Charlotte Bunch
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Transnational, Third World, and Global Feminisms
1 Transnational, Third World, and Global Feminisms Ranjoo S. Herr Encyclopedia of Race and Racism (second ed.). Routledge, 2013 Check with the original to verify italics Third world, transnational, and global feminisms focus on the situation of racial-ethnic women originating from the third world (or the South), whether or not they reside in the first world (or the North or West). This entry refers to these women as ―third world women.‖ Most second- wave white feminisms in the West—liberal, radical, psychoanalytic, or ―care-focused‖ feminisms (Tong 2009)—have assumed that women everywhere face similar oppression merely by virtue of their sex/gender. Global feminism as it first emerged in the 1980s was largely a global application of this white feminist outlook. Third world and transnational feminisms emerged in the 1980s and early 1990s to challenge this white feminist assumption. These feminisms are predicated on the premise that women‘s oppression diverges globally due to not only gender, but also race, class, ethnicity, religion, and nation. Therefore, third world women suffer from multiple forms of oppression qualitatively different from the gender oppression experienced by middle-class white women in the West. Third world and transnational feminisms are distinct, however, not only in their origins and outlooks, but also in their goals and priorities. This entry begins by examining the genealogies of these feminisms, in the process of which their differences will be identified. It then explains four main characteristics that these feminisms share. After reviewing some instances of third world, transnational, and global feminist activities, the entry concludes by suggesting a way to resolve a potential conflict between the local and the universal facing third world, transnational, and global feminists. -
Beijing, Backlash, and the Future of Women's Human Rights
C o m m e n t a r y BEIJING, BACKLASH, AND THE FUTURE OF WOMEN'S HUMAN RIGHTS Charlotte Bunch l7he United Nations (UN) FourthWorld Conference on Women, held in Beijing this September 1995, occurs at a historical juncture for women. As we increasingly make our voices heard globally, the urgent need for women to be an integral part of the decision-making processes shaping the twenty-first century has never been more pressing. Indeed, the experience of women is central to a multitude of the world's concerns ranging from religious fundamentalism and chauvinistic nationalism to the global economy. As the old world ordercontinues its process of disintegration, transition, and re-organization, the opportunity for women to be heard is enhanced precisely because new alternatives are so badly needed. However, at the same time, there looms a dangerthat women's gains in the twentieth century will be turned back by religious fundamentalist forces and/or narrowly defined patriarchal nationalisms, which seek cohesion by returning women to traditional roles. In confronting these forces, women's voices must be heard. The first UN Decade for Women, from 1976 to 1985, helped legitimize women's projects and demands for greater participation in civil society at the local, national, and inter- national levels. In the decade since the 1985 World Confer- Charlotte Bunch is Director of the Center for Women's Global Leader- ship at Rutgers University and a Professor in the Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers University, New Jersey. Please send correspondence to Charlotte Bunch, Center for Women's Global Leadership, Douglass College, 27 Clifton Avenue, New Brunswick, New Jersey 08903, USA. -
Intersectionality: T E Fourth Wave Feminist Twitter Community
#Intersectionality: T e Fourth Wave Feminist Twitter Community Intersectionality, is the marrow within the bones of fem- Tegan Zimmerman (PhD, Comparative Literature, inism. Without it, feminism will fracture even further – University of Alberta) is an Assistant Professor of En- Roxane Gay (2013) glish/Creative Writing and Women’s Studies at Stephens College in Columbia, Missouri. A recent Visiting Fel- This article analyzes the term “intersectional- low in the Centre for Contemporary Women’s Writing ity” as defined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw (1989, and the Institute of Modern Languages Research at the 1991) in relation to the digital turn and, in doing so, University of London, Zimmerman specializes in con- considers how this concept is being employed by fourth temporary women’s historical fiction and contempo- wave feminists on Twitter. Presently, little scholarship rary gender theory. Her book Matria Redux: Caribbean has been devoted to fourth wave feminism and its en- Women’s Historical Fiction, forthcoming from North- gagement with intersectionality; however, some notable western University Press, examines the concepts of ma- critics include Kira Cochrane, Michelle Goldberg, Mik- ternal history and maternal genealogy. ki Kendall, Ealasaid Munro, Lola Okolosie, and Roop- ika Risam.1 Intersectionality, with its consideration of Abstract class, race, age, ability, sexuality, and gender as inter- This article analyzes the term “intersectionality” as de- secting loci of discriminations or privileges, is now the fined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in relation to the overriding principle among today’s feminists, manifest digital turn: it argues that intersectionality is the dom- by theorizing tweets and hashtags on Twitter. Because inant framework being employed by fourth wave fem- fourth wave feminism, more so than previous feminist inists and that is most apparent on social media, espe- movements, focuses on and takes up online technolo- cially on Twitter. -
Resolution 1325 and Post Cold-War Feminist Politics
Resolution 1325 and post Cold-War Feminist Politics Paper under review with the International Feminist Journal of Politics – please do not circulate or quote without consulting the author. [email protected] ABSTRACT Social movement scholars credit feminist transnational advocacy networks with putting violence against women on the UN security agenda, as evidenced by resolution 1325 and numerous other UN Security Council statements on gender, peace, and security. Such accounts neglect the significance of super power politics for shaping the aims of women’s bureaucracies and NGOs in the UN system. This article highlights how the fall of the Soviet Union transformed the delineation of ‘women’s issues’ at the United Nations and calls attention to the extent that the new focus upon ‘violence against women’ has been shaped by the post Cold War US global policing practices. Resolution 1325’s call for gender-mainstreaming of peacekeeping operations reflects the tension between feminist advocates’ increased influence in security discourse and continuing reports of peacekeeper perpetrated sexual violence, abuse and exploitation. Key Words: Transnational advocacy networks, Cold War, New Wars, Democratization, Peacekeeping, Human Rights, Feminism, Violence against Women, United Nations. In October 2000, the unanimous passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 linked gender, peace, and security and recognized the need to ‘mainstream a gender perspective in peacekeeping operations.’ The Resolution authorizes monitoring of peacekeeping operations by gender experts and condemns military sexual violence. As a policy artifact this Resolution gives evidence of startling tensions in the gender politics of mainstream international security discourse in the final years of the twentieth century. -
Her Money, My Sweat: Women Organizing to Transform Globalization
HER MONEY, MY SWEAT: WOMEN ORGANIZING TO TRANSFORM GLOBALIZATION Submitted to the School of Interdisciplinary Studies (Western College Program) in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy Interdisciplinary Studies by Emily Bates Brown Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2007 APPROVED __________________________________________________ Yulonda E. Sano, Advisor ABSTRACT HER MONEY, MY SWEAT: WOMEN ORGANIZING TO TRANSFORM GLOBALIZATION Emily Bates Brown Women who live in Third World nations are disproportionately negatively affected by globalization. Moreover, theorizations of Third World women’s economic hardships are often characterized in terms of their victimization and helplessness even within Western feminist literature. Such characterizations have been intensely criticized in the last two decades by Third World and postcolonial feminist theorists who have effectively exposed the dangers of representing Third World women as a homogenized group. Western feminist discourse on gender, globalization, and Third World cultures has since made inroads toward addressing the specificity of identity issues such as race, class, and nationality, and in bridging the gap between the objectives of Western and non-Western women’s groups. Within discussions of the inequities of globalization and in efforts to organize women around globalization issues, negotiating similar identity issues and goals is a constant challenge. With an emphasis on the intersection of theory and practice, this thesis argues that for transnational feminist networks to organize constructively on globalization issues in the Third World, the agency and experience of local actors must be regarded as a primary source of legitimate knowledge. Only in this way will transnational feminist networks, which operate across both geographical and intangible borders, be successful in empowering local actors and in producing more viable, counter-hegemonic economic opportunities than currently exist under processes of globalization. -
Under Western Eyes Revisited: Feminist Solidarity Through
“Under Western Eyes” Revisited: Feminist Solidarity through Anticapitalist Struggles Author(s): Chandra Talpade Mohanty Reviewed work(s): Source: Signs, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Winter 2003), pp. 499-535 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/342914 . Accessed: 11/04/2012 00:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Signs. http://www.jstor.org Chandra Talpade Mohanty “Under Western Eyes” Revisited: Feminist Solidarity through Anticapitalist Struggles write this essay at the urging of a number of friends and with some trepidation, revisiting the themes and arguments of an essay written I some sixteen years ago. This is a difficult essay to write, and I undertake it hesitantly and with humility—yet feeling that I must do so to take fuller responsibility for my ideas, and perhaps to explain whatever influence they have had on debates in feminist theory. “Under Western Eyes” (1986) was not only my very first “feminist stud- ies” publication; it remains the one that marks my presence in the inter- national feminist community.1 I had barely completed my Ph.D. -
Feminism and International Law in the Post- 9/11 Era
ARTICLE FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE POST- 9/11 ERA Jayne Huckerby* INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 533 I. FEMINIST LEGAL CRITIQUES OF NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE POST-9/11 MOMENT .......................... 541 II. FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE LONG SHADOW OF 9/11 ................................................................. 547 A. The Role of Victimhood and Gendered Vulnerability ....... 547 B. Formalism and Inattentiveness to Gender-Based National Security Violations ............................................. 559 C. Which Women’s Rights Count and How: The Conjoining of Feminism and National Security ................ 569 D. Feminist Methods and Fractured Feminisms ...................... 584 CONCLUSION: FEMINISM, INTERNATIONAL LAW, AND NATIONAL SECURITY MOVING FORWARD ................. 588 INTRODUCTION Accounts of the role and influence of feminism in international law and global governance from the 1990s onward have tended to vacillate between analyses of the marginalization of feminist perspectives1 and the narrative of “governance feminism,”2 the idea * Associate Professor of Clinical Law, Duke University School of Law. I am very grateful for the comments of Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Simon Thomas, and Katharine Young, and to Daria Anichkova, Eleni Bakst, and Yvonne Wang for outstanding research assistance. 1. See, e.g., Dianne Otto, Power and Danger: Feminist Engagement with International Law through the UN Security Council, 32 AUSTL. FEMINIST L.J. 97, 97–100, 118–21 (2010) [hereinafter Power and Danger] (noting that a common approach in many feminist analyses of international law and its institutions is to “tell a saga of ‘marginalisation’, ‘silencing’, and ‘talking to ourselves’”). 2. See Janet Halley et al., From the International to the Local in Feminist Legal Responses to Rape, Prostitution/Sex Work, and Sex Trafficking: Four Studies in Contemporary 533 534 FORDHAM INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL [Vol. -
Biographies of the Contributors Norma Alarcon Born in Monclova, Coahuila, Mexico and Raised in Chicago
246 Biographies of the Contributors Norma Alarcon Born in Monclova, Coahuila, Mexico and raised in Chicago. Will receive Ph.D. in Hispanic Literatures in 1981 from Indiana University where she is presently employed as Visiting Lecturer in Chicano- Riqueno Studies. Gloria Evangelina Anzaldtia I'm a Tejana Chicana poet, hija de Amalia, Hecate y Yemaya. I am a Libra (Virgo cusp) with VI – The Lovers destiny. One day I will walk through walls, grow wings and fly, but for now I want to play Hermit and write my novel, Andrea. In my spare time I teach, read the Tarot, and doodle in my journal. Barbara M. Cameron Lakota patriot, Hunkpapa, politically non-promiscuous, born with a caul. Will not forget Buffalo Manhattan Hat and Mani. Love Marti, Maxine, Leonie and my family. Still beading a belt for Pat. In love with Robin. Will someday raise chickens in New Mexico. Andrea R. Canaan Born in New Orleans, Louisiana in 1950. Black woman, mother and daughter. Director of Women And Employment which develops and places women on non-traditional jobs. Therapist and counselor to bat- tered women, rape victims, and families in stress. Poetry is major writing expression. Speaker, reader, and community organizer. Black feminist writer. Jo Carrillo Died and born 6000 feet above the sea in Las Vegas, New Mexico. Have never left; will never leave. But for now, I'm living in San Fran- cisco. I'm loving and believing in the land, my extended family (which includes Angie, Mame and B. B. Yawn) and my sisters. Would never consider owning a souvenir chunk of uranium. -
How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman Rachel F
Hofstra Law Review Volume 33 | Issue 1 Article 5 2004 How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman Rachel F. Moran Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Moran, Rachel F. (2004) "How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman," Hofstra Law Review: Vol. 33: Iss. 1, Article 5. Available at: http://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol33/iss1/5 This document is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Moran: How Second-Wave Feminism Forgot the Single Woman HOW SECOND-WAVE FEMINISM FORGOT THE SINGLE WOMAN Rachel F. Moran* I cannot imagine a feminist evolution leading to radicalchange in the private/politicalrealm of gender that is not rooted in the conviction that all women's lives are important, that the lives of men cannot be understoodby burying the lives of women; and that to make visible the full meaning of women's experience, to reinterpretknowledge in terms of that experience, is now the most important task of thinking.1 America has always been a very married country. From early colonial times until quite recently, rates of marriage in our nation have been high-higher in fact than in Britain and western Europe.2 Only in 1960 did this pattern begin to change as American men and women married later or perhaps not at all.3 Because of the dominance of marriage in this country, permanently single people-whether male or female-have been not just statistical oddities but social conundrums. -
A Feminist Analysis of Perspectives from Australian Women's Services
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE Author's personal copy provided by Federation ResearchOnline Transgendering women's space: A feminist analysis of perspectives from Australian women's services Lorene Hannelore Gottschalk School of Business, University of Ballarat, PO Box 663, Ballarat, Vic. 3353, Australia both as clients and as workers (McDonald, 2006). The Gender Centre states in its Transgender Discrimination Fact Sheet that, Basic human rights such as the right to work and to access services on the basis of characteristics such as race or sex and “For example, in general, if you are a male to female various other categories including gender identity are recognised transgender person you have the legal right to enshrined in legislation in many countries. Yet there are times be considered for a job that is legally allowed to be for such as those written about by Mathen (2004) when the rights women only. Similarly, in general, you have the legal right of one minority group appear to clash with those of another. The to receive a service targeted at women only” (The Gender rights of women born and raised female and those of male to Centre Inc., 2005). female transgenders (MTFs) is one example of conflicting rights. This article discusses whether self identification as a Women's spaces were set up to service the interests of woman, by a man raised male, should give right of access to women as a subordinate group and to service the special women's groups and services such as women's refuges and needs of women in various areas such as health and in women's health centres. -
Global Feminisms: Speaking & Acting About Women
I AM MALALA: A RESOURCE GUIDE FOR EDUCATORS THEME 8: Global Feminisms: Speaking and Acting about Women and Girls For more information or to submit feedback about the resource guide, visit malala.gwu.edu. To expand the reach of Malala’s memoir—I am Malala: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot by the Taliban—and spread Malala’s message to young people and activists, the Global Women’s Institute (GWI) of the George Washington University (GW), in collaboration with the Malala Fund, developed a resource guide for high school and college students around the world. Building on the content of Malala’s memoir, the resource guide supports global efforts to mobilize women and men to address women’s and girls’ rights to an education. Malala’s memoir opens the door to some of the greatest challenges of our modern world. It is about politics, education, culture, religion and violence against women and girls. It is a moment in the life of a young girl and in the history of a country. To do these broad themes justice, faculty from a wide range of disciplines contributed to the development of the resource guide. The resource guide challenges students to think deeply, share their experiences, and engage with their communities. Each theme is divided into 4 parts: • Part 1 is the narrative with learning objectives to frame the conversation and help plan lessons; • Part 2 lists the resources to help students and teachers deepen their knowledge about the theme; • Part 3 lists individual and group activities, including some to be done outside of class if students are interested; • Part 4 is the high school supplement intended to help high school teachers introduce and discuss some of the concepts and context that appear in the theme narratives. -
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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter free, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely afreet reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each orignal is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Ifigher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. t: UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 WOMOON RISING: FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY AND ITS IMPACT ON THE MODERN WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED STATES DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Cynthia L.