ccIt4111 pitonsachievementnootivgiiunhavehad itrucitired land possibly. authoritarian)earlysocialisation,that dollelenccs between achievement 1.110tiVatiaM in nirn and woolen me somehow cha1actClt Cit in social iole7lcartilng and that their h olnitOth conflict between piesnilied ((mak-goals and intellectual achjcsement, Very many studies 01 locus of t ontrol and achicsolient repot t on apparent 'Association between SVS (to social class) and locus of control, It is said that iiiiildteclait children 5erii to be able to make the intistrif goal definition and tit be able to function icasiiiiably well, but that lower- 'or co Ate titiell unable to sec the point of long.t ern' goal definition and the possibility of future rewards. Neither Crandall (in 190), nor. (rallinlage 1974), found any relationship between SUS and locus of control, however. Crandall rind her colleagticS explained this in lanh of the specificity of het 111611111C achievement responsibility, IA It) and maintained that any school attempting to do a good job would encotirage 'internal' attitudes regardless of socialclas4.factors," In the light of comments by Barth and by Boyden on the .soot of assumptions underlying much early- childhood education, such all interpretation would seem plausible," But there arc punling anomalies. If most studies report a connection between eitternality mid low social-class Origin, and if teachers .do encourage independence, self- control andself-initiation (often chimed in primary schools. especially), then one might expect to see a very strongrelationship between measures of locus of control and achievement. Indeed, if such Schools do put a premium on independence and dimensions of internality, then possibly such schools would be more likely to penalise children front low social-class origins than would have been the case in more 10rnial classrooms in the past. Furthermore. one might expect some considerable alienation from school on the partof externally oriented boys, who could not, presumably, rely upon affiliative compensations, as might externally oriented girls. In this respect it is significant that, in sonic work reported, low-achievingboys are signifiiihntly more external in theirorientation.". This fits rather nicely with 13ra ndis's and Bernstein's findings that girls from low social- class. Origins were likely to at tiact significantly higher teacher ratings than wcre boys of similar status," This laSt point is likely to be of considerable concern to teachers, particularly if taken in conjunction with the earlier comment on sex differencesin(herelationshipbetweenlocusof control and achieveMent.. Any miweitiicnt throughoUt education towards more 'open' system of classroom organisation, while not materially affecting girls'performancebeforepuberty,might ,criticallyaffectthe 1141( Inthen wt.! .1'4 /fooling pcitormante 01 t titans swop+ if boys 'Ott 11 ttlnlltlCill la, of imole, highly spectilatise anti their Nttllltt III any event he Main, githci to tit onside' eillint it it in llnr ss ith the t liniment s tilt ;MO, 11111111{ ithet illtiptIV on teacher elk. incites," and it h a a ohci ing thought,Jittli ptcminably no our s ontii wish act gcttctat4i.CiltatIiGofan enttit-Alitiltaiplat inc hi. hat wallynitcal:etitheat)ntrt iat1C 1111411%, 411tagr, by slhi.ti N:t101,1C11 1140111 IOW *S1'.!'i ale aurally bandit appeti Though it may he missile to genet alise, the atinohpheic of the modern primary at Iwo! in !foist:Intl could oneri des, *died 'attectis e*, and as amft may wciftavolir the p,i;i1 Wine I 'Litt (tic hoy3, .111Cie tric4Ittilt° 010 in Fushun!, though Pollack. (11(14),(iti) repotted flit 'results of d tonsil tut vcy In the USA whit la 3siggestril that teachers Indic elementary static+ pretertett wilt 1111g with gith, and mule recently licit' has been a spate of Work in the USA showing gni% tit be mine 'co- operative', 'deferent', etc..141"1 here is some evident c iii higland tOthow that }oils ale seen as mote attentive and mote ,Cit- sprr4t1%C than boys, and Banks reported, not pethaps surpitsinglv, that (cache der children who toe co.opciativc anti thctdOIC easier to trat;1%0;1101 Imams+ lend strviigth to the vicw that,- at least du otighutit'ttia tarty stages of education, girls ale (with Nrhapt a lets obviously slicing achievement motivation) the preteriett pupils. This tfOCN not easily siva e with the recent resejtich on primary.Classroo+ how es Cr. in which teacher% %fettled ttt cleVOte roughly the +ante proportions of to t,),,, In any discussion concerned with iNpells of $OCIaltlatttin and formal education, itis intfy)rtant to appreciate that one is dealing with a changing and dynamic situation. While it may be true that thehorny plays a large and very important part in tlic process ofsocialisation! it clear that the internalisation of attitudes and values is notriotstatic, butis an ongoing process throughout schooling. The sources of learning about oneself and thebases of the beliefs one holds (in terms of internal/external control of reinforcement) arc the consequences of .feedbackfromtheenvironmentantiofthe reinforcement value' of specific situations. This feedback isitself a - highly importantprocessineducation.dependent upon many complex condifitins: it may well, of course, change from situation to situation and froM teacher to teacher, Primary education, because of, itvery nature, with its emphasis on allectivitywoulsi, one might confidently expoct, resultin more imme0i a and more lo}imati feedback than would secondary schooling. The psychological theory underlying concepts' ofinternaVexternai

,control should be considered not only as an offshoot of social learniNf. theory, but also as an interactional theory, which in.ay offer scientistsa useful, perspectiveforinvestigating and monitoring

.-192 Self Esteem and Social Learning/195 important changes in the individual as he adopts his cognitive structures and beliefs to changing situations. Most studies of intellectual achievement point to the significance of teachers' values and judgements in the whole process as well as the child's. The values of the teachers as well as those of parents must, therefore, be seen as significant elements in the cumulative cognitions of children. The problem. when considering school achievement, lies in the enmeshing of psychological and sociological components in such a way that the valueoricntations of the cultural components cannot easily be disentangled from the internal mechanisms which arc operating. Moreover, the influence of cultural factors upon individuals is not necessarily direct or clearly observable and the indirect and accidental factors within the individual's life history also affect the feedback situations. It would seem safe to say that locus of control is quite clearly related to the self-concept of the individual. However, there are dangers in seeing locus of control as a generalised 'traa' functioning across all situations. An individual may not only vary in his perceptions of locus of control from one time to another, but may encounter varieties of situationsin which cumulative cognitions associated with those situations are markedly different. Certainly, one should not necessarily assume the causal direction of any relationship between internality and schoo! achievement. Most studies have been correlational in nature and an alternative view that successful school performance causes high internal attributions is at least as tenable as the general assumption that the causal direction is internality-high achievement. It seems very likely that there arc clear, but complex, associations between internality and certain measures of independence, aspiration and achievement;m2 it seems equally likely that, in line with social learning theory generally, the construct relics upon expectations followingcertain behaviours. The interactive elements in such a theory are quite explicit and the grouping of constructs like dominance, independence and need for affection depend considerably upon the situation and the set of empirically determined antecedents involved. As such. locus of control should be regardedasrelativelyspecific,and measures obtained in one circumstance not automatically assumed to predict behaviour in another. After a series of unfortunate events, the individual's externality may increase. After a series of fortunate events, though dependent on perceived contingency, it may decrease. In all, evidence on locus of control is fairly clear: (1) There is a positive relationship between high internality and high self-esteem. (2) High correlations arc reported between internality and achieve- ment. and some researchers (most notably Nowicki and his associates"31) claim that the relationship between internal locus of

t 9 3 196/Chi Idrrn and Schooling control and achievement is stronger for boysthan (or girls..Stipeck and Weitz in a recent review of thefield suggest that such findings may be an artefact of thescales employed.'" Neverthelets, the implications in respect of sex -rule learning areinteresting. and closer study and interpretation of the findingsin general par- ticularly pressing. especially in the light ofchanging beliefs on classroom organisation. (3) Measures of intelligence do not seemclearly related to locus of control measures, but there are problems.particularly with wording of tests. the levels of logical facilityrequired and the reading levels of the kit; employed. (4) Anxiety seems clearly associatedwith externality. (5)Ifigh aspirations seem clearly associatedwith internality and low aspirations with externality. (6) Perception of even generalisedlocus of control does itself seem a significant predictor of academic achievement.

The general conclusion must be that,without adequate feelings of control and belief in himtelf, the intelligentchild may be no match for the less intelligent who does possesssuch beliefs. The concept of goal, too, becomes all important.What girls construe as desirable may. in the initial stages of education. help them tosucceed as well as and often better than boys. liar as institutionalisededucation progresses and social learning accumulates, otherfactors begin to militate against girls such that locus of control may be aninappropriate measure to employ when exploring dimensions of personaldynamics and of achievement- related b:liefs. However, children withdifferent locus of control scores do appear to differ in self.esteem and in theability to organise and control their own work - scheduler.Locus of control tells one something of the person's perceptions of hisability to affect his environment and gain power over it. There are undoubtedlyimportant sex, age, class and ethnic differences to disentangle, but as afeature in school performance locus of control should notbe overlooked by teachers.'" The perceptions that a human being has of himself orherself are crucial factors in all learning, and the educationof children is hard work. But. as Yamamoto says.'Much of this work concerns itselfwith the knowledgeable and systematic planningof conditions and behaviours which will lead the child to develop hispotential fully1.1" Put differently: 'evidence suggests that it is possible. . tomodify matadaptive attributions which may, in turn, subsequentlyaffect achievement behaviour and improve academicachievement. This task rests, to a large extent, on teachers who canoften substantiallyinfluence the attributional patterns of theirpupilt.'s4'

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I To -4t.tiolit' flitt011ty to talk to Isecome 40 educated of of 1,-011 turd t'tlittn foul to be of the gt CAM possible *Viiii4 to his sstotrt To *104 to poactoal in aitenstince and MA arritie late 41 fltia**Ot 010 the nottuctson* of the *chool d;iVt 'Of and the teachers %solicits' question, 4 to 4140441, all the necessary testhook* and writing mai et satt. to 114%-c c*ct*IttUtg seat!), tor the Scooft tvi.occ iciockr itif$10, 5 To come to school dean, well get otned and neatly 111COVAI, 6to keep his place in the classroom clean and tidy. Tts enter the classroom and take his place immediately after the hell OP; 14) enter and leave the C14**tOOni dating the lesson onlywish the teacher's pctmitaiOn.

14 To tit uptight during the lesson, not leaning on Inieltsows and not *touching; t11001 attentirely to the teacher's explanations and the other pupils' answers; and not to talk or let his attention stray to otherthings.. 9 To rite when the teacher or the director enters or kaves the room. to To stand at attention when answering the teacher; to sit down only with the teacher% permission; to raise his hand if he wishes to answer oar ask a question. IITo take accurate notes in his assignment book of homework scheduled for the nest lesson, and to show these notes to his parent*: to do all the homework unaided. 12 To be respectful to the school director and teachers; when meeting them, to greet them with a polite bow; boys should also raise their halt, 13 To be polite to his elders, to behave modestly and respectfully in school, on the street and in public places. 14hot to use coarse expressions, not to smoke, not to gamble for money or for any other objects. 1$ To protect school progeny; to be careful of his personal things and the belongirigs of his comrades. 16 To be attentive and considerate of old people, small children, the weak and sick; to give them a seat on the trolley or make way for them on the street, being helpful to them in every way. nzfit440-

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