PRAIRIE FORUM

Vol.4, NO.2 Fall, 1979

CONTENTS

"Making Good": The Canadian West in British Boys' Literature, 1890-1914 165 Patrick A. Dunae

American Neutrality and the Red River Resi-stance, 1869-1870 183 James G. Snell

Longitudinal Research in Cultural Ecology: A History of the Saskatchewan Research Program, 1960-77 197 John W. Bennett and Seena B. Kohl

Dissolved Oxygen Depletion Problems in Ice-Covered Alberta Rivers 221 P. H. Bouthillier and S. E. Hrudey

The Urban West The Evolution of Prairie Towns and Citles to 1930 237 Alan F. J. Artibise

Regional Development and Social Strife: Early Coal Mining in Alberta 263 Kirk Lambrecht

.Book Reviews (see overleaf) 281

PRAIRIE FORUM is published. twice yearly, in May and November, at an annual subscription of $10.00. AU subscriptions, correspondence and contributions should be sent to The Editor, Prairie Forum, Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada, S4S OA2. Subscribers wilf also receive the Canadian Plains Bulletin, the newsletter of the Canadian Plains Research Center.

PRAIRIE FORUM is not responsible for statements, either of fact or of opinion, made by contributors.

COPYRIGHT 1980 ISSN0317-6282 CANADIAN PLAINS RESEARCH CENTER BOOK REVIEWS

BRAROE,NIELS WINTHER, Indian and White: Self-Image and Interaction in a Canadian Plains Community by Marlene Mackie 281

BRASS, ELEANOR, Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales by Byrna Barclay 284

'HEPWORTH, DOROTHY (editor), Explorations in Prairie Justice Research by Curt Taylor Griffiths 289

RICHARDS, JOHN and LARRY PRATT, Prairie Capitalism: Power and Influence in the New West by James N. McCrorie 292

HUSTAK, ALLAN, Peter Lougheed by Kenneth Munro 295

MORGAN, DAN, Merchants of Grain by J. F.Conway 300

PRAIRIE FORUM: Journal of the Canadian Plains Research Center

Chief Editor: Alec Paul, Geography, Regina Associate Editors: Alan Anderson, Sociology, Saskatoon L. Crossman, English, Regina W. Howard, English, Regina Raymond Huel, History, Lethbridge M. Evelyn Jonescu, CPRC, Regina J. Long, Architect, Calgary R.Macleod, History, Edmonton G. Mitchell, Biotoqy, Regina R. Rounds, Geography, Brandon Coordinator of Publications: Barbara Jones, CPRC, Regina Editorial Page

With this issue the 1970s phase of Prairie Forum gives way to what hopefully will be a consolidation phase for the journal in the 1980s. The 1970s were an exciting period; the Canadian Plains Research Center decided to launch a new regional journal devoted to the Canadian prairies, the launching was achieved in 1976, and the first few difficult years have been passed. The flow of manuscripts has increased most encouragingly and the journal has achieved a degree of acceptance, although its financial situation remains somewhat ambiguous, and we have had difficulty meeting our publication deadlines. We are optimistic that 1980 will see the journal return to schedule as far as its spring and fall publication dates are concerned, and that we will continue to be favoured with the variety of disciplinary contribu­ tions that has been evident especially in the past two or three issues. The current collection is no exception. We look forward to the challenge of building on the base of the 1970s and thank all those who have subscribed, contributed, reviewed, edited, provided financial support and otherwise assisted Prairie Forum in these first four years.

ALEC H. PAUL, Chief Editor

PRAIRIE FORUM, 1979, Vol. 4, No.2 165

"Making Good": The Canadian West in British Boys' Literature, 1890-1914 Patrick A. Dunae Department of History,' University of Victoria

ABSTRACT. Following the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1885, the federal government made concerted efforts to attract British emigrants to western Canada. To that end immigration authorities received considerable assistance from the British juvenile press. Boys' literature, which was aimed at independently-minded adolescents, offered its readers enticing pictures of life in the farming and ranching communities of the Canadian West; it actively encouraged immigration to the prairies and in so doing provided advice and assistance to intending settlers. The impact of this literature is difficult to evaluate, but it appears likely that it did provide a very effective means of encouraging the immigration of youthful and ambitious British males to western Canada in late-Victorian and Edwardian times.

RESUME Lorsque le Chemin de Fer du Canadien Pacifique fut acheve en 1885, le gouvernement federal fit des efforts concertes pour attirer des emigrants britanniques dans l'Ouest canadien. En cela, les autorites responsables de l'immigration recurent l'aide considerable de la presse britan­ nique destinee aux jeunes. La litterature pour garcons, qui s'adressait ades adolescents al'esprit independant, offrait ases lecteurs des images allechantes de la vie dans les fermes et les ranchs de l'Ouest canadien; elle encourageait activement l'immigration dans les Prairies et, pour cela, offrait conseils et aide aux eventuels colons. L'impact de cette litterature est difficile aevaluer, mais il parait vraisemblable qu'elle ait servi tres efficacement a encourager l'immigration de jeunes Britanniques pleins d'ambition vers l'Ouest canadien, ala fin de l'ere victorienne et sous le regne d'Edouard VII.

In the quarter century prior to the Great War approximately one and ·one half million Britons migrated to Canada. Included in this veritable army were thousands of young, independent males, ranging in age from about fifteen to twenty-five; the majority were unmarried and most were unaccompanied by their parents or guardians. Un­ doubtedly many of them received some assistance from voluntary organizations interested in the welfare of new settlers; in most instances, however, the youths migrated independently of the Bar­ nardo Homes and other philanthropic societies for juvenile emigration. Like many of their countrymen, the youths were motivated by a variety of "push" factors such as unemployment, low wages, over­ crowding, and the rigid class structure which persisted in Great Britain. But these young emigrants were also motivated by "pull" factors, notably by the attractive if glamourized impressions they had of life in the Canadian West. Ralph Stock, the author and adventurer, was one young man drawn to the West by such impressions. At the turn of the century, he recalled in 1913, London was "plastered with flaring posters representing fields of yellow grain and herds of fat stock tended by cowboys picturesquely attired in costumes that have never been heard of outside the covers of a penny dreadful." Alluring pamphlets were distributed freely on street corners, while "unctuous" immigra­ tion agents implored young passers-by to attend meetings where they would hear ofthe fortunes to be made in the Dominion. "What chance 166 DUNAE was there, then" Stock asked, "of the average city youth, cooped in an office from nine o'clock until six, resisting suchan appeal to the spirit of adventure?"} What chance, indeed? Not only were there pamphlets, posters, and hordes of sidewalk agents to attract his attention, but there was also a striking array of boys' literature, much of which was dedicated to promoting immigration to western Canada. Popular literature for boys occupied a prominent place in late­ Victorian and Edwardian Britain. Fully one quarter of the British publishing industry was devoted to the juvenile market, and that market was the largest and most sophisticated in the world. Adventure novels by the leading boys' writers sold upwards of 150,000 copies per year, while juvenile periodicals, such as the Boy's Own Paper, achieved circulations in excess of one million per week. Yet despite these levels of circulation, and despite the fact that the literature often featured stories and articles relating to Canada, juvenile books and magazines have received very little attention from Canadian historians.? This is unfortunate, because western Canada was a popular setting for much of this literature. The region offered a hardy climate plus an impressive landscape and, with a little embellishment, boys' writers could readily introduce hostile natives and a population of struggling white pioneers. Such elements were prominent features in the well-remem­ bered juvenile stories of R. M. Ballantyne, W. H. G. Kingston, and J. Macdonald Oxley, authors who were personally familiar with the Canadian North West. The standard dramatic elements were found, too, in tales by writers such as Robert Leighton who never visited the Dominion but who, nevertheless, provided young Britons with thrilling accounts of life in the Great Lone Land." Possibly of more importance were the many non-fiction accounts of western Canada which were presented to Victorian and Edwardian youths. The Boy's Own Paper, published by the Religious Tract Society and arguably the most respected of the juvenile weeklies, regularly provided its readers with articles on the Canadian Indians, the Canadian Pacific Railway, and the ever-popular North-West Mounted Police. Other juvenile magazines, such as Chums, Young England, the Captain, and the boys' papers of Alfred Harmsworth (Lord Northcliffe), provided similar accounts, many of which were written by colonial correspondents and specially-appointed overseas reporters. Almost to a man the journalists who contributed to these publications extolled- the fertility and awesome grandeur of the prairies; they praised the climate as being exhilarating, described the wealth and the personal satisfaction to be gained through farming or stock raising, and frequently drew attention to the generous home­ steads provided to settlers by the Canadian government. British boys' books and periodicals did not concentrate solely on western Canada, for readers were also provided with accounts oflife in WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 167

Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. However, Canada generally received more attention and was recommended more highly to intending emigrants than were the other settlement colonies. The prominent and favoured position which the Dominion enjoyed in the literature was due partly to its geographic proximity: quite simply, it was cheaper to travel to Canada than to Africa or the Antipodes. In addition, the availability of free homesteads and the existence of an extensive transportation network to settlement areas, the presence of a long-established British community, and the relative political stability of the country (ofconsiderable importance during the Boer War years) all enhanced Canada's position in the popular press. Mostly, though, the attention which was accorded to Canada in late-Victorian and Edwardian publications was due to the varied and widespread publicity campaigns which were then being conducted by Canadian government and private immigration agents.' Overall, Canada main­ tained a high profile in its efforts to recruit emigrants and, consequent­ ly, there was in Britain a general interest in all things Canadian. Con­ temporary boys' literature reflected this interest; by providing eulogistic accounts of pioneer life, it stimulated further interest in the West. As suggested above, the youths to whom the accounts were directed were not the paupers, waifs, and destitute boys who emigrated under the auspices of the Barnardo Homes and similar agencies.' Rather, the books and periodicals were directed at young men who had, or were expected to have, an adequate education and a small amount of capital at theirdisposal. In other words, the literature aimed at independent youths who were willing to take up new professions and able to move to new localities in Canada wherever and whenever their services were required. Such persons were regarded by many as ideal immigrants. In the first instance, adolescent boys who had left the Board (state) schools were among those most likely to be frustrated by social barriers and by the lack of career opportunities in Britain; the directed migration ofthese youths, it was argued, would relieve Britain of some of her "surplus" population and would provide Canada with energetic young workers.> Secondly, it was widely believed that young people were more adaptable to the rigours of colonial life than were adults. "It has been proved," the Boy's Own Paper later declared, "that men over a certain age find great difficulty in adapting themselves to the climatic and other changes involved in a move from England to Canada. Boys, on the other hand, adapt themselves very readily."7 Another prevailing belief was that young British immigrants would strengthen Canada's imperial connection and would further the development of a Greater Britain. Specifically, it was assumed that they would readily be assimilated into English-Canadian culture and that their presence would help to counter the growing numbers of American and European immigrants in the West." 168 DUNAE

The glowing accounts of colonial correspondents and the romantic adventure tales were obviously calculated to produce in young minds favourable impressions of Canadian life. But to the literature's credit, utopian visions were balanced by sober, pragmatic, and sometimes discouraging reports. This was especially true of the Boy's Own Paper, whose editor oftenproffered advice to would-be immigrants. Young clerks who were unwilling to abandon their pens were advised not to emigrate, as were those who erroneously believed that in Canada they could live the leisured life of an English country squire. The editor informed a correspondent in 1890 that the Dominion would welcome "those with capital, in a position to develop the resources of the new country, and pay wages and fees to the clerks and professional men, of whom the colonies have too many; and ... those without capital who will do the rough laborious work the said clerks and professional men are unfit for."? The Boy's Own Paper stressed repeatedly that emigra­ tion was a serious step and one which in fairness to both Canada and the intending migrant was not to be taken lightly. "I am very hopeful," a contributor wrote in 1906, "as to the possibilities of Canadian life for young men, and preferably boys from sixteen to eighteen, not too old to learn, coming from England-having health, strength, and a mind to work as chief assets; but otherwise they are better away."IO The trinity of health, ambition and industry was similarly stressed in the other mass-circulation juvenile periodicals. The Boy's Realm, one of Harmsworth's weeklies, referred in 1901to the "splendid open­ ings" then available in Canada to "enterprising and intelligent boys who were not afraid of hard work."!' The Captain-published by George Newnes of Tit-Bits fame-also spoke of the "great advantages" which Canada offered to the "young and energetic,"12 as did Boys of the Empire, an illustrated journal founded and edited by the British paper manufacturer, Howard (later Sir Howard) Spicer. "There is nothing slipshod or haphazard in the conditions of success here," a correspondent from Winnipeg informed Spicer's readers in 1900: Work, intelligent work, all through is the prime feature, and the fellow who can start [homesteading] . . . with stout heart, hard hands, and some real training to his credit must find himselfat the outset with a great pull over the tenderfeet and greenhorns whom Mother England too often dumps overseas, to their own grievous disillusion and this country's detriment.!' Similar warnings and exhortations appeared in the juvenile emigration tales which were published in the early years of the present century. Unlike the boys' adventure stories of Kingston or Ballantyne, which simply conveyed romanticized impressions of a "wild" West, the aforementioned tales were meant to serve as practical guides for intending emigrants. In this regard the tales bore a resemblance to the trans-atlantic novels of the mid-nineteenth century, notably to John Galt's Lawrie Todd (1830) and Bogle Corbet (1831) and Susanna WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 169

Moodie's Life in the Clearings (1853).14 Their authors managed to discuss immigration policies, the availability of land, local Canadian customs, and generally to dispense .advice to adolescent readers. Undoubtedly the best examples of this genre were the juvenile novels of Frederick Sadlier Brereton (1872-1957). Brereton, an English surgeon and medical officer in the Scots Guards, began his long and successful career as a writer for boys just after the Boer War. It has not yet been established when, or indeed if, Brereton actually visited Canada. However his juvenile tales, particularly A Boy ofthe Dominion: A Tale of Canadian Immigration (1912) and A Sturdy Young Canadian (1914), so faithfully reflect details of Canadian life in the early 1900s that first-hand knowledge by the author is almost a certainty. In any case, like the contemporary boys' periodicals, Brereton's tales emphasized the personal attributes which were thought necessary for success in the new land. Consider, for example, the advice given to the seventeen-year-old hero in A Boy of the Dominion: Where a man has no ties, where a young fellow has lost his parents and has little influence to start hIS career ras had the hero], then Canada calls loudly to him. There he will make new ties, new friends, and new hopes. There he can have land for the asking if farming is what he wants; and success is assured, if only he will put his back into the work. The youth's counsellor acknowledged that there were failures in the Dominion; but failure, he claimed, was met only by "slackers" who were not sufficiently determined and resourceful. "Slackers get deported," Brereton has his character declare, "but young active fellows with pluck behind them, and with grit and health, they make good everytime.... They help to form the backbone ofCanada."15 Brereton might have added, albeit at the risk of dampening readers' ardour, that there were other reasons besides lethargy which accounted for failure: soft markets, crop blights, cattle diseases, adverse weather conditions, and insufficient capital for farm equip­ ment were but some of the factors that could thwart even the pluckiest settler. A more usual detriment to most homesteaders, though, was lack of experience. The article in Boys ofthe Empire (noted above) had alluded to the importance of prior experience, and certainly a lack of practical training was a problem for young newcomers. At the turn of the century less than thirty per cent of British adult immigrants intending to take up homesteads in Canada recorded agriculture as their occupation;" It may safely be assumed that the proportion among adolescent immigrants, most of whom were drawn from London and the industrial cities of northern Britain, was even smaller. Nevertheless, a number ofopportunities were available for youths who wished to acquaint themselves with agricultural and stock-raising techniques. 170 DUNAE

The first avenue was through the agricultural schools and colleges. Among the best known in Britain were the Royal Agricultural College at Cirencester, near Gloucester, the Agricultural College at Downton, in Shropshire, and the Colonial College near Woodbridge, in Suffolk. Smaller establishments, some associated with church emigration societies, were located in other parts of Britain and there boys could learn ploughing, metalwork, animal husbandry, and even thatching. The Ontario Agricultural College at Guelph was extensively advertised in Britain and this, too, offered instructions to intending farmers. But enrollment in all of the training colleges was limited, and the fees (which ranged from about $250 at Guelph to $850 at Cirencester) prohibited many aspirants from undertaking formal instruction.'? A second avenue open to novices who desired some training prior to taking up their own homesteads was the so-called agricultural apprentice or farm-pupil system. This was a common, controversial, and often ruinously expensive introduction to practical farming. The apprenticeships, which were widely advertised in British newspapers and educational journals, usually demanded that a premium of between two hundred and one thousand dollars be paid through an agent, to a Canadian farmer or rancher. The countryman provided his "pupil" with room and board and agreed to "train" his charge for a stipulated period of time, usually from one to three years. At the cessa­ tion ofthe apprenticeships the employer would declare his pupil to be a qualified farmer or rancher, and not infrequently a certificate or diploma would be issued to that effect. In some cases these arrange­ ments proved to be mutually satisfactory. In too many instances, though, the premium system exploited gullible parents and their ill­ advised sons. On the one hand, Canadian overseers who received the substantial payments could use their pupils simply as a source of free, menial labour; often the youths were not taught sophisticated agricultural techniques and the diplomas issued were for the most part meaningless. On the other hand, as long as the premiums were accepted by the farmer or rancher, the pupil was under no obligation to actually work; he might easily lead an aimless existence and learn nothing of practicalvalue. Because this system was subject to abuses by both parties it was universally criticized; it was d.enounced by govern­ ment officials on both sides of the Atlantic, and boys' writers regularly warned intending emigrants to beware of the premium-hunters. A more practical avenue of instructionfor young British emigrants was outlined by F. H. Williams, a Winnipegschoolteacher, to the Boys of the Empire -in 1900. Through a series of epistolary articles entitled "Aboard for the West" the author provided his readers with a regimen of "home training." He suggested that boys who had decided to emigrate should acquire as much gardening experience as possible; this they might acquire from their homes, from a neighbouring farm, or WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 171 from an allotment (a plot of land, available from local civic councils, which supported small vegetable gardens). After developing a green thumb, boys were then advised to study carpentry, to acquire some rudimentary metalworking skills, and to learn to ride a horse bare­ back. But above all, the author said, boys should prepare themselves for hard work.P Williams followed up his advice on home training with a number of articles on outfit and with suggestions as to the best means oftravel­ ling to Winnipeg. The articles are of particular interest in that they provide a comprehensive inventory of an immigrant's kit, as well as a detailed itinerary of a journey that would have been undertaken by thousands of migrants. Boys were instructed to take with them a couple of pairs of sturdy boots (without nails) for the Canadian spring mud, a dozen coarse flannel shirts (with collars attached) and, very sensibly, woollen underwearand laced flannel pyjamas. They were told not to pack any "smart suits," but rather to bring corduroy trousers, canvas overalls, Alloa stockings, and old football jerseys-apparel which would be more suitable for the rough labours which lay ahead. The entire kit, along with an "India rubber pneumatic tub," was to be packed in a small, flat-topped steamer trunk which was to serve as a writing table when the boy was settled on a farm. The cost of this "Western outfit" was said to be less than £25 or about $100. 19 A similar inventory had been included in a book edited by Alfred John Church in 1889 and based on letters from Church's sons, aged 17and 18, who had settled near Calgary." Although the youths were well-equipped they greatly regretted not having brought an India-rubber tub for their morning ablutions, In 1900 the steerage/ colonist-class fare from London or Liver­ pool to Winnipeg was just over £9. Young immigrants were advised to keep a few shillings for pocket expenses and to send any extra money they might have on to the government immigration agents in Winnipeg for conversion into Canadian dollars. On arriving at Halifax or Quebec City readers were told to board a 'colonist sleeper.' The author hinted that the. immigrant trains were rather spartan and suggested that young travellers include in their kits some cooking utensils, preserved food and beverages, and a double horse-hair rug for warmth. Williams was most adamant, however, that boys should not carry pretentious references: "Don't bring letters of introduction; they are mostly a farce and will raise false hopes. 'Gilt-edged letters' and 'remit­ tance men' (the two things go together) are the laughing stock and detriment of this country." Instead, the author urged immigrating youths to bring with them a number of practical reference books On animal husbandry." Winnipeg featured prominently in boys' books and periodicals, for it was frequently in Winnipeg that the immigrant either began his 172 DUNAE fabled ascent to success or met with the first of his misfortunes. The young Ralph Stock managed to avoid the dubious characters who preyed on unwary newcomers in the gateway city, although prior to his leaving London a determined shop assistant had induced him to purchase an expensive "six-shooter"-"without which," he was told, "no Canadian outfit was complete."22 Apparently the merchants of Winnipeg were just as anxious to outfit novices with such items, as readers of the Boy's Own Paper were warned not to be "tempted by plausible shopmen into buying fancy slouch hats, revolvers, etc." Rather, when Winnipeg was reached boys were advised to immediately take employment with a "practical farmer," who would afterwards advise them on necessary purchases.P Subscribers to Boys of the Empire were also directed to secure employment by placing their names on the Farm Help Register in Winnipeg. It was suggested that young Britons work with an experienced farmer for a year or two, after which time they would be in a position to apply for a government homestead of their own.>' But gaining suitable employment was not always as easy as readers were sometimes led to believe. A contrasting and, one suspects, a more realistic picture of an immigrant's first days in the West was provided by Edward Anthony Wharton Gill in A Manitoba Chore Boy (1912), which concerned the impressions of a sixteen-year-old boy who had emigrated from England. Unlike the fictitious young heroes who appeared in much of the literature, though, the youth's progress was not altogether smooth. The book described the bustling immigration sheds in Winnipeg and the crowds of anxious, confused immigrants who herded into large hiring-halls in search of work. Unlike the articles in Boys ofthe Empire, which conveyed the impression that there were hosts of government agents on hand to assist in placing newcomers, A Manitoba Chore Boy showed how a young immigrant, unadvised by any benevolent official, was apt to become lost in the general melee. Moreover, the book warned readers who intended to come to Manitoba to be wary of unscrupulous farmers whose practice it was to hire "English boys in the spring ... work them hard all summer and then in the face of winter quarrel with them, or make them so miserable that they run away, and never pay them any wages at a11."25 Despite the pitfalls outlined in his book, Gill's picture of the West was generally encouraging. But according to most of the juvenile publications the immigrant's attitude to his neighbours was most important, and in this regard Gill's model hero was noticeably lacking. A Manitoba Chore Boy clearly reflects unfavourable local attitudes towards non-English speaking immigrants. Gill suggested that English emigrants pay extra in order to travel intermediate, rather than steerage, class; by so doing they would avoid having to associate with "stalwart peasants in sheepskin coats," although, even then, English WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 173

youths would not be entirely free from the presence of those immigrants: There were [Gill's character noted] several hundred foreign steerage passengers, Galicians, I think they called themselves­ some kind of Austrians or Poles, anyway; and though they were kept mostly separate from the English, still they were prettyclose neighbours and rather wild and strange-looking and smelling. Equally disparaging remarks are scattered throughout the book, leaving little doubt that Gill did not welcome the immigration ofethnic and nationality groups from Eastern Europe. This attitude, common to many Canadians and to a number of British commentators.w was not generally shared by other writers for boys. For the most part, the characters in F. S. Brereton'sjuveniletales do not appear to be patronizing or prejudiced. Indeed, the principal character in A Boy ofthe Dominion is surprised to learn that English­ men were held in low accord by some Canadian employers. "You're English," one farmer observes with a pronounced' drawl; "wall now, in past years Englishmen got such a bad name with us colonials that we wouldn't employ him if we could help it."27 This was something of a revelation to the young hero of the novel and undoubtedly to many of Brereton's readers. But it was a valid comment, nonetheless. Emily Weaver, writing for the more mature emigrant, noted that many Englishmen had the unfortunate habit of "stroking Canadians the wrong way" and warned- intending immigrants against any notions of superiority they might bring with them. Howard Kennedy, an English journalist who had toured western Canada in 1906, gathered the same impression and offered similar advice to his readers.i" Certainly many Englishmen did arrive in Canada with abrasive and condescending attitudes; unskilled in labour, resentful of "foreign" competition but themselves unwilling to compete, their reputation had reached such a low ebb by about 1906 that notices reading "No English Need Apply" were not uncommon.s? It was to deterthe arrogant, narrowly national­ istic emigrant that Brereton and some of the other boys' writers dispensed their advice. "Remember," the Boy's Own Paper admo­ nished in 1906, "that as a rule the name Englishman means'Greenhorn' and do not think that because you are an Englishman you are better in the eyes of the farmer than a hardworking Swede or other country­ man."JO On the western side of the Atlantic social mobility was more pronounced than in Britain: there still remained class distinctions, but these could more easily be transcended. This at least was the 'popular belief which found considerable expression in contemporary boys' literature, especially in the tales of Horatio Alger, Jnr.31 In the Alger stories many tattered young men, personifying the "American dream," climbed manfully up the ladd-er of success. The Alger stories (the first 174 DUNAE of which, Ragged Dick, was published in 1867) were phenomenally popular in the United States and Canada, but were virtually unknown in Britain. However, British readers had what may be regarded as reasonable facsimiles in juvenile immigration novels and periodicals of the- pre-War period. Michael Zuckerman, in questioning the whole rags-to-riches myth, has argued that luck, rather than character, accounted largely for the success of Alger's heroes.P His point is well taken, for luck also played an important part in making the fortunes of model Britons in western Canada. But the importance of character cannot be completely denied, since luck (often coupled with a solicitous patron) was in the literature the reward of virtue. The Reverend Gill's fatherless chore­ boy, for all his ethnic prejudices, was a diligent worker who was accordingly taken in by a gregarious Manitoba farmer and put on the road to success. , Brereton's characters, in particular, were uncannily lucky. His penniless orphans, fortunate in being in the right place at the right time, saved immigration vessels from destruction, prevented the managers of Canadian railways from being robbed, and rendered timely assistance to the Mounted Police. For these and other acts of bravery, the youths were invariably rewarded with sums ofmoney. The money was then invested and, while the investments appreciated, 'the youths were advised to gain experience in farming, ranching, lum­ bering, or mining. The results-of such actions Brereton described in A Boy of the Dominion, andrepeated inA Sturdy Young Canadian, whose hero begins with property investments in Calgary and progresses steadily westward until, at the story's close, he is'able toopen a large retail department store in downtown Vancouver. Atevery turn Brereton's heroes, and thus his readers, were urged to invest and re-invest, to speculate boldly and to see every opportunity as a business opportunity. "Buying and selling," they were told, "is the life .and soul of Canada.Y" At first glance the author's advice might seem rather unsavoury, avaricious almost, and his tales to depict the Dominion as a natioriof money-hungry financiers. However, Brere­ ton's readers' were urged not to form that impression. "There's people will tell you that Canadians think and 'dream nothing but dollars and just for the sake of dollars," a character in one ofthe'books is made to say. "Don't you go and believe it." Rather, the character explains, itis "making good" that motivates Canadians.34 Butdid "making good" necessarily mean making money? It would seem 'so, but with some qualifications. "Dollars do not spell happiness," Brereton declared, "they spell success." Success, in turn, led to self-esteem and by way ofit to happiness; and in a country such asCanada, Brereton added approvingly, nothing' SO denoted a man's 'success as did wealth: Dollars show a man's independence ... his position in the world, WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 175

and when it is known broadcast that he commenced life's struggles with empty pockets and was always a hard worker and a thinker, and made hIS dollars by those two means, why, then, those same dollars demonstrate to all and sundry that that particular man has achieved something, he has made a success of his life; he has, in fact, done what every fresh-minded Canadian hopes for, he has made good.> , Equally important to young Britons, many of whom suffered low wages in jobs which offered little hope of advancement, would have been the promises of an egalitarian society. They were told that "there are only two classes in Canada-the one class that embraces baronets' sons, Barnardo boys, and everybody else who works hard and makes good ..',. and the other class that equally embraces everybody, whether born in the purpleor in the slums, who shirks work."36 Sedulous young men, the literature maintained, would not suffer in Canada because they lacked impressive lineage, the proper accent, or an Oxbridge education.37 Such 'assurances were loudly sung in Brereton's books. Gill also con­ veyedthis impression to his readers when drawing attention to the fact that in western Canada even alowly chore-boy was respectfully treated and invited to sit as an equal at his employer's dinner table. 38 Likewise, pupils in English elementary schools were informed in 1900that "there is much less difference between the various classes of'society [in Canada] than in an old country. The working man, while respectful to his employer, is more independent than his brother in England because he feels sure ofa livelihood." "The feeling of equality with one's neigh­ bours," it was said, "and particularly the knowledge that the land -is one's own, is worth a great deal."39 'Lower middle-class youths, for whom those words were written, would undoubtedly have agreed; (or those who chose to emigrate, the prospect of leaving behind one's station in life would' not have been unwelcome. While they might leave behind restricting notions of social class, young British immigrants were encouraged not to abandon their sense of loyalty and their pride in the Empire; The imperial spirit was never lacking in contemporaryjuvenile literature: Gill's Manitobachore-boy delighted in seeing the Union Jack waving loftily in Canada, Brereton's boys worked to the strains of "Rule Britannia," as did the youths depicted in the Captain, the Boys' Realm, and in the .other juvenile papers. As its title suggests, though, the imperial spirit imbued Boys of the. Empire to a greaterdegree than most publications. That the paper regarded juvenile emigration in imperial terms was illustrated by its sponsoring of a prize competition for "A Free Start Out West," in whichboys between the ages of sixteen and twenty were offered "free kit, free passage, and free location with a selected farmer in North West Canada." The contest, first held in 1900, was not only a further means of advertising the West; it was also, the paper declared, intended to 176 DUNAE stimulate "manly effort to some true purpose and specially to bring the opportunities and duties of Imperial Citizenship within the reach of all British Boys."40 The contest was held in conjunction with the Boys' Empire League, an organization founded by Howard Spicer and Andrew Melrose, the publisher of Boys of the Empire. The purpose of the League was to "promote and strengthen a worthy Imperial spirit in British boys all over the world" and the League's ten thousand members were pledged to take an informed interest in the welfare of the Empire. Since one of the responsibilities of Empire involved emigra­ tion, the League and Boys of the Empire prided themselves on their Canadian affiliations. In December 1900 Nicholas Flood Davin, the Irish-Canadian journalist and politician, wrote in glowing terms of the League's work in forging a stronger Imperial bond between Britain and the Dominion, while in 1902 Sir Gilbert Parker, the Canadian novelist, spoke on Canadian patriotism to a Boys' Empire League meeting in London." Furthermore, a number of prominent Canadians were included in the League's impressive list of patrons: Sir Charles Tupper, Lord Strathcona, Premier (later Sir) Rodmond P. Roblin of Manitoba, and Premier (later Sir) George Ross of Ontario." The Free Start Competition took the form of a written examina­ tion comp-rising questions dealing with Canadian history, geography, resources, and divisions of government. Also included were a number of more detailed questions in which;competitors were asked to outline the provisions of the Dominion Land Acts and to explain "the part played by the Canadian Pacific Railway (a) as a means of developing and uniting the Dominion, (b) as an Imperial highway."43 The contest was supported by the Canadian High Commission in London and was modelled, in part, on the very successful essay competitions which James Smart, Deputy Minister of the Interior, was then organizing for younger children in British- elementary schools." To assist competitors, specially-prepared atlases were freely distributed, as were copies of E. R. Peacock's Canada: A Descriptive Textbook (1900). Edward (later Sir Edward) Peacock, an Ontario-born entrepre­ neur, had served as senior English master at Upper Canada College in Toronto from 1895 to 1902. His textbook on Canada had been commissioned by the Department of the Interior in 1899. It contained the usual information on the Dominion's climate, geography, and development and--as might be expected from an imperial enthusiast like Peacock-a statement on Canada's loyalty to the Empire. However, since.the book was intended-primarily to encourage British immigration, Peacock concentrated on Canada's western settlement areas. He described the size and the fertility of the West, made encouraging allusions to the friendliness of the inhabitants, and provided a number of romanticized impressions ofa young man's life on the prairies. WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 177

Appropriately, the first competition entries were submitted to the London office of Boys of the Empire on Dominion Day, 1901; they were then sent to Canada where they were marked by Professor (later Sir) George R. Parkin. An ardent imperialist and one of. Canada's leading educationalists (he was Principal of Upper Canada College from 1895 to 1902), Parkin was a fitting choice as adjudicator in a contest of this type. He was an active patron of the Boys' Empire League and he may well have viewedthe Free Start Competition to be as much a step towards his elusive dream of Imperial Federation as it was an incentive to emigration." Unfortunately, the answers to the examination papers have not survived.. Some of the answers to the elementary school papers, however, were reported in the London Canadian Gazette, and it is likely that the Free Startentries were of a similar nature. Generally, the children described Canada in romantic and utopian terms, although no more so than had Peacock's textbook, their primary source of information. Many of the contestants dwelt on egalitarian aspects of Canadian society and, in answer to the question "Where would you liketo settle in Canada, and why?," nearly all declared their choice to be the Prairie West." James Smart 'and Lord Strathcona were especially gratified by these answers and doubtless they would have been as pleased with the Free Start replies. George Parkin certainly was. "The two papers presented by the winners of your prizes are exceedingly creditable," he wrote to Spicer: In congratulating the winners of the two prizes I may say that I think the kind of ability shown in their papers.is such as would find a good opening for itselfin Canada.... There is always plenty of room in this country for intelligent and thoughtful workers, and a young man who does thoroughly well in a comprehensive examination such as this has evidently a good deal ofthe ability which brings success." Thus, filled with a knowledge of the western wheatlands and Parkin's accolades, the contest's first two winners-a boy from London and another from Glasgow-set off for Canada. Curiously, though, they took with them more than their free kit and an emigrant's dream. Despite admonitions byBoys ofthe Empire, they also took letters of introduction from no less a personage than Canada's former governor­ general, the ninth Duke of Argyll." The success or failure of these competitions, and of the articles, the. advice columns, and the edifying novels, is difficult to evaluate. Although the reminiscences ofWestern pioneers and printed memoirs suggest that the advertising did have the desired effect, there are no statistics to indicate the actual number of immigrants who were motivated primarily by the appeals in question -. There were other schemes for encouraging emigration, the most important ofwhich was the campaign waged by the Dominion Government itself; furthermore, 178 DUNAE in the decision to migrate, push factors were never negligible. Even so, a number ofconsiderations indicate that popularjuvenile literature did provide a valuable means ofpromotingemigration to western Canada. In the first instance, the literature provided the Dominion with a very economical source of publicity. During Clifford Sifton's tenure as Minister of the Interior, Canadian immigration authorities spent approximately $1.6 million promoting the Dominion in the British Isles." Advertising provided by boys' authors, editors and correspon­ dents cost the government nothing. Not only was the advertising in­ expensive, it was also directed to an exceedingly receptive audience. There was, as Ralph Stock suggested, a "spirit of adventure" in most adolescent boys. Finally, the wide circulation of the boys' literature must also be considered. As Edward McCourt has noted, stories set in western Canada were very popular in Britain, and few stories reached as large an audience as those published by the boys' press.w Canadian immigration records do not contain any specific references to British juvenile literature, nor did immigration authori­ ties in Ottawa ·and London officially acknowledge the services rendered by the boys' press. There are, nevertheless, a few indications which suggest that government officials did appreciate benefits which might have resulted from juvenile advertising. Referring to the prize essay contests held in British schools (contests which, as noted above, were adapted by the editors of Boys ofthe Empire), James Smart told Lord Strathcona that he could imagine "no better means ofeducating the youth of England to the advantages offered by Canada as a suitable field ofsettlement."51 Similarly, the Free Start Out West competitions were thought to have been so successful that in 1903 Sir John Cockburn, the Agent-General for South Australia, offered Boys' Empire League members a prize of£25 for the best examination paper on the future and resources of his colony. The Australian competition, like the one on which it was modelled, attracted considerable interest and was well received, although the winner ofthe contest, much to the sponsors' chagrin, used his prize money to emigrate to Canada.V The popularization of the Canadian West in boys' books and periodicals was one of the most appropriate campaigns of the period. As we have seen, patrons of this literature were regarded as being ambitious, enterprising, and adventurous. It was therefore fitting that they were so imaginatively courted by those who sought to promote immigration to Canada, for in the popular mind the Dominion's image was certainly one of youthful vitality and promise. Canada was the "new nation"-the nation which, to paraphrase Robert Stead's poem, 'Manhood's Estate,' had been given the keys to a continent with the bidding, "Be a Man!"53 Young Britons were also on the threshold of adulthood and, like the personified Dominion, they were being exhorted to manly purpose. In popularjuvenile literature the interests of the new nation and the prospective new immigrant ideally coincided, the aspirations of the one serving the needs of the other. WEST IN BOYS~ LITERATURE 179

NOTES Ralph Stock, The Confessions ofa Tenderfoot (London, 1913), 1-2. Victorian/ Edwardian boys' literature has received some attention in J. W. Chalmers, "Bal­ lantyne and the Honourable Company," Alberta Historical Review [AHR] XX (Winter, 1972), 6-10; Ermeline Ference, "Alberta Ranching and Literature," in A. W. Rasporich and Henry Klassen, eds. Frontier Calgary: Town, City, and Region /875-/9/4 (Calgary, 1975), 71-86; E. A. McCourt, The Canadian West in Fiction (Toronto, revised ed., 1970), 20; and Bruce Peel, "English Writers in the Early West," AHR XVI (Spring, 1968), 1-5. But refer­ ences are brief and the authors make little mention of the role which the literature played in promoting emigration to Canada. For a consideration of British popular juvenile literature and leading boys' authors see my unpublished Ph.D. thesis, "Boys' Literature in an Age of Empire, 1880-1914" (Manches­ ter University, 1975);and Patrick A. Dunae, "The Boy's Own Paper:Origins and Editorial Policies," Private Library, 2nd series, IX:2 (Winter, 1976), 123-158. 3 A number of Ballantyne's juvenile tales were based on his experiences as a Hudson's Bay Company trading-elerk in Rupert's Land in the I840s; Kingston, who was greatly interested in emigration problems, had visited Canada in the 1850s,while J. Macdonald Oxley was born and spent most of his life in Canada. In contrast, Robert Leighton-author of such popular works as Sergeant Silk the PrairieScout (1913)-based all of his adventure tales upon refer­ ence books he found in suburban London libraries. See Eric Quayle, Ballantyne the Brave (London, 1967),the Rev. Maurice Booke Kingsford, The Life, Work, andInfluence ofW. H. G. Kingston (Toronto, 1947),and Clare Leighton, Tempestuous Petticoat: The Story ofan Invincible Edwardian (London, 1948). 4 Canadian agents used a great variety of methods to promote immigration: newspaper reports, chain-letters, travelling exhibitions, dramatic presentations, and jubilee arches were but some of the means used to advertise Western Canada in Britain. Contemporary reports of this advertising are most readily available in J. Castell Hopkins, ed. The Canadian Annual Review (1903-1914). 5 For accounts of assisted juvenile immigration see Stanley C. Johnson, A History ofEmigra­ tion from the United Kingdom to North America (London, revised ed., 1966),272-294; G. J. Parr, "The Home Children: British Juvenile Immigrants to Canada, 1868-1924," (unpub­ lished Ph.D. thesis, Yale University, 1976);Ivy Pinchbeck and Margaret Hewitt, Children in English Society (London, 1973), II, 546-581; Leonard Rutman, "Importation of British Waifs to Canada, 1868-1916," Child Welfare LII (March, 1973), 158-166; and Neil Suther­ land, Children in English Canadian Society (Toronto, 1976), esp. 3-35. The Captain, XXIV (October, 1910),76; W. A. Carrothers, Emigrationfrom the British Isles (London, revised ed., 1965), 282. . 7 Boy's Own Annual, XLIX (1926-27),623; Cf. a post-1918 government immigration pam­ phlet: "Experience has shown that boys between the ages of 14and 20 years usually make the most successful settlers on the land ... [they] adapt themselves to fresh conditions of climate and work more quickly and easily than grown ups, who have formed more settled habits." Opportunitiesfor British Boys in the Dominion Overseas (n.d.), 4; cited in Carrothers, Emi­ gration from the British Isles, 283. 8 The belief was clearly expressed in H. R. Whates, Canada The New Nation (London, 1906) and in H. B. Gray, The Public Schools and the Empire (London, 1913).The imperial role of adolescent immigrants was also a favourite topic at the annual meetings of British school­ masters. See Reports ofthe Headmasters' Conference (London, 1899-1914), passim. 9 Boy's Own Paper, XII (18 January, 1890), 256; XIX (16 January, 1897). 10 Ibid., XXVIII (14 July, 1906), 655. II Boys' Realm, I (12 July, 1902), 75. 12 The Captain, V (September, 190I), 572; XIX (June, 1908), 479. 13 Boys ofthe Empire, I (27 October, 1900), 8. In 1901 this magazine was published under a revised title, Boys ofOur Empire. To avoid confusion its original title will be used throughout this study. 14 For the intentions and impact of the trans-Atlantic emigration novel see Charles E. Shain, "John Galt's America," American Quarterly,' VIII, 3 (1956), 254-263. 15 F. S. Brereton, A Boy ofthe Dominion: A Tale ofCanadian Immigration (London, 1912), 28-29. 16 Lloyd G. Reynolds, The British Immigrant (Toronto, 1935), 43-45. 17 Canada, Department of Agriculture, An Official Handbook ofInformation Relating to the Dominion of Canada (Ottawa, 1890), 28; The Captain, I (September, 1899), 620-623. 18 Boys ofthe Empire, I (27 October, 1900), 8. 19 Ibid., I (3 November, 1900), 40. 20 Alfred John Church, ed. Making a Start in Canada (London, 1889), xii-xv. 21 Boys ofthe Empire, I (10 October, 1900),47; III (18 October, 1902),43. Boyswere advised to take Stonehenge's [pseudo John Henry Walsh] The Horse (London, 15th ed., 1890) and William Youatt's The Complete Grazier and Farmer's and Cattle-Breeder's Assistant (Lon­ don, many eds., 1833-1908). 22 Stock, Confessions ofa Tenderfoot, 2. 23 Boy's Own Paper, XXVII (14 July, 1906),655. 24 Boys ofthe Empire, I (10 October, 1900), 47. 180 DUNAE

25 Rev. E. A. Wharton Gill, A Manitoba Chore Boy: The Experiences ofa Young Emigrant Told From His Letters (London, 1912), 19. Gill (1855,-1944) was a Dean of the Anglican Ch urch in Canada. . 26 Robert Craig Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada, 1896-1921 (Toronto, 1974), .66-74; Howard Palmer, "Nativism in Alberta, 1925-1930," Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers 1974-Communications Historiques, 183-196 and notes. 27 Brereton, Boy ofthe Dominion, 86. 28 Emily P. Weaver, Canada and the British Immigrant (London, 1914),276; Howard Angus Kennedy, New Canada and the New Canadians (London, 1907), 95-96. 29 The situation was sourly reported in Basil Stewart's The Land ofthe Maple Leaf; or, Canada As I Saw It (London, 1908). Stewart was typical of those exclusionists who deeply resented the labour competition of European immigrants. His book, part of which was re-published under the title No English Need Apply (1909), included as a chapter an article by Charles Watney, "Why the Englishman is Despised in Canada," National Review, L (November, 1907), 431-443. For a temperate Canadian view see the Canadian Annual Review (1907), 291-294. 30 Boy's Own Paper, XXVIII (14 July, 1906),655. 31 Edwin P. Hoyt, Horatio's Boys: The Life and Works ofHoratio Alger, Jnr. (Radnor, Penn., 1974); John W. Tebbel, From Rags to Riches: Horatio Alger, Jnr. and the American Dream (New York, 1963). 32 Michael Zuckerman, "The Nursery Tales of Horatio Alger," American Quarterly, XXIV (May, 1972), 190-209. 33 Brereton, Boy ofthe Dominion, 187. 34 Ibid., 77. 35 Brereton, Sturdy Young Canadian, 222. 36 Arthur E. Copping, The Golden Land: The True Story and Experiences ofBritish Settlers in Canada (London, 19I I), 58. 37 One popular magazine for boys held up Sir John A. Macdonald as an example of someone who, despite having a humble birth and education, had "made good" in Canada. "Many a boy who has not a public school education, to help him in the race [of life] willtake courage from Sir John Macdonald": The B.B. [Boys' Brigade Gazette], V (January, 1899),230. See too the inspiring verse, "The Young Colonial," in The B.B., I (March, 1895),62. 38 Gill, Manitoba Chore Boy, 2 I. 39 E. R. Peacock, Canada: A Descriptive Textbook (Toronto, 1900), 22, 30. 40 Boys of the Empire, I (27 October, 1900), 13. 41 Ibid., I (5 January, 1901), 190;.111 (6 December, 1902) supplement, iii. 42 Admittedly, it was common practice in leagues of this nature to advertise notable patrons who took very little real interest in the organization, and this appears to have been the case with Tupper and Roblin. Tupper's name appeared only briefly in the Boys' Empire League list of patrons. There is no mention of the League in the Roblin papers [Provincial Archives, Mani­ toba] and the premier's few surviving letters and his career do not suggest that he held any great imperial enthusiasms. But a keen imperialist like George Ross was a ve~y likelypatron, as was Lord Strathcona. Ross would certainly have been in sympathy with the aims of the Boys' Empire League; indeed a prospectus of the League is included in the records ofthe Ontario Education Department [Public Archives, Ontario], of which Ross was minister. For an indication of the emphasis which Ross placed on juvenile imperialism see Robert M. Stamp, "Empire Day in the Schools of Ontario; the training of young imperialists," Journal ofCana­ dian Studies/ Revue d'etudes canadiennes, X (August 1973 aout), 32-42. Despite W. T. R. Preston's unflattering biography and his accusation that Strathcona did little to promote Western settlement [The Life and Times ofLord Strathcona (London, 1914),240-241], the High Commissioner was an active member of a number of organizations which encouraged juvenile emigration. These included Lord Meath's League of Empire, the Lads' Drill Asso- ciation, the Boys' Brigade, and the Public Schools Emigration League. Strathcona also pre­ sented a wreath for the Boys' Empire League at the Queen's funeral in 1901. A good indica­ tion of Strathcona's activities and imperial enthusiasms is to be found in Beckles Willson's romantic and eulogistic The Life of Lord Strathcona and Mount Royal (London, 1915). 43 Boys of the Empire, I (25 May, 1901),578. 44 British elementary school children competed for bronze medallions. In two of the government­ sponsored contests (held between 1900 and ,1902) over 90,00Q children competed. PAC, Department of the Interior, Immigration Branch (RG76), XLVIII, File 178I: 1892- I902. 45 Among Parkin's many publications was his popular school 'reader,' Round the Empire (1892). For his imperial views see Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto, 1970)and Terry Cook, "George R. Parkin and the Concept of Britannic Idealism," Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'etudes cana­ diennes, X (August 1975 aout), 15-31. 46 London Canadian Gazette, (February, 1901); reprinted in the Ottawa Evening Journal, 13 February, 190l. 47 Boys of the Empire, II (9 November, 1901), ii-iii. 48 Ibid., II (2 November 1901), 16. WEST IN BOYS' LITERATURE 181

49 W. G. Smith, A Study in Canadian Immigration (Toronto, 1920), 59. 50 McCourt, Canadian West in Fiction, 12, 20-25. 51 PAC, Department of the Interior, Immigration Branch (RG 76), XLVIII, File 1781:Smart to Strathcona, I April 1901. 52 Boys of the Empire, III (16 May, 1903), 674. 53 Robert J. C. Stead, "Manhood's Estate," in The Empire Builders andOther Poems (Toronto, 1908), 14.

PRAIRIE FORUM, 1979, Vol. 4, No.2 183

American Neutrality and the Red River Resistance, 1869-1870 James G. Snell, Department of History, University of Guelph

ABSTRACT. This article presents a re-interpretation of events surrounding the Red River Resistance of 1869-1870. By an examination of evidence derived from United States sources, it is argued that Sir John A. Macdonald's charge that the American Government would do anything short of war to gain possession of the prairies cannot be substantiated. In fact the Grant Administration showed noticeable restraint and maturity in maintaining a position of neutrality regarding the outbreak of apparent rebellion on the prairies. It is concluded that Canadian politicians, consciously or subconsciously, found it advantageous to their national purpose to portray a somewhat onesided view of American reactions.

RESUME Ce travail presente une reinterpretation des evenements qui entourent la Rebellion de la Riviere Rouge de 1869 a1870. Si on examine les preuves qui proviennent de sources americaines, il est dernontre que l'accusation de Sir John A. Macdonald disant que le Gouvernement americain ne s'arreterait qu'a la guerre pour s'approprier les Prairies, ne peut etre justifiee. En fait, l'Administration Grant fit preuve d'une reserve et d'une maturite remarquables en maintenant une position de neutralite lors des premieres manifestations apparentes de rebellion. On conclut que les hommes politiques canadiens, consciemment ou inconsciemment, estimaient qu'il etait utile pour leur cause nationale de presenter une vue quelque peu tendancieuse des reactions americaines.

Writing on January 28, 1870, the Prime Minister of Canada accused the Government of the United States of flagrant interference in the affairs of the British American West: It is quite evident to me, not only from this conversation [with Governor J. G. Smith of Vermont], but from advices from Washington, that the United States Government are resolved to do all they can, short of war, to get possession of the western territory and we must take immediate and vigorous steps to counteract them. This 'everything-short-of-war' charge has been accepted by D. G. Creighton in his biography ofthe Prime Minister and by A. C. Gluek, Jr. in his analysis of Minnesota's expansionism. 1 While such a charac­ terization of official American policy is somewhat ambiguous and open to several interpretations, it is nevertheless distinctly unfair to the American Government. Despite a general environment of Anglo­ American tension and hostility, and despite the relatively open opportunity in the winter of 1869-1870 for the Republic to play havoc with the Dominion's transcontinental dreams, the Grant Administra­ tion showed noticeable restraint and maturity in maintaining a posi­ tion of neutrality regarding the outbreak of apparent rebellion on the prairies. ~ There has been considerable debate regarding the causes and character of the 1869-1870 troubles at the Red River Settlement. But for American observers at the time there was near unanimous agreement that the Resistance signalled a major and possibly fatal 184 SNELL crisis for the Canadian Dominion. Analyses in the United States, once the nature of Confederation had become fully apparent, consistently argued that the new polity could not possibly survive. Based on foreign and outdated institutions, and dependent on unity among ethnically, religiously and geographically heterogeneous Provinces, the new Dominion was bound to fail. And late in 1869 many Americans felt that they saw the instrument of that failure at Red River. The serious import of the crisis was immediately made clear to newspaper readers in the Republic; "A Speck of War," "A Canadian War," "The Red River War," and "The Winnipeg War" (by far the most common) were all used in November headlines. This emphasis on "war" was carried further by some reports. The St. Paul Daily Press,for example, sought to indicate the formidable and powerful characteristics of the crisis in a description of the rebel capture of Upper Fort Garry: this "citadel" of Hudson's Bay Company authority was "a strong and regular fortifica­ tion" with "massive stone walls and bastions." Such sketches of the battlegrounds, along with reports of "General" Louis Riel which described him as manifesting a peculiar combination of the strengths of Napoleon Bonaparte and Julius Caesar, depicted the Resistance as a typical nineteenth century armed conflict and allowed Americans to 'understand' what was occurring on the prairies.? And the common understandingamongarticulate Americans was that not only was a war taking place, but that the opponents were symbolically important. On the one side stood the monarchical, authoritarian aggressor,Ottawa and the Dominion of Canada; on the other side were the local settlers and pioneers who were fighting to defend their rights and freedom. The arbitrary attempts of the Canadian ·Government to bring the area "into vassalage" and to impose "the yoke of royalty" were naturally being resisted by 'the people,' and in true American fashion. The New- York Daily Tribune proudly asserted that the revolt was "manifestly one for territorial self­ government on arepublican basis, and inspired by an old pioneer spirit of independence not hard to realize in the century of Boone and Crockett.'? Early reports of settler demands stressed residents' desire for institutions similar to those in the neighbouring States: local self­ government; the power of the local legislature to override the governor's veto by a two-thirds vote; homestead and preemption laws; money for internal improvements. Rebel admiration of American practices was readily explained, Those at Red' River were much impressed with the prosperity of Minnesota and Wisconsin, it was argued, and sought to duplicate their institutions. Also, Red River trade was almost entirely with Minnesota, and alongthese commercial lines flowed "liberal ideas in regard to squatter sovereignty and the rights of hardy pioneers...."4 In such a situation, there could be no doubt that American public sympathies lay solidly behind what was perceived as a typical RED RIVER RESISTANCE 185

American, pioneer, populist demand for liberty and self-government. But just in case doubt was left in anyone's mind two further elements were added to the picture. First, a decided parallel was drawn by American observers between the events of 1869-1870 and the experi­ ences of the Thirteen Colonies in the later decades of the eighteenth century. After all, the Red River pioneers had issued a "Declaration of Independence" (or so it was referred to in the American press), had adopted a "Bill of Rights" [first List of Rights], and had chosen a provi­ sional government which seemed to be both republican and demo­ cratic in character. That, combined with the expulsion of a 'colonial' governor who represented monarchical and aristocratic institutions, was more than enough to confirm a parallel with the American Revolution and its aftermath. A Buffalo resident advocated American support for the settlers on the ground that the "people there are asking for what we asked in 1776." Others made the same point, referring to the rebels as "patriots" and to Riel as a George Washington in miniature. The general analogy was made complete by equating the Dominion with the British Empire. The lack of Canadian conciliation was linked with "the pig-headedness" of George III; Canadian control of the prairies, it was suggested, would be "likely to put them [the settlers] in the same condition which led the early Americans to set up for themselves."5 Second, the Canadian side in the crisis was brought into disrepute by widely circulated allegations that Ottawa officials had made a deliberate decision to employ Indians against the Red River pioneers. Detailed reports emanated from the press of St. Paul, Minnesota and were picked up and elaborated elsewhere in the United States; the spectre of raids and massacres was raised, evoking memories ofthe all­ too-recent Red Wood 'massacre' of 1862. The stories, dominated as they were by the near-reality of conflict, violence, and blood-letting, seem to have had considerable appeal. Editors across the country reprinted the accounts and aroused an outcry against the British­ Canadian authorities. The Detroit Daily Post indignantly accused Ottawa of resorting to the traditional British tactic "ofemploying the scalping-knife and tomahawk of the.savages" against the pioneers, and predicted that this would produce "a universal feeling of indignation and execration." In Chicago an unsigned letter-to-the-editor from downstate detailed the collusion between the British and the Sioux leading up to the 1862 raids, linking this with the current crisis. Several articles played on the vulnerability of innocent Americans near the border, but just as important was what the use of Indians implied about the Canadian authorities. Weak and incompetent as they already appeared, with these stories their last shreds of dignity, honour, and 'manliness' were torn away. Revealed to the world at last were the ,true nature of the Dominion and the reality of the forces trying to destroy the hardy pioneers of the Red River.> 186 SNELL

Not only American public sympathies were decidedly against the Dominion. Commentators in the Republic widely believed that Canada was extremely vulnerable in the Red River crisis and seemed almost certain to be defeated. Geographical obstacles were perceived to present virtually insurmountable difficulty to any Canadianattempt to solve the troubles on the prairies. Ontario was felt to be separated from Red River by an impenetrable wild, an area dominated by "impassable swamps," "morasses and jungles," and "a trackless wilderness." The alternate route via Hudson Bay was equally unattrac­ tive-closed by ice ten months of the year and broken by major obstacles between the Bay and Red River. "We don't clearly see in the immediate future," divined one Ohio writer, "the army of Canadian volunteers stumbling over rocks and floundering through swamps on their way to defend British authority and British freedom...." The overland routes were through a "howling wilderness infested by savages, rocky, inhospitable, cold, and impassable by an army," reported a New Yorkjournal.7 In short, the consensus was that Canada was clearly unable to enforce its power and authority on the prairies. The Dominion was believed powerless to act against the settlers at Red River. When in the spring of 1870 the Ottawa Government finally began to organize an expeditionary force ("Canada's War Expedition," as it was known to some), Americans reaffirmed their belief in the hazards facing the Canadian soldiers. Manyjournals anticipated that the Metis forces would take skilled advantage of the opportunities for ambush along the route. A Cincinnati writer commented: that the expedition will be allowed to pursue its march unmoles­ ted, is scarcely to be expected. If Riel proves himself half the military genius his admirers have been asserting him to be, he will harass the column from the time it leaves Fort William, on Thunder Bay, until it reaches Fort Garry or destruction. It was felt that skilled frontiersmen such as those found at Red River could easily profit from the terrain and difficulties along the expedi­ tion's march. The inexperienced, unskilled Canadian troops would be extremely vulnerable, and their fate would likely be similar to that of General Braddock's expedition of 1755.8 For the American public such a prospect smacked of delightful irony. Ango-American relations in 1869-1870 were still characterized by a good deal oftension. Americans had not forgiven Great Britain its conduct during the Civil War. To say that British dealings and decisions regarding that conflict were considered to be grave insults to the Republic is a distinct understatement. The British declaration of belligerent status and the construction and provisioning of privateers in British ports had given substance and depth to the long-standing antipathy Americans felt toward the former Mother Country. In the spring of 1869 the first major diplomatic attempt to paper over this RED RIVER RESISTANCE 187 conflict had proven a serious failure; the decisiveness and the popularity of the rejection of the Johnson-Clarendon Convention indicated that Americans were by no means ready to forgive and forget." Since Canada was very much a British colony still (much to American regret), it was very easy, when desirable, to lump the Dominion with England when giving vent to these feelings. Not only that, the Ottawa Government on its own was engendering some American antipathy. The seemingly never-ending Maritimes fisheries dispute was heating up again; and although this issue did not cause much concern among Americans as a whole, certainly residents along the North Atlantic coast of the Republic and some politicians in Washington were quite disturbed by Canada's conduct. Among the American public, then, the situation at the time of the Red River crisis was this: there was considerable tension and animosity directed at Great Britain regarding that nation's reactions to an internal rebellion in the Republic; there existed, throughout the country, considerable interest in and sympathy/ support for the people at Red River; and the Canadian Government wasjudged to be in such a weak military position that the belligerent forces at Red River were virtually assured of victory. The circumstances, to say the least, were ripe for direct or indirect interference by the American Government. Such a course would seem likely to have been politically popular, would possibly have been legitimate," and would definitely have been very gratifying. Just what actions were in fact taken by the American authorities? In Congress several resolutions were introduced in the two houses: 1)a motion of December 9, 1869 calling on the President for information concerning the Red River Resistance (carried); 2) a December 13 resolution inquiring whether the neutrality legislation was adequate to deal with such a situation as at Winnipeg (failed); 3) a January 13, 1870 opposition to any new accession of territory involving any considera­ tion of money (even the cancelling of a debt), on the grounds that the domestic tax burden should not be increased directly or indirectly (referred); 4) on January 20, a statement thatthe Constitution confer­ red no power to extend the area of American government, no p'ower to invest with citizenship any foreign people so added to the Republic, and that therefore no such extension or investment should occur until ----_.. _._---_._._--_..-._._..__.. _._--_.. -_... _.._-.... - ._--_.._--_._--- authorized by Congress (referred); 5) a February 1 resolution suggest­ ing the possibility of United States mediation in the prairie troubles (referred); 6) a February 17 request for fifteen hundred copies of the Administration's report on the Resistance (carried); 7) an April 22 motion that the United States send commissioners to negotiate with the Red River settlers for annexation to the Republic (referred); and 8) a May 16 bill granting land to aid in the construction of a railroad from Minnesota to the Winnipeg area (carried). 188 SNELL

This was certainly a mixed bag of proposals, indicating a wide variety of opinion among the Congressmen! None of the items referred to committee was reported back favourably. The only important or substantive measure to pass was the land-grant bill, but this could hardly be considered interference in the Red River Resistance. Even the most optimistic could not hope for a completed railroad for several years. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee certainly discussed the Red River affair (the Canadian agent in Washington arranged to have a map of the area sent from Ottawa for the group, as well as one for Congressman N. P. Banks),'! but no information is available as to the nature of these discussions and definitely no positive action was forthcoming. The State Department in Washington, on the other hand, was naturally fairly active. It first sought information, arranging for maps and printed material, welcoming details about the area and the rebellion (largely from the aggressive Minnesota interests), calling on .the Consul General in Montreal to report any news of the prairie crisis, and sending a special agent, J. W. Taylor, to-Ottawa to report on the negotiations and debates in late April and early May, 1870. The picture of the Red River troubles so gained seems likely to have been similar to that presented by public opinion. The Department's sources were largely the same as those of the public, and the one account of the Resistance emanating from the Department reflects the same perspec­ tives as did the general populace.P The Cabinet too discussed the issue, but with.no apparent substantive outcorne.P Secretary of State Fish and President Grant, however, did begin to take action (to what extent the Cabinet was informed or approved is unclear), with the former consistently leading the way.'! Both men were agreed as to the desirability of British withdrawal from North America and of American annexation of British territories to the north. But equally, both men kept the Canadian troubles in proper perspective regarding the larger field of Anglo-American relations; Fish in particular had no intention of brinksmanship where British and American interests found themselves in potential conflict. The Secre­ tary of State throughout this period (1869-1870) kept alive diplomati­ cally the possibility of British withdrawal from North America as a maj or component of any settlement of Anglo-Americandifficulties. As early as June 9, 1869 the idea had been raised in a conversation with the British Minister at Washington, Sir Edward Thornton. The reply was consistent in these years: Britain did not oppose Canadian separation from the Empire, but would not force the Provinces out of the Empire-the initiative must come from the colonies. Fish raised the issue again on December 23, 1869 and on January 6, 1870. The latter discussion was the most specific. An annexation petition had just been received from British Columbia; the Red River troubles were "more serious than the Canadian authorities believed them to be"; the prairies RED RIVER RESISTANCE 189 and the Maritimes were completely cut off from central Canada in economic, social and political terms. Surely all of this indicated considerable local opposition to Confederation. Might this not be an appropriate time for Britain to sever its connection to these colonies, asked Fish?'> And on March 24, 1870 Fish brought up the issue once more, but again with no different conclusion. As' well, the Cabinet discussed this idea several times (aslate as June 3, 1870) and found it quite appealing. However, in the face of British intransigence the idea could be taken no further. Early in January 1870, the Secretary of State instructed the American Minister in Great Britain, J. L. Motley, to be on the lookout for any signs that the English Government might support British withdrawal from Canada. Fish suggested that any 'discreet' encourage­ ment that Motley could give such opinion would be useful, and that the views of the Hudson's Bay Company should be inquired into. But at the same time that the Secretary suggested this tactic, he refused direct pleas from Senator Alexander Ramsey and the unofficial American consul at Red River for funds to support Louis Riel's efforts; two different figures were mentioned ($25,000 and $100,000), but both were rejected." The Executive did take or support other action, however. Canadian arms and ammunition had arrived at the Hudson's Bay Company post in northern Minnesota awaiting the anticipated Canadian takeover of the prairies. When that takeover was prevented by the ouster of William McDougall by the Metis, Ottawa worried that the arms might fall into rebel hands. The Dominion therefore requested that the United States Army move the shipment to Fort Abercrombie for safe keeping. The Washington Cabinet discussed this request on December 17, 1869, receiving written advice from General Sheridan who was averse to giving any such aid to Canada. But the Cabinet was aware that such a Canadian request was right and proper, and acceded to it, thus depriving the rebels of any further firepower. As well, in response to concern for possible border violations, particularly because of the Indian scare, General Hancock was sent to Pembina on the frontier for a first-hand look at the situation; as early as December 8, 1869 Hancock recommended the establishment of an army post at that town,and work on that project was under way by the spring. I? All these moves were sensible and fair precautions. Finally, there arose the problem of British military use of United States territory. As Americans well knew, easy access to the Red River Settlement could be gained only by passage across American territory­ most readily through Minnesota, or at the very least through the St. Mary's Ship Canal linking Lakes Huron and Superior. Awareness of the Republic's pivotal geographical position was apparent in the very early discussions of the Red River Resistance in November 1869, and continued unabated until the following summer. But equally apparent 190 SNELL

was a vehement insistence in public speeches and in the press that the United States should remain neutral. No British or Canadian troops should be allowed to set foot on American soil; nor could they use any American facilities, such as the Canal. On this issue public opinion in the Republic was very decided. 18 There was "no reason," proclaimed one editor, "why we should gratuitously assist rival and monarchical nations to trample out every republican cropping up on this continent ...." Another echoed the same sentiment: "... it is no part ofthe inter­ national obligations ofthe United States, nor oftheir general policy, to assist European powers to maintain sovereignty over any part of this continent." As justification for such an attitude, Americans cited British and Canadian conduct during the Civil War, and the potential impact of American policy on future relations with Winnipeg if independence should be achieved. Not 'only was there strong support for an active policy of neutrality, there was even a small amount of support for more assertive American action. Some writers called on the' Government to grant belligerent status to the rebels; in mid­ December, at a public meeting in Buffalo, the eccentric lecturer, George Francis Train, voiced a protest against the continued presence of William McDougall on American soil, and the complaint was picked up by the Associated Press despatches.'? In the face of such opinion and in the existing circumstances, the Grant Administration acted quite properly. Late in November 1869, Fish raised the issue in Cabinet, seeking approval of a policy of no British military use' of American territory. President Grant was, at first, in favour of a more lenient approach, but the Secretary of State won support for his stricter proposal. The issue did not arise again until the spring of 1870. At no time did the Canadians hope to send any forces across the United States, but plans for the military expedition to Red River did call for the troops and their arms to pass through the St. Mary's Canal. When Thornton inquired about such use of the Canal, the Cabinet again discussed the problem and persuaded Grant to maintain strict neutrality. The British Minister then requested that a cargo vessel, carrying no munitions, be allowed passage; in the meantime, this vessel, the Chicora, had been stopped at Sault Ste. Marie and denied passage. The American Cabinet supported such a passage, provided Britain promised amnesty to the rebels. Upon receipt of a note from Thornton that the vessel carried no military stores and that the expedition had no punitive intent (but not promising amnesty), the Canal was opened to the Chicora, but not to the military expedition.w The closure of the Canal (and the broader policy of strict neutrality) had several advantages: it was legitimate and fair; it provided a sop to American public opinion; and it allowed the Canadians to carry out their expeditionary policy, for with vessels now at the Superior end of the Canal, troops and supplies could be laboriously trans-shipped across the Canadian isthmus and then sent RED RIVER RESISTANCE 191 on to the Lakehead. The Grant Administration could not fairly be charged with unfriendly action toward Canada, but at the same time no domestic political damage had been suffered. This justly summarizes American official policies regarding the Red River Resistance. But there are two charges which must be dealt with. First, Ottawa accused the Secretary of State of "trying to encourage the disaffected Canadians with whom he maintains a friendly correspondence...."21 While the complaint was made in the midst of the prairie crisis (January, 1870), the location of the dissidents is not specified. But whether at Red River or elsewhere, the indictment is unfounded. It is true that Fish and other prominent American politicians received correspondence from a goodly number of Cana­ dians, in both the Provinces and the States, who were opposed to the existing political structure in the colonies; the surviving papers of American leaders and of the State Department contain numerous examples. But the initiative for the correspondence seems to have come almost entirely from Canadians, and while other United States politi­ cians answered such missives, thereby offering encouragement, there is no evidence that Fish did so. Second, and more important, the charge is made that the American Consul at Red River, one Oscar Malmros of Minnesota, fostered, aided and abetted the rebellion.P As a representative of the State Department, this could reflect on any judgement of the conduct of the United States. But there are several problems in accepting this allegation. Malmros, it is true, had been nominated for the post of consul at Red River in the spring of 1869 and had begun his activities there in July, but his nomination was never officially approved by the British Government.P At least technically, therefore, Malmros had no official status at Red River. But regardless of that, what did the Minnesotan do that was improper? The details are very sparse and come almost entirely from Malmros himself. Given the apparent ego of the man, should not such evidence require outside substantiation? Gluek notes the overly optimistic and often distorted character of Malmros's perceptions of the future of Red River, but if the despatches of other consuls at this time are examined (for example, of D. B. Warner at Saint John or M. M. Jackson at Halifax), or the reports of American newspaper correspondents travelling in the Provinces are read, this "false optimism" and distortion would be seen to be standard fare. Americans were thoroughly convinced as to the American character and future of the Canadian people. Gluek also notes that Malmros's activities as an "agent provocateur" long escaped the notice of that otherwise diligent observer, Alexander Begg. Could this be because Malmros's activities were very minor and perhaps largely in the mind of the 'consul'r> There can be no doubt that Malmros was a keen annexationist who went somewhat beyond acceptable practice in advancing these ideas. (It was not wrong to make annexationist 192 SNELL

suggestions in letters and despatches; American consuls in Canada did this frequently. What was wrong or improper was any public promotion of annexation and any political activities, such as advising Riel.) But there are three points to be made in mitigation of the State Department's culpability: 1) Malmros clearly acted without any supporting instructions, official or unofficial, from the State Depart­ ment and without informing the Department as to his alleged extracur­ ricular conduct.> 2) Malmros was forced to leave Red River when his despatches to Washington were printed without being sufficiently censored. Censoring such documents (removing references to annexa­ tion or to the prospects of Confederation's failure) was regular practice in Washington; is it too Machiavellian to suggest that the Department's failure in this instance was a deliberate one, intended to force the departure of the 'consul' without any overt action by the Administra­ tion?; 3) it would appear that the British and Canadian authorities had no substantial complaints about the Minnesotan's conduct, for later in 1870 he was accepted as Consul at Pictou, Nova Scotia. Does this assorted evidence support the allegation of an 'every­ thing-short-of-war' policy on the part of the American Government? Of course, not. The Grant Administration, under the firm, steady guidance of Hamilton Fish, dealt with the Red River Resistance in a manner that was fair and even friendly to the Canadian Government. Washington acceded to the Canadian request to seize the arms at Pembina, placed troops at the border to prevent forces from crossing in either direction, allowed William McDougall to remain on Ameri­ can soil while attempting to direct Canadian activities at Red River, and indirectly assisted the Dominion's military expedition to proceed past American territory. On the other hand, the American Govern­ ment took no actions to support or assist the Riel faction. Given the opportunities which existed for such support or assistance to the rebels, Washington's reticence is certainly remark­ able. The American nation had already established a tradition of sympathy and supportfor popular liberation movements around the world. That custom had been confirmed as lately as 1865-1866, when both the American people and the J ohnson Administration had rallied behind the republican forces in Mexico fighting Maximilian, and the Government had given some evidence of the American willingness to exceed neutrality restrictions in such cases. In 1865 fifty thousand American troops under General Philip Sheridan, a more powerful force than was needed simply for border protection, had been moved up to the Texas-Mexico border; war material, including at least fifty thousand muskets, was sent by Sheridan to the republican forces; the American Government allowed republican recruiting offices to be established in Washington, New York City, and several other centres; republican agents in 1865 and 1866 had direct contact in the American capital with President Johnson, General Grant, and Secretary of State RED RIVER RESISTANCE 193

Seward; and late in 1865 (Maximilian was not overthrown until the spring of 1867)an American Minister was appointed to the Republic of Mexico;" There was no neutrality in this instance. But in the case of Red River, the tradition- of support for demo­ cratic movements, the possibilities for assistance, and the tacit approval suggested by public opinion were all ignored. Part of the reason for this was the new Grant Administration. Led by Hamilton Fish, the Government showed a keen sense of caution and prudence. As early as March 1869, the new Secretary of State demonstrated the same discretion noticeable in the Red River crisis: "Our people," he remarked, "ofcourse sympathize with liberal movements in all govern­ ments, and in every part of the world. But we shall not be overhasty in recognizing the revolutionary government in Cuba...."27 In other words, the United States would not commit itself regarding any such international events until the character of the revolution became fully apparent and until at least a good intimation of the revolution's consequences could be gained. This was certainly the policy followed by Fish in dealing with the Red River Resistance. But in this particular case there were two further factors inhibiting any tendency toward official American aid for RieL First, Americans, both within and outside the Government, felt very strongly that the "Winnipeg War" was merely one of several substantive indications that Confederation was disintegrating, and that the soon-to-be-separate Provinces would almost immediately petition for annexation to the Republic. This being the case, overt American action concerning the rebellion was un­ necessary. Second, the Red River Settlement (and all of the prairies in general) was part of the British Empire, and American officials seem to have been strongly persuaded that it was not at all wise to confront Great Britain in this region. Occasionally'pulling the lion's tail' did not extend to a desire to challenge British sovereignty on the prairies. Indeed, this same prudent influence could be seen at work nine years later, when an ambitious and belligerent Colonel N. Miles in Montana pressed for permission (tacit or otherwise) to violate Canadian territory in pursuit of Sitting Bull and the Sioux; both the Hayes Administration in Washington and senior officials in the Army acted to prevent any such move by Miles." This policy of judicious caution and of tempered friendliness toward British North America was a constant one in American foreign policy in the years following the Civil War. Fish and Grant deserve praise for their sensible handling of the Red River affair, but their approach to this problem was similar in character to their handling of other Canadian problems and to the way in which both Andrew Johnson and William H. Seward had treated the British Provinces after April 1865. Despite frequent opportunities to play on Canadian difficulties, American authorities repeatedly acted fairly and respon­ sibly: declining to give support to dissident factions; acting forcefully 194 SNELL to inhibit potentially illegal Fenian activities; altering American regulations which were hurting Canadian interests; asserting the interests of the United States when these came in conflict with those of the Dominion, but always keeping in mind British North American ties to Britain. In short, rather than maintaining a belligerent or unfriendly position toward Canada, the Department of State consistently re­ mained neutral to the Dominion's 'enemies' and somewhat partial toward Canada itself. But if the American Government is absolved of the 'everything­ short-of-war' charge, what then can be said of Sir John A. Macdonald in making the allegation? How could the Canadian Prime Minister have so misread American policy that somewhat friendly and certainly fair conduct became distorted so as to acquire a very belligerent and unfriendly character? The answer may lie in a comparison of this issue with several other events in the same time period. First, how was it that the Fenian Brotherhood was able to stir up such fears (even panic) among British North Americans in these years? The movement was seriously divided internally, was poorly led and organized, and almost all of the 'raid scares' in the colonies had been unfounded; the infrequent incursions which had occurred had quickly melted away. Why did Canadians react so strongly to such an obviously weak and incompetent group of men? The answer often given by Americans was that the Dominion Government exploited the Fenian threat to distract Canadian public attention from more serious problems and to rally support behind Confederation.s? And there seem to be some grounds for this accusation. For example, after the raids of June 1866, the ------Fenian prisoners were scheduled for trial at the fall assizes. The British Minister in Washington wrote Ottawa during the summer, strongly advising a delay in the trials until after the Congressional elections in October and November.t? Instead of heeding this advice, the trials were allowed to proceed; they occurred right in the midst of the American elections and naturally were the object of loud complaints across the States. Second, why had the Confederation leaders put forward the title of"Kingdom of Canada" for the new country? In the light of known American sensitivity regarding monarchism, it was entirely possible that within the United States such a title would be regarded as deliberately provocative; and the famous "Kingdom of Canada" 'leak' in the Toronto Globe conveniently gained a full month and more of hostile American publicity for Confederation early in 1867. Third, while the handling of the Maritimes fisheries issue in 1870 may have derived from an absence ofstatesmanship skills and from the pre-eminence of local issues in Canada, it certainly had the advantage of stirring up unfriendly comment along the northeast coast of the Republic. Combined with the Red River accusation, these instances provide grounds for conjecture. It is not unreasonable to suggest that Canadian RED RIVER RESISTANCE 195 political leaders, whether consciously or subconsciously, found it very advantageous to conjure up an image of an aggressive, belligerent, unfriendly American Republic; and that, to provide some substance for such an image, .Canadians· themselves took actions which might well be regarded as deliberately provocative. The predictable American public reactions were sufficient for Provincial leaders, privately and/ or along with the Canadian public, to paint the United States in very negative colours. In so doing, Canadian politicians and spokes­ men were able to build up emotional strength and a sense of purpose.t!

NOTES I Sir John A. Macdonald to C. J. Brydges, Ottawa, Jan. 28, 1870, reprinted in Sir J. Pope, ed., Correspondence of Sir John Macdonald (Toronto: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1921), pp. 124-125; D. G. Creighton, John A. Macdonald: The Old Chieftain (Toronto: Macmillan, 1956), pp. 54-55; A. C. Gluek, Jr., Minnesota and the Manifest Destiny of the Canadian Northwest (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), chapter 9. 2 St. Paul Daily Press, Nov. 21, 1869, p. 1; 41 Congress, 2 Session, Senate Executive Docu- ments, No. 33, pp. 37-38. ' 3 Chicago Daily Tribune, No. 23, 1869, p. 2; Chicago Daily Republican, Nov. 18, 1869, p. 2; St. Paul Daily Dispatch, Nov. 23, 1869, p. 1; New- York Commercial Advertiser, Nov. 26, 1869, p. 2; New-York Daily Tribune, Nov. 18, 1869, p. 4. 4 Baltimore Sun, Nov. 22, 1869, p. 2; Portland (Me.) Daily Eastern Argus, Dec. 2, 1869, p. 2; Philadelphia Daily Age, Nov. 20,1869, p. 2; Albany Atlas and Argus. Nov. 23, p. 2, Nov. 24, 1869, p. 2; Springfield (Mass.) Daily Republican, Nov. 20, 1869, p. 4. 5 A. Ramsey Papers (Minnesota Historical Society), F. Rengeat to A. Ramsey, Buffalo, Dec. 10, 1869; Portland(Me.) Daily Press, 'Dec. 29,1869, p. 2; New- York Daily Tribune, Dec. 27, 1869, p. 4; Boston Daily Journal, Dec. 27,1869, p. 4; Chicago Times, Dec. 27,1869, p.4; San Francisco Daily Evening Bulletin, Dec. 2, 1869, p. 2. 6 Detroit Daily Post, Dec. 20, p. 4, Dec. 22,1869, p. 4, April 7, 1870, p. 2; Chicago Times, Feb. 1,1870, p. 5. See also, for example: New York World, Dec. 19, p. 1, Dec. 26, p. 1, Dec. 29, 1869, p. 1, Jan. 6, p. 8, May 6, p. 5, May 10, 1870, p. 4; United States, Department of State (United States National Archives), RG 59, M 179,ree1318, W. W. Belknap to H. Fish, Wash­ ington, Feb. 12, 1870; New York Herald, Dec. 19, 1869, p. 6. 7 Pittsburgh Gazette, Dec. 4, p. 2, Dec. 31, 1869, p. 2; San Francisco Daily Alta California, Dec. 9, 1869, p. 2; Philadelphia Public Ledger, April 28, 1870, p. 2; New York World, Dec. 27, p. 1, Dec. 29,1869, p. 1; New- York Commercial Advertiser, Nov. 26,p. 2, Dec. 27,1869, p. 2; Morning Cleveland Herald, Jan. 28, 1870, p. 2. 8 Cincinnati Daily Gazette, April 21, 1870, p. 2; New- York Daily Tribune, July 25, 1870, pp. 2,4. 9 For a useful modern survey of Anglo-American relations during the War, see: B. Jenkins, Britain and the Warfor the Union (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1974); D. P. Crook, The North, the South, and the Powers 1861-1865 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1974). The best modern account of post-War relations is A. Cook, The Alabama Claims: American Politics and Anglo-American Relations, 1865-1872 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975). B. Jenkins, Fenians and Anglo-American Relations during Reconstruction (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969) is useful on the relatively minor issue of the Fenians. 10 There seem to have been some grounds, for example, for a recognition of the Metis' belli­ gerent status by means of an American proclamation of neutrality. II C. Sumner Papers (Harvard), box 1.4 - 146, C. Drinkwater to G. W. Brega, Ottawa, Feb. 3, 1870; Sir John A. Macdonald Papers (Public Archives of Canada), vol. 146, G. W. Brega to Sir John A. Macdonald, Washington, Jan. 30, 1870. 12 United States, Department of State (United States National Archives), RG 59, M 179, reel 313, W. R. Marshall to H. Fish, St. Paul, Nov. 22,1869; ibid., Marshall to U.S. Grant; ibid., reel 318, W. W. Belknap to H. Fish, Washington, Feb. 8,1870; ibid., RG 84, Montreal, J. C. B. Davis to W. A. Dart, Washington, April 25, 1870. Along with other information, the appointment of J. W. Taylor indicates, it can be argued, that the State Department had no serious qualms about the reliability of its Minne­ sota-dominated information sources regarding the Red River Resistance. 13 Sir John A. Macdonald Papers (Public Archives of Canada), vol. 146, G. W. Brega to Sir John A. Macdonald, Washington, Jan. 30, 1870; ibid., Brega to J. D. Cox, Jan. 25, 1870; Cook, Alabama Claims, pp. 128-129; A. Nevins, Hamilton Fish: the inner history of the Grant Administration (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., (936), pp. 298-299,387. 196 SNELL

14 There can be little doubt, judging from American relations with Canada, that the initiative and control of American foreign policy had slipped from the hands of Charles Sumner and had been acquired by Fish. Sumner, the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit­ tee, appears only to have been kept informed of developments. 15 Fish's diary entry ofthis conversation is reprinted in Nevins, Fish, p. 386. All of the informa­ tion is drawn from the Fish Diary, in the H. Fish Papers (Library of Congress), for the ap­ propriate dates. 16 Nevins, Fish, pp. 387-388; Cook, Alabama Claims, pp. 127-128; Gluek, Minnesota, p. 281; A. Ramsey Papers (Minnesota Historical Society), reel 19, O. Malmros to A. Ramsey, Winnipeg, Jan. 14, 1870. It should be noted that similar requests for funds to aid Canadian annexation were being made by various individuals throughout this time period; there is no evidence of any positive response by the State Department to any such requests. 17 Nevins, Fish, pp. 298-299; Report of Major General W. S. Hancock, St. Paul, Nov. I, 1870, reprinted in Annual Report ofthe Secretary ofWarfor the Year 1870(Washington, 1870), I, pp.24-31. 18 Of fifty-four newspapers examined from the transcontinental United States for the 1869-1870 period, thirty-eight discussed the issue of American neutrality. Of these, thirty-two wanted a strict interpretation of that neutrality, three supported Canadian passage across United States territory, and three were ambivalent. 19 New- York Daily Tribune, Nov. 18, 1869, p. 4; Baltimore Sun, Nov. 22,1869, p. 2; Portland (Me.) Daily Eastern Argus, Dec. 2,1869, p. 2; Philadelphia Dai(y Age, Nov. 20, 1869, p. 2; Albany Atlas and Argus, Nov. 23, p. 2, Nov. 24, 1869, p. 2; Springfield(Mass.) Daily Repub­ lican, Nov. 20, 1869, p. 4. 20 Cook, Alabama Claims, p. 128; Gluek, Minnesota, p. 285; H. Fish Papers (Library of Con- gress), J. C. B. Davis to Sir Edward Thornton, Washington, May 17, 1870. 21 Quoted in Jenkins, Fenians, p. 299. 22 Gluek, Minnesota, passim; Creighton, Chieftain, pp. 45-46. 23 The relevant treaty, A Convention to Regulate the Commerce between the Territories of the United States and of His Britannic Majesty (1815), stated that" ... but before any consul shall act as such he shall in the usual form be approved and admitted by the government to which he is sent. ..." No exequatur for Malmros's appointment was issued by the British Government, but the issue is somewhat complicated by the alleged permission given Malmros by the "local authorities" (presumably Governor McTavish of the Hudson's Bay Company) to begin his official duties without awaiting arrival of British approval. See: United States, Department of State (United States National Archives), RG 59, T 24, reel I, O. Malmros to H. Fish, Winni­ peg, Aug. 15, 1869; ibid., Malmros to J. C. B. Davis, Sept. 11,1869; R. E. Swercek (United States National Archives) to J. G. Snell, Washington, Sept. 20, 1978. 24 Gluek, Minnesota, pp. 258, 263-268, 280. 25 A. Ramsey Papers (Minnesota Historical Society), reel 19, O. Malmros to A. Ramsey, Win­ nipeg, Jan. 6, 1870. 26 A. J. and K. A. Hanna, Napoleon III and Mexico: American Triumph over Monarchy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971), pp. 238-239, 264. 27 Quoted in Nevins, Fish, p. 183. 28 R. M. Utley, Frontier Regulars (New York: Macmillan, 1973), pp. 286-287. 29 See, for example: Albany Evening Journal, March 15, 1866, p. 2; Cincinnati Daily Commer­ cial, March 21, 1866, p. 4; Cleveland Daily Plain Dealer, Dec. 22, 1864, p. 2; New York Herald, March 14, 1866, p. 4; New York Sun, March 17, 1866, p. 2; Philadelphia Public Ledger, March 16, 1866, p. 2; Portland (Me.) Advertiser, March 23, p. 2, April 26, 1866, p. 2. 30 Great Britain, F. O. 115/459, Sir F. Bruce to Lord Monck, Washington, June 12, 1866; ibid., June 13, 1866; ibid., June 15, 1866; ibid., F. O. 115/454, Sir F. Bruce to Lord Stanley, Wash­ ington, Nov. 10, 1866. 31 In short, what one sees here is a fairly typical manifestation of the paranoid style in history as developed by Richard Hofstadter. See R. Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Poli­ tics and Other Essays (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1965). PRAIRIE FORUM, 1979, Vol. 4, No.2 197

Longitudinal Research in Cultural Ecology: A History of the Saskatchewan Research Program: 1960-77* John W. Bennett and Seena B. Kohl**

ABSTRACT. This article is a summary and bibliography of the Saskatchewan Cultural Ecology Research Program, a long term project in southwestern Saskatchewan carried out by American anthropologists in the 1960s and early 1970s.

RESUME Ce travail est une resume et une bibliographie du Programme de Recherche sur l'Ecologie Culturelle de la Saskatchewan, un project a long terme dans le sud-ouest de la Saskatchewan, entrepris par des anthropologues americains dans les annees soixante et au debut des annees soixante-dix.

INTRODUCTION

The Saskatchewan Cultural Ecology Research Program (SCERP) was conceived in 1960as an attempt to explore the relevance of anthro­ pological cultural ecology to the study of contemporary agrarian society in North America. The existing research in that field featured studies of tribal and peasant societies, and was influenced by the ethno­ logical conception of discrete cultures with a largely subsistence economy. The North American context, on the other hand, emphasized production for an external market system. Consequently the strong bias toward self-subsistence in the existing cultural ecological research had to be modified in the direction .of an orientation toward commercial production. This required careful attention to the influence of external agencies of the national society on the conduct of social and economic activities. In essence, this required attention to the changing pattern of incentives and constraints imposed by the market system and by the various government and private agencies which control the resources needed for production. The region selected for study of this process was located in the Canadian section of the Great Plains, where settle­ ment had been relatively recent, making available an abundance of historical data on the establishment of a viable agricultural system. The region also had severe environmental constraints which imposed

*This paper c.oncerns the phase of the Program devoted to the study of the Euroamerican ranching and farming population of the Jasper region, and is not concerned with the specialized studies of the Hutterian Brethren and the Indians. However, the SCERP Bibliography provided at the end of the paper includes all published items for all phases of the Program. All citations to SCERP publications in the body of the paper will be found in this Bibliography. Citations to the literature other than SCERP will be found in a special "References" section, preceding the Bibli­ ography. **Bennett is Professor of Anthropology at Washington University, St. Louis, and Program Associate, Land Tenure Center, University of Wisconsin (Madison). Kohl is Professor of Anthropology-Sociology at Webster College, St. Louis. 198 BENNETT AND KOHL limits on the conduct ofcommercial agriculture. At the same time, the inhabitants, with a fewexceptions, possessed the .general imiddle­ income standards of consumption common to North American culture-standards which were not easy to attain, given the economic and climatic constraints. The general mix of characteristics seemed appropriate for a cultural-ecological approach, providing the approach was to be defined in general terms as an investigation ofthe interplay between the physical and social environment in the process ofmaking a living. The fact that the society was producing for the market rather than for subsistence made necessary a conception of a social environ­ ment which must be manipulated, or adapted to, much as the physical resources are. The presence ofa large component ofcontemporary institutional structure and process required a wide range of methods: survey techniques as well as in-depth interviewing, documentary analysis, media analysis, investigatory tactics designed to penetrate the vicissi­ tudes of legal and administrative regulations, and the full use of local people as participants and advisors, making the relationship between researcher and "subject" really one of collaboration. Above all, there was need for time depth in the study, since the essence ofadaptation to both the social and physical environments is the coping with constant change and fluctuation. Forexample, if a simple descriptive study were made during a period of high market prices or unusually favourable weather, it would fail to convey the variety of responses by ignoring the types of adaptive strategies used in less fortunate episodes. While a long-term project was not initially proposed, it became apparent within the first year or two ofresearch that this would in fact be needed. While SCERP had various methodological facets, borrowed from anthro­ pology, sociology, economics, geography, and agronomy, the one with most crucial significance for the study of cultural ecology is longitudi­ nality. Longitudinal research in any discipline has certain difficulties. It requires dedication to a single research site, with repeated visits over many years, repeated observances of the same data and contexts, the patient testing of hypotheses that may take years to mature, and the laborious and repeated treatment of data "bits"-either by inspection or with the aid of a computer-in order to test hypotheses about change. Change is, in fact, the central theme of longitudinal research. However, it is not only change for the sake ofchange; it is a matter of determining how various factors alter their casual and consequential significance over a measured period of time. This paper will describe the intellectual background ofSCERP in general terms: its genesis, the choice of the region, the history offield investigations, the techniques of these investigations, the use of published documentation and statistics, methods of sampling, and the SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 199

emergence of a general model of the central issues of research. The paper will not describe the major findings; these have been provided in numerous published books and articles (see SCERP Bibliography, pp. 217-219), and in the culminating monograph, now in the final stages of preparation, OfTime and the Enterprise: Management as an Adaptive System in the North American Agrifamily.

GENESIS

While the rational objective of SCERP was, as already noted, to test cultural ecological approaches in a contemporary setting, there was also an entirely personal objective: a,return to the general themes of Bennett's earliest professional research in the Ohio River valley in _ southern Illinois, among several communities of farmers and riverboat people. This study focused on food habits, methods of agricultural production, and social life (for example, Bennett 1943, 1946; Bennett, Smith & Passin 1942). This early work in Illinois, which was not published in book format because of the intervention of World War II, was a kind of "cultural ecology," but very different from the brand which was beginning to emerge in the 1940s under the influence of Julian Steward (Steward 1955). However, the Illinois research had a number of themes which emerged again in SCERP, and which can be used to clarify the evolution of the Saskatchewan study. The first of these is the choice of a contemporary North American setting. Bennett had become convinced during his graduate studies at the University of Chicago that anthropologists must move toward the study of contemporary cultures since it was clear that colonialism would be liquidated within a generation. This attitude was fairly common in anthropology departments during the 1940s, due to the Depression and the War. Applied anthropology was on the rise; anthropologists were encouraged to study other social-science disci­ plines, and to study "American culture." This broader approach to the subject matter of cultural anthropology disappeared after World 'War II and has only recently begun to re-emerge. The collapse of colonialism meant that tribal culture was disappearing rapidly, and in the 1950s anthropologists devoted their attention to the study of this distinctive form of human society in order to finish the tasks they had started a half-century or so earlier. This return of anthropology to older, pre­ 1940 themes had both desirable and undesirable consequences; it did rescue important data, but it forced anthropology into an involution of topic and theory and delayed acceptance' of larger frames of social reference and history. A second theme deriving from the period of research in Illinois was the focus on a region rather than a single nucleated community. During his graduate work Bennett became convinced that anthropo­ logists were accepting overly small socio-geographical units for study, 200 BENNETT AND KOHL especially since the world was changing and external factors were exerting greater and greater influence on localities. Single nucleated communities had been studied very frequently by anthropologists because they were convenient and cheap to study, since the field­ worker could stay in one place, because they seemed to display the qualities of integration and interconnectedness-wholeness-which anthropologists for so many generations believed was the true or authentic aspect of culture or -human existence, and because they formed a neat package for a monographic ethnography. When anthropologists began to turn their attention to contem­ porary rural society, they automatically sought out communities as units of research, ignoring approaches such as that of economic geography which featured relationships between communities and regions. In the late 1930sand early 1940s, Bennett began to realize that if anthropologists were to study modern rural society, they would have to select much larger and more heterogeneous units, and study the relationships among the parts, and between the parts and the outside, in addition to whatever intensive studies were made of single segments. The research done, or rather started, in southern. Illinois by Herbert Passin and Bennett in the 1940s was conceived more or less along these lines. A large region, containing a number of ethnic and occupational groups and types of settlements, was selected, and an effort was made to study all portions of it. However, World War II prevented full realization, and no monograph on the region as a whole was ever written. Therefore, SCERP was, in one sense, the long­ delayed outcome of Bennett's interest in studying a relatively large socio-geographic region in terms both of its parts or segments and the interconnections among these, and ofthe relations of all to the external society and nation. Third, like the Illinois research, SCERP featured a comparative ecological orientation. The Illinois study had been mounted in a district in two counties of southern Illinois where the University of Chicago was carrying out extensive archaeological investigations of various Woodland and Mississippian occupations extending over many centuries. The studies of the various agricultural and riverboat groups and neighbourhoods in the same region were conceived, to some extent, on the model of the archaeological projects: how a variety of social groupings, in the same general habitat, nevertheless exploited different resources. Bennett tried to put both the archaeological settle­ ments and the contemporary societies in the same frame ofreference in an early paper (Bennett 1944). That paper attempted to show how differences in technology, the use of particular resources, and relations with external factors resulted in different adaptive systems-hunting­ gathering, tribal-agricultural, modern agricultural, and sub-types of these-with Nature and Culture p.roviding differing and similar kinds of possibilities and constraints for each. SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 201

In only one instance during Bennett's early postwar research experience did it become possible to return to these basic ecological interests. As part of his work for the Public Opinion and Sociological Research Division of the Japan Occupation, Bennett directed a study of social and cultural aspects of the Japanese forestry and lumber industry. One unit in that program involved the study of a particular mountain region with reference to the interconnections between traditional social organization, economic and occupational stratifica­ tion, and the exploitation of forest resources. This unit resulted in an article (Bennett 1958) and two chapters in a book (Bennett & Ishino 1963). The approach showed how traditional social organization, in the presence of varying economic incentives and political pressures, could work either toward or against conservation of forests. These are precursors of SCERP. In fact, the overall rationale of SCERP, as formulated in the initial 1960 proposal to the National Science Foundation, emphasized concepts derived from these early studies. But there is more. By the time SCERP was launched, a new type of "cultural ecology" had appeared in anthropology, thanks to the pioneer efforts of Julian Steward (1955). Hence SCERP could be inaugurated as a contribution to an existing field which promised a suitable frame of reference. The difference was that SCERP was concerned with a contemporary case of entrepreneurial agriculture and rural settlement, and not a tribe. It might be argued that Steward's team studies of rural settlements in Puerto Rico had a similar focus, but the whole thrust of that research was to study the rural segments as separate communal wholes, with less attention to the national and interrelated aspects (Steward 1956). With an emphasis on a region, its parts, the relationship to the outside, and instrumental aspects of behaviour and culture, it was necessary to recast cultural ecological theory and concepts. The over­ all results of that exercise were presented in Northern Plainsmen (Bennett 1969 and 1976) and need not be reviewed here, other than to mention the necessary emphasis on adaptive behaviour, a suitable emphasis if one is dealing with entrepreneurial socio-economy. At the same time, it should be said that this emphasis is by no means peculiar to entrepreneurial systems and that, until recently, anthropologists neglected it in their studies of tribal and peasant groups.

THE CHOICE OF THE REGION

The decision to do research in the North American West was a natural one insofar as Bennett had developed an abiding interest in the West during his archaeological field trips with Beloit College's Logan Museum during his undergraduate.years. The decision was reinforced by the fact that ecologically-oriented research in a region of specialized resources has greater relevance, certainly to practical application and 202 BENNETT AND KOHL possibly to theory as well, than do studies carried on in more fortunate agricultural environments. Where in the West should the study be done? The southwestern United States was rejected mainly because Evon Vogt had been carrying on studies of a contemporary community in New Mexico populated recently by Texan homesteaders (Vogt 1955). The northern plains region was selected provisionally since, while this area was almost unknown to social science because of its highly specialized environment, it had already been looked at by geographers and economists from an environmental point of view. In 1960 Bennett had the opportunity to spend a summer as an archaeologist* in Saskatchewan through the courtesy of the Provincial Museum of Natural History, and this visit confirmed that province as the desirable locus for a cultural ecology study. The "Jasper" region, just west of the archaeological site excavated in 1960, was selected mainly because of its variety of natural environmental features, resources, and ethnic and occupational groups (although the choice of Jasper as a locus was not made until 1961, as described later). Another reason for selecting the Canadian sector of the plains, aside from the fact that temperature gradients enhanced the specialization factor, was that it was settled relatively late, and first-generation pioneers and rich historical data were available for study. Therefore, the temporal dimension of the research could be handled with great compactness and detail. A final reason for coming to Saskatchewan was the socio­ economic and political history of the area. A study of modern adapta­ tion to environment requires, as already noted, much emphasis on external inputs as well as on strategic action and use of resources. Saskatchewan, being perhaps the most difficult part of the northern plains for modern agrarian settlement, had reflected this fact in its long history of social action along cooperative and collective lines. Bennett had not read Lipset's Agrarian Socialism (1950, 1968) before the study began, but because of his close affiliation with sociology, was well aware of its existence, and lost no time in the fall of 1960in reading it. The book, and the information gathered during the 1960 reconnais­ sance, reaffirmed the importance of choosing a case where government and vigorous local self-help and political action had been important factors in the ecological adaptations.

HISTORY OF FIELDWORK

1960: First visit of Bennett to province of Saskatchewan. Spent June­ August with Saskatchewan Natural History Museum in western

*In the excavation project eventually published by the Milwaukee Public Museum: The Gull Lake Site (Kehoe 1973). SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 203

part of province, doing archaeological and historical survey work. This opportunity was provided by Dr. Thomas Kehoe, then a curator of archaeology at the SNHM, and this visit con­ firmed Saskatchewan as the choice of site for an already plan­ ned study in the West. 1961: Month of August spent in province, consulting with govern­ ment officials in Regina and Saskatoon, and with professors at the University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, acquiring back­ ground data in order to select a particular region for research and prepare a proposal for major financing. Consensus was "Jasper," because of the variety of socioeconomic adaptations; hence a visit to Jasper and interviews with several local people followed. 1962: First full-length field season, June-August. Personnel: J. W. Bennett; Charles Thomas, 3 months each. (Two weeks in Saska­ toon at end of summer.) 1963: Second full-length field season: June-August. Personnel: J. W. Bennett.Seena B. Kohl; Niels Braroe, 3 months each; two local persons, 1 month each. (Three weeks at end of summer in Sas­ katoon and Regina.) 1964: Third full-length field season: June-August. Personnel: J. W. Bennett, 3 months; S. B. Kohl, 2 months; C. Thomas, 1 week; one local person, 1 month. (Two weeks in Regina.) Winter ses­ sion: J. W. Bennett, from August until February 1, 1965; two local persons, 2 months. (One week in Regina and one in Saska­ toon.) 1965: Partial season: July-August. Personnel: J. W. Bennett, 2 months; S. B. Kohl, 1 month; one local person, 1 month. 1966: Partial season: one three-week trip by J. W. Bennett. 1967: No field work. 1968: Partial season. Personnel: J. W. Bennett, July. 1969: Partial season. Personnel: J. W. Bennett, J uIie. 1970: Partial season. Personnel: S. B. Kohl, June; J. W. Bennett, July. 1971: Fourth full-length field season: June-August. Personnel: J. W. Bennett; S. B. Kohl; two local persons, 3 months each. (Two weeks in Regina.) 1972-76: Data analysis and write-up; brief annual field trips for checking.

-DATA ANALYSIS

Approximately as much time was spent on analysis and write-,up as on fieldwork, although the spans of work time were shorter, and spaced over longer periods, due to the combination of research and academic duties. The 9-month academicyears of 62-63,63-64, 65-66, 68-69,69-70,71-72, and 72-73 included steady work on the field and documentary data, preparing them for publication. 204 BENNETT AND KOHL

During these periods, the project employed a series of assistants as follows: 1. Full-time secretaries: 3, at intervals. 2. Statistical assistants: 3, at intervals. 3. Statistical and computer assistant: 2. 4. Map and chart draftsmen: 4, at various intervals. In addition, 3 persons in the Jasper region were formally employed in fieldwork, secretarial, and clerical capacities. Two others were used as judges for the construction of variables in the computer analysis of data which will be published as the book, OfTime and the Enterprise.

ROLES OF THE RESEARCHERS

SCERP was conceived during the period when "team projects" in field anthropology had gone into an eclipse, since they had not produced the impressive payoff expected of them during their halcyon days in the 1950s. It was found that most of these expensive ventures, involving numbers of senior and associate researchers, provided excel­ lent training facilities for graduate students, and varying numbers of good individual monographs and papers, but had disappointing overall results. The reasons for these relative failures lay inthe fact that large-scale team projects require extremely tight and well-founded conceptual approaches in order to keep the researchers on similar tracks. Few of these large projects enjoyed that kind of control. For SCERP, it was decided to develop an approach which combined individual exploration of congenial topics with a constant central synthesis. This approach worked. in that the research was not confined to a single field session, but was a continuous and evolving process, building from one fieldwork session to the next. The individual projects were conceived as complementary, and moved along paths representing the key ethnic and institutional areas of Jasper society and economy. The synthesis was provided by Bennett, who defined his role as one of doing some research on all topics and all groups. However, he was the main researcher on the study of several colonies of the Hutterian Brethren (Bennett 1967, 19°75, and other items). Constant conferring, in the field and at home, permitted us to keep in view at all times the central focus on socio-economic and ecological questions. Since the accumulating topical materials were continually put into the mix, Bennett was able to produce the general book on the project, Northern Plainsmen, several years before detailed monographs on the ranch-farm-town and Amerindian populations were produced. The research role of the several field workers was thus an independent but coordinated one. More important, the researchers SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 205 were considered to be authorities in their respective fields, as in the case of Seena B. Kohl, who has been the expert on the "family." Charles Thomas became a specialist on the southern prairies farming district. Niels Braroe, after an initial summer of fieldwork on the Indian reserve, returned to the area several years later and made an exhaustive study (Braroe 1975). Roles played by the field workers in the context of their work were on the whole standard ones for fieldwork social science. The diverse sex, age and status roles of the researchers were important elements in the process of information collecting. The contrast between the rights and obligations of the male members of the research group and those of Kohl, the female member, led to different sets of friendships and consequently to contrasting views of social relations and of the region's friendship networks. Similarly, the different status position of profes­ sor andgraduate student permitted contrasting expectations of us by the Jasperites; the more formal role was assigned to Bennett as the "professor," with a less formal (and more ambiguous) set of expecta­ tions assigned to Kohl, both female and "student." However, the fact that the latter had a more junior role, and a "sympathetic" one as the friend of families, meant that she was more frequently made aware of the ambivalence felt by many within Jasper towards the highly educated and urban person-an attitude reflected in mixed feelings about the research project, particularly on the part of the second­ generation ranch sons. More details on fieldwork roles in the study of family life and sex roles have been given by Kohl (1976). During the period of the research this generalized local anxiety about the project lessened, although it never completely disappeared. Over time, friendship and familiarity enabled open discussions of the "use" of such research and the "point" of it all. Such discussions forced the researchers to make explicit their value system and ideas about what was "good"; likewise, the critics had to make their values, doubts and fears explicit. For the ranchers, the practical and the tangible, not ideas or theoretical knowledge, was the "good," reinforcing data collected in other ways which dealt with these persons' attitudes toward education. No attempt was made to deceive Jasper people, although the objectives of the study were often described in simplified terms: "economic history," "economic development," "family life and his­ tory," "the development of natural resources," and so on. Kohl, primarily concerned with social relationships and the relationships between family and agricultural enterprise, emphasized topics con­ cerning the history of the family, its development of the enterprise, and goals for the future. Kohl, as female, was expected to be concerned with family and children-the woman's world. Her own status as wife and mother was an important element in the exchange of information 206 BENNETT AND KOHL about children and'aspirations for children. There seemed to be less apparent concern and anxiety about her discussions with family members which centered around family roles and obligations and the expectations held for children and others. Common experiences and problems -were shared, and differences between rural and urban situations were discussed. In some situations Kohl was asked to act as arbiter, a role which she filled by attempting to rephrasethe questions and arguments so that the actors could begin to communicate. Bennett, with previous research experience in rural North America, followed the direction of local male interests in his interviewing, emphasizing the topics of management, economics and politics. As one way of legitimizing the social exchange between researcher and resident, he trained himself in agricultural and development eco­ nomics. Thus he was able to repay his informants for their time by discussing their problems with a certain amount of (it is hoped) helpful knowledge. Bennett probably did not play the role of "anthropologist" as often as he did that of a somewhat authoritativeand sympathetic partisan of rural life and affairs-a tole, incidentally, representing genuine commitment and interest.

THE NATURE OF FIELDWORK

What, precisely, is fieldwork in a study of this kind? In tradi­ tional ethnological conceptions, it consists of the time spent with informants whose community culture one is studying. But in a study ------like SCERP, the boundaries of the '.'culture" are impossible to establish other than arbitrarily, since the people of the "community" are nodes in networks radiating out over a whole continent, and their ideas and actions are constantly influenced by, arid are really part of, much larger systems. Consequently the conception of fieldwork had to be extended to include communication with experts and officials, "change agents" outside the region, "keepers of the gates" to resources wherever they might be, sources of information coming into the region, and so on. SCERP made full use of these kinds of information sources, and Bennett spent at least three weeks ofevery majorfield season travelling between Jasper and other parts of Saskatchewan, Alberta, Montana and North Dakota, tracing out lines of influence and connection, and seeking information and expertise. Traditional.fieldwork and "back­ ground" research (as this has usually been called by anthropologists) simply merged. A range-management specialist might furnish technical knowledge enabling the researchers to analyze data; but this same person might also be a relative of local Jasper people,bound up in status and influence networks in the region, and hence was an "informant" as well as an "expert." SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 207

Because of the nature of government, many bits of vital informa­ tion in a study emphasizing adaptive behavior cannot be obtained locally, since they are analytically separable only in a bureaucratic context. For example, in our studies of land use and resource adapta­ tion we found it necessary to study the mechanisms and kinds of alloca­ tion of leased grazing land in government offices hundreds of miles from Jasper, because the local people often did not have this informa­ tion, or could not see the big picture. Therefore some of our fieldwork consisted. of sitting at desks in government offices and "participating" with government,university, and trade association officials and mem'bers.While much of this work came under the heading of "background interviews," it is impossible to make detailed assessment of the time and effort, since so much of it was informal and even un­ recorded except in one's memory. Other styles of fieldwork emerged due to the nature of the study and of the locale. The traditional anthropological field experience takes place (or is supposed to do so) within a clearly defined community with social and natural boundaries. These boundaries serve as a container for social life, and a line which the field worker can stay behind, confining his work to that area. Where there are no geographical boundaries, such as among nomadic peoples, there are nevertheless fairly well-defined social boundaries which demarcate the interaction between group members. In the Jasper research, the rather vague geographic boundaries of the study region surrounded an area of about 6,000 square miles; social connections extended far beyond this geographical region, and were well scattered within it. In contrast with the more traditional ethnological approach of somewhat random, sedentary participationin the daily round of life, the long interview, acquired by automobile travel to the respondent, assumed' greater importance. Information collected through interviewing was necessary since the region was sparsely populated, and because people played different roles in different places,due to the overlapping social networks. Individuals who were interviewed in one context,. for instance, as enterprise operators, were met and interviewed in other places and contexts, for example, as school-board members or 4H leaders. Although official records, land-tenure maps, and historical docu­ ments of early settlement and interviews with early settlers were used, the primary data in the reconstruction of the development of Jasper as a social and economic system came from the development of the agricultural enterprise. These were obtained by constructing the family's genealogy, which mapped the kinship and marriage connec­ tions within the region. For the most part, these genealogies began with the family's entrance into the region-not because this was the point at which the informant began his lineage, but because of the objectives of 208 BENNETT AND KOHL the study. The genealogies were not collected for a formal kinship study aimed at delineating the total universe of kin, but in order to obtain data on the instrumental and integrative functions of kinship within a particular habitat. The study of one's own society or a variant of it with similar language and cultural traditions has important advantages: one is familiar with the language and its slang variations as well as with institutions and symbolic frames of reference which usually take the outsider a long time to learn. However, it is precisely because one is so familiar with so many aspects of the culture that fieldwork in one's own society can present hazards like the taking for granted of commonplace actions without determining or analyzing the implied understandings which may serve to validate them. Team or group research meant that there were others who had participated in the same event and inter­ viewed the same people, and thus it was possible to check perceptions and share information. One of the traditional roles of the anthropologist has been defined as the learning ofa different way of life (or language, myths, etc.). Such presentation of self and one's intentions has been on the whole explic­ able and understandable in the context of exotic peoples. However, in a setting where the researcher already occupies a certain status in a known national or continental social system and is not unfamiliar with the culture, such a stance as "learner" is not an obvious one, even though it may be precisely the one which the researcher desires to ------assume. It must be validated and explicated before the residents can respond as teachers. We found it necessary to point out to Jasperites that they had par­ ticular expertise which the researcher as an urbanite did not have. This consisted of their experiences in managing a difficult and capricious environment which was very different from an urban situation. However, these people also maintained their connection to, and managed aspects of, the urban world which could be termed difficult and capricious, such as bureaucratic regulations. The interviews and subsequent conversation with the residents commonly included discus­ sion of the differences between urban and rural life. Thus, the Jasper residents were assured that their expertise was a reality, and this enabled them to view researchers as "learners."In addition, there was continual reaffirmation of the fact that only through the collection of individual agrifamily histories could the researchers ever hope to complete the social history of the region, and that completion of this task was dependent upon the resident's help. The participation of Jasper residents in the research was helped by the fact that the recording of the history and development of this recently settled region was viewed by both the researchers and the subjects as useful and interesting..This shared frame of reference was fortunate because it meant that people were willing to give their time. SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 209

PUBLIC STATISTICS AND MEDIA DOCUMENTATION

Field studies of particular sectors of politically centralized, record-keeping societies have an important advantage over research in tribal and peasant communities insofar as a large body of documented information on social phenomena is available in public offices. These data do not always substitute for detailed field surveys, since the criteria for microsocial research are almost always finer than those designed for governmental surveys of various kinds. Nevertheless, certain important subjects are well covered by these resources, and much valuable time can thus be saved. Our use of census data for Jasper increased as time went by. By 1971, the Census of Canada made available printouts of data for various small areas which refined our presentations of district and township demographic information over and above the level indicated in Northern Plainsmen, which presented the data available inthe early 1960s. In some instances we combined our field data on families, households, and migration with the census data, using the two sets as checks against one another. For example, where census data for a particular small area showed a net loss for a certain census interval, our genealogical and migration data for that same area would be searched to see if the loss was a real one, and could be accounted for. In most cases such cross-checking was successful in that we were able to deter­ mine to our own satisfaction which set of data was the more correct. However, by the 1971 Census of Canada, rounding procedures made this very difficult, since such rounding is devised to permit 'anonymity and thus destroys the accuracy of totals for small areas. Economic statistics were not as useful as census data because they are usually not collected on a small-area basis, or because the records on the small areas are not available. In only a few cases, as in the records of government crop deficiency payments over a quarter­ century, were we able to reconstruct actual financial inputs for particular small areas. In the case ofthese paymentsthe data were kept on a township basis (the Prairie Farm Adjustment Act). Very intensive work of our own on particular data parameters often disclosed error in the official or published materials. This was particularly true for measurements of land area. As in the U.S., no two sources of land-area data for Canada can be found to agree exactly. Errors can be as great as 2 square miles, and as little as 2 acres. Surveys are made at different times, and surveyors make errors; sometimes the earth's curvature is computed into the measurement, sometimes not. Sometimes land area data are deliberately approximate, since there is no need for precision when boundaries are simply old fences and have continued in family hands over many years. Because of these errors in published sources, our reporting of land area was a careful approxima­ tion. We often compiled area data in several different ways in order to 210 BENNETT AND KOHL check the amount of error, or at least difference, between the various sources. When the discrepancies were unresolvable we simply took a median point. In any case, the level of accuracy is close enough for our purposes, which have been to show trends and patterns (see, for example, Northern Plainsmen, Table 4.2). In some cases we supplemented published statistics with our own collections. This was true for weather data which, with the usual excep­ tion of temperature, are rarely collected for small areas. Since we had to deal with microclimatic and microedaphic differences, it was neces­ sary to acquire information of our own for particular localities. We made full use of local weather observers, usually farmers, and we consulted the tax records of the Rural Municipalities for precise data on soil types for particularspots. Rural land taxes in Saskatchewan are based. on soil types. All of our local collaborators in this study of the contemporary country population were literate,and all paid close attention to the information and recreation media typical of North American culture. Their images of the Jasper region and the immediate community around Jaspertown were shaped by the attention given to the area by Canadian television, radio, magazines and newspapers. The media conceptions of the Old West-the ranchers, homesteaders, and Indians-had formed a layer of symbolism in Jasper thinking which had reshaped the authentic anecdotes and history of the frontier. More importantly for our study, with its instrumental emphases, Jasper enterprise was influenced by the outpouring of technical and economic information produced by the provincial and federal Departments of Agriculture, and by the agribusiness companies. We found it necessary to study these informational and symbolic inputs into Jasper mentality,. since they formed a significant part of everyday discourse and entered into key concepts and explanations of why people did what they did. We found the most convenient method was to collect documents and clippings, lists, program schedules, manuals and pamphlets; the collection in theSCERP office fills three file drawers. It was not always possible to know just what documenta­ tion was influential for what purpose; so this operation, like others in fieldworkin any society, inevitably suffers from redundancy. But it is redundancy in a good cause; more is never enough, and new meanings and significance are constantly being found in old documents as data analysis continues, and as reinterpretation of social process and cultural meaning proceed in a longitudinal research program.

SAMPLING PROCEDURES

Studies which focus on a particular region and a particular problem, studied longitudinally, differ from sociological and attitude SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 211 survey research where the objective is to sample "people," that is, an existing human population at a particular point in time. The socio­ economic aspect ofSCERP was concerned with sampling the relevant socioeconomic units within the natural population, and the roles ofthe "people" within these units. Since these interests represented a combination of economic and ecological criteria, our basic units were economic enterprises, or rather, that combination of kin, friends, and agricultural enterprise we now call the "agrifarnily." Since even at the beginning we anticipated at least two years of fieldwork, we knew that knowledge would accumulate and our ability to "sample" relevant sections of the total population would improve, and that opportunities for correction of earlier attempts would be available. We decided in 1961 to alternpt something like a stratified sample of agrifamilies and enterprises in order to get the study rolling on a reasonably representative basis. This effort centered on the construc­ tion. of the Regional Schedule, a 35-page comprehensive instrument consisting of many types of questions (open-ended and pre-coded, discussional, fill-in) administered to a set of farm and ranch operators and members of their families selected to match the categories of type of farming and income level enumerated in the 1961 Canada Census of Agriculture for the region (although we did modify the census categories because we found them too crude). The census classifica­ tions for income, type of farming (mode of production), and acreage were based largely on Central Canadian agriculture, and did not clearly represent a typical plains grain-livestock region such as Jasper. However, the case population developed by administering this Regional Schedule represented our major attempt to sample the country popula­ tion of the region. The second continuing effort at sampling consisted of selecting cases (for example, housewives, small ranchers, teen-agers, a special panel of enterprise managers, people of a certain religious affiliation) designed to test particular hypotheses or pursue particular problems. This work also generated a series of topically specialized protocols for data collection, to supplement and extend the initial Regional Schedule. As our work with such groups of cases proceeded, we related the accumulating lists to the Regional Schedule population, to check representativeness. In other words, the original Regional Schedule case population was gradually transformed into what we have called the Regional Sample. This sample stretches through the decade of research and forms the basis of theforthcoming book, OfTime andthe Enterprise. The final dimensions of the RegionalSample were not identical to the numbers of items in these categories for the region in the census reports for 1961and 1971. For example, we"oversampled" the country population and, within it, the cattle ranchers. However, we believe that 212 BENNETT AND KOHL in light of the objectives of the research, these procedures were necessary and permitted us to do what we wanted to do. The third step in oursampling procedure was theconstruction of a true Longitudinal Sample consisting of those enterprises (and their personnel) on which we had the most abundant data for both the 1960 and 1970 periods, and which represented the same categories of production, acreage, and income in the overall Regional Sample. The decision to maintain such a sample was made in 1963 and was really equivalent to the decision to make the study a longitudinal research program. These sampling methods are appropriate, we believe, for a long­ term study of a relatively small population with less diversity than would be typical of urban areas. All in all, we interviewed more than 400 persons in a total regional population of about 7500, of which about 3000 lived in villages and one town. Ofthe 400-odd, all but about 60 were country people; and of these, about 100 were interviewed more than once, some as often as 20 or 30 times. Of the total of 475 inter­ views, 365 were taken with members of 166 agrifamilies. These agri­ families constituted a sample of the regional total of about 1100 agri­ families and associated agricultural enterprises in the early 1960s (about 1000 by 1970). The relationships of our various sources of data to the sampled populations used for analytical purposes in Of Time and the Enter­ prise are shown on Figure I. The term "case population" on the bottom horizontal segment is not necessarily a statistical construct but simply describes or lists all those special groups of people and social entities in which we became interested, for whatever purpose. Several ofthem­ the enterprise operators, the enterprise units, and the households­ were singled out for a computer analysis of some 55 variables. Others were pulled out for less rigorous or qualitative handling.

THE EMERGING MODEL

As SCERP proceeded through the first three field seasons, the parameters of sampling and data gathering served to identify two major organizing constructs: the idea of the "agrifamily" as a systemic unit of research, and the concept of temporal cycles and rhythms of change in the agrifamily and its component subsystems. The agrifamily was defined as the most significant context of experience for the country population. It consisted of two internal sub­ systems, the household and the enterprise, and several external sub­ systems, the instrumental network, the community, and the national structure. These are diagrammed on Figure 2. We gave close attention to all of these subsystems, as already indicated, but the first two were probably of major importance. The enterprise subsystem provides a FIGURE 1 C/1 ::t> C/1 SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY RESEARCH PROGRAM ~ ....,::t> HIERARCHY OF HOUSEHOLD, ENTERPRISE, OPERATOR, AND WIFE SAMPLES FOR COMPUTER ANALYSIS o :c tTl ~ v: ::t> 0.. I. II. III. Z :J o o Respondents Respondents Respondents c:: 0:: interviewed in interviewed in interviewed in 1960 & r­...., c c:: f­ 1960 only - ______1970 only 1970, and for whom largest ~ :z ~IV.~ ::t> t.1J amount of longitudinal data r- c available tTl :z Respondents o o interviewed once, but o 0.. r­ v: for whom longitudinal o t.1J c 0:: data is available -< 1. IA. 2. 3. Grouped Grouped Sample of Matched Sample of Same o: 1960 Data 1970 Data HEOWs for which data HEOWs for which t.1J -J on HEOWs on HEOWs available: longitudinal data c, (I, III) . ~ (II, III) ~ ~ :2 available:

II I 214 BENNETT AND KOHL

FIGURE 2

THE AGRIFAMILY SYSTEM AND ITS SUBSYSTEMS

THE AGRIFAMILY r+- ~

Nuclear Family Household ~ Head or Manager 0::: Membership 0 ~ Budget f- Commissary L1J Z Labour (to maintain the household and its members) ~ < Technology (e.g., a house, tools, appliances, etc.) f- Enterprise Z L1J Manager (to direct operations) ~ Capital (to invest in production facilities) ~ 0::: Labour (to perform the tasks of production) f- IJ) IJ) Physical Resources (mainly land and water) f- z Z Access to Sources ofSupport (political (J.J C connections, communication channels, etc.) < Technology (machines, energy) ~ 0:: (J.J COMMUNITY ~ 0- 0:: Neighbours, Friends and Kinsmen ~ ------Organizations Sources of Order and Rationale Transportation and Communication Facilities

NATIONAL STRUCTURE

Organizations and Agencies Legal Regulations and Alternatives Political Arrangements Economic Market Media ofInformation and Values crucial link between the family, or the household, and the outside world. The temporal rhythms of the household unit either were coordinated or clashed with the stages of the enterprise, and the maturational experiences of the several household members were like­ wise interdigitated, for better or for worse, with these cycles and stages. Some of the key rhythms are diagrammed on Figure 3. By "reading down," one can gain some idea of the possibilities of cycle intersection. The intersection of the family development cycle with the enterprise stages features the transfer of resources from one genera­ tion to the next (or from one owner-operator to another, in the case of the sale of an enterprise). The analysis ofthis transfer process high- CFJ :> CFJ ~ :>...., FIGURE 3 o ::c tT1 ~ TEMPORAL RHYTHMS OF LOCAL COMPONENTS OF A TYPICAL JASPER AGRIFAMILY SYSTEM :>z o c:: ....,t"'" Component c: it' and Functions Cycles Process :> t"'" Enterprise otT1 Manager Bachelor "Slows New Operator: o "starters,,~Establishes.....Oevelops ---.down" ~ Retires • Develops AGING. ot"'" Decisions o and Tasks­ -< Accomplishment Enterprise Establishment )lDevelopment.....Maintaining • Redevelopment DEVELOPING Economic and Phase Phase Phase Phase Technical Nuclear Family Household Courtship-ss-Marriage .Birth & training Transmission Courtship EXPANDING AND Reproduction of children "~ of headship )- Marriage CONTRACTING and Socialization Instrumental Network Wife's family (various events Offspring's RAMIFYING AND Reciprocal added will influence) family added ATTENUATING Exchange

~ Ot 216 BENNETT AND KOHL

lights the longitudinal orientation of the study: "succession" became the central focus of the time-depth study. The external system, repre­ sented by the market, and also by climate, provided another set of temporal rhythms which the internal social subsystems had to cope with. In summary, SCERP studies of the Euroamerican settlement became a study of the "family farm"-possibly a passing species of socioeconomic structure. In viewing our work in this context, we were aware of the' fact that studies of the family farm by rural sociologists and economists had been specialized around the tasks of production. However, since the traditional model for contemporary industrial­ agricultural systems is predicated on a shared goal of economic maximization, many of the concerns of anthropologists were neglected­ concerns which directed attention to family-household dynamics and economic decision-making. The cultural-ecological approach, the study of use of physical resources to make a living in a defined institutional context of national as well as local provenience over time, permitted us to see how a social system emerges, and how that social system provides the tools to cope with the institutions. This approach, present in both Bennett, Northern Plainsmen, and Kohl, Working Together, culminates in the mono­ graph Of Time and the Enterprise, a study of the management of the agrifamily as a combined social, economic and ecological undertaking.

Management, or decision-making writ large, is an "adaptive system" ---~ ------~ insofar as past decisions determine future problems. While personality and situational factors give consistency to the behaviour of agrifamily members, they must maintain considerable flexibility in choices and decisions in order to adapt to, or be successful within, their total environment. This total environment is characterized by considerable uncertainty and risk, marginality of basic resources, and constantly changing economic values. Consequently, family-farm management in an entrepreneurial system can be seen as a system of behaviour in which idealized goals of profit, or of conservation of resources; must always be qualified by considerations of reality. These considerations include the goals and desires of thefamily, the community, the nation and its institutions, the vicissitudes of the economic market, and the past experience of the manager. In more general social-science terms, this model assumes that time is crucial for the understanding of human activity, and that no satisfactory answers can be provided for questions of development and change in society unless some way is found to incorporate the effect of time, that is, to view human behaviour as a temporal or adaptive process. SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 217

REFERENCES

(To non-SCERP publications)

Bennett, John W., Herbert Passin & Harvey L. Smith 1942 "Food and Culture in Southern Illinois: A Preliminary Report." American Sociologi­ cal Review 7; 645-660. Bennett, John W. 1943 "Food and Social Status in a Rural Society." American Sociological Review: 8; 561-69. 1944 "The Interaction of Culture and Environment in the Smaller Societies." American Anthropologist 46; 461-78. . 1946 "An Interpretation of the Scope and Implications of Social Scientific Research in Human Subsistence." American Anthropologist: 48; 553-573. 1958 "Economic Aspects of a Boss-Henchman System in the Japanese Forestry Industry." Economic Development and Cultural Change 7; 13-30. Bennett, John W. & Iwao Ishino 1963 Paternalism in the Japanese Economy, (Chapters 6, 7) Minneapolis, Univ. of Minne­ sota Press. Kehoe, Thomas 1973 The Gull Lake Site. Publications in Anthropology and History No. I. Milwaukee Pub­ lic Museum. Milwaukee, Wis. Lipset, Seymour Martin 1950, Agrarian Socialism. Berkeley, Univ. of California Press (1950). 1968edition in Anchor Books. Steward, Julian 1955 "The Concept and Method of Cultural Ecology." In J. Steward, The Theory of Culture Change. Urbana, Univ. of Illinois Press. 1956 The People of Puerto Rico. Urbana, Univ. of Illinois Press. Vogt, Evon Z. 1955 Modern Homesteaders. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ. Press.

SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY RESEARCH PROGRAM Comprehensive Bibliography oj Books and Articles/and Reprinted Material-/963-/977

I. BOOKS. Bennett, John W. (ed.) 1966 Social Research in North American Moisture Deficient Regions. Contribution No.9 of the Committee on Desert and Arid Zones Research, American Association for the Advancement of Science. Las Cruces: New Mexico State University. Bennett, John W. 1967 Hutterian Brethren: The Agricultural Economy and Social Organization oja Com­ munal People. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. 1969 Northern Plainsmen: Adaptive Strategy and Agrarian Life. Chicago: Aldine Publish­ ing Co. 1976 Northern Plainsmen: Adaptive Strategy and Agrarian Life. Arlington Heights, Illinois: AHM Publishing Co. (slightly revised and supplemented version of Bennett, 1969). Braroe, Niels W. 1975 Indian-and White: SelfImage and Interaction in a Canadian Plains Community. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. Kohl, Seena B. 1976 Working Together: Women and Family in Southwestern Saskatchewan. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada Ltd.

IN PRESS. Bennett, John W. OJ Time and the Enterprise: Management as an Adaptive Process in the North Ameri­ can Agrifamily. (With two co-authored chapters by Seena B. Kohl.) Univ. of Minne­ sota Press. II. ARTICLES. Bennett, John W. 1963A "Riskand Rationality: Aspects of Behavioral Adaptation inan Arid-Variable Habitat." Plains Anthropologist: 8; 21; 182-87. 1963B "Synopsis of a Cultural Ecology Research Program in Saskatchewan." Plains Anth­ ropologist: 8; 20; 86-90. 1964 "Attitudes Toward Animals and Nature in a Great Plains Community." Plains An­ thropologist: 9; 23; 37-47. 218 BENNETT AND KOHL

1966A "Communal Brethren of the Great Plains." Trans-Action 4; 2; 42-7. 1966B "Ecology, Economy, and Society in an Agricultural Region of the Northern Great Plains." In J. W. Bennett (ed.) Social Research in North American Moisture Deficient Regions. Contribution No.9 of the Committee on Desert and Arid Zones Research, American Association for the Advancement of Science. Las Cruces: New Mexico State University. 1967A "Microcosm-Macrocosm Relationships in North American Agrarian Society." Amer­ ican Anthropologist 69: 441-54. 1967B "Social Adaptation in a Northern Plains Region: A Saskatchewan Study." In C. C. Zimmerman and S. Russell (eds.), Symposium on the Great Plains ofNorth America. Fargo: North Dakota State University. 1968 "Reciprocal Economic Exchanges Among North American Agricultural Operators." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 24: 276-309. 1973 "Adaptive Strategy and Processes in the Canadian Plains." In R. Allen (ed.), A Region of the Mind. Canadian Plains Studies No. I. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, pp. 181- 199. 1975 "Change and Transition in Hutterian Society." In Anthony W. Rasporich (ed.), West­ ern Canada Past and Present. Calgary: McClelland & Stewart West and the Univer­ sity of Calgary, pp. 120-132. 1976A "Frames of Reference for the Study of Hutterian Society." International Review of Modern Sociology 6: 23-39. 1976B "Supplementary Essay: A Comparison: Hutterite Women and Their Families." In S. B.Kohl, Working Together: Women and Family in Southwestern Saskatchewan. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, Ltd., pp. 109-125. Bennett, John W. 1977A "The H utterian Colony: A Traditional Voluntary Agrarian Commune with Large Economic Scale." In Peter Dorner (ed.), Cooperative and Commune: Group Farming in the Economic Development ofAgriculture, Chapter 3, 65-88. Madison: The Uni­ versity of Wisconsin Press. 1977B "Social Theory and the Social Order of the Hutterian Community." Mennonite Quar- terly Review: LI; 4; 292-307.· . Bennett, John W. and Seena B. Kohl 1963 "Two Memoranda on Social Organization and Adaptive Selection in a Northern Plains Region." Plains Anthropologist: 8; 22; 238-48. 1975 "Characterological, Institutional, and Strategic Interpretations of Prairie Settlement." In A. W. Rasporich (ed.), Western Canada Past and Present. Calgary: McClelland & Stewart West and the University of Calgary, pp. 14-27. Bennett, John W. and Cynthia Krueger 1966 "Agrarian Pragmatism and Radical Politics: The Fate of the CCF." Supplementary chapter in S. M. Lipset, Agrarian Socialism. Doubleday Anchor Edition. Braroe, Niels, W. 1965 "Reciprocal Exploitation in an Indian-White Community." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology: 21; 166-78. Kohl, Seena B. 1971 "The Family in a Post-Frontier Society." (Original Essay) In K. Ishwaran (ed.), The Canadian Family: A Book of Readings. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada Ltd., pp. 79-93. 1978 "Women's Participation in the North American Family Farm." Women's Studies International Quartery: I; 47-54. 1979 "The Making ofa Community: the Role of Women in an Agricultural Setting," in A. J. Lichtman and J. R. Challinor (eds.), Kin andFamilies in America. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian International Symposia Series. Kohl, Seena B. and J. W. Bennett 1965 "Kinship, Succession, and the Migration of Young People in a Canadian Agricultural Community." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 6: 96-116. IN PRESS. Bennett, John W. "Farm Management as Cultural Style: Studies of Adaptive Process in the North American Agrifamily," In Geo. Dalon (ed.), Research in Economic Anthropology. N.Y.: JAI Press, forthcoming 1981. Bennett, John W. "The Concept of 'Management Style' as a Tool in the Analysis of Family-Operated Agricultural Enterprises," In P. Barlett (ed.), Agricultural Decision Making. N.Y.: Academic Press, forthcoming 1980. Bennett, J. W. & S. B. Kohl "A Longitudinal Cultural Eeology Research Program in Rural North America: 1960­ 1973," In D. Messerschmidt (ed.), Anthropologists at Home. N.Y.: Cambridge Univ. Press, forthcoming. SASKATCHEWAN CULTURAL ECOLOGY 219

Kohl, Seena B. "Working Together: Husbands and Wives in the Small Scale Family Agricultural Enterprise," In K. Ishwaran (ed.), The Canadian Family: A Book of Readings. Tor­ onto: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston of Canada Ltd. III. REPRINTED MATERIAL. Bennett, John W. 1971A A Cree Indian Reserve. Chapter 7 in J. L. Elliot (ed.), Minority Canadians: Native Peoples, Vol. l. (Based on Chapter 5,J. W. Bennett, 1969, Northern Plainsmen: Adap­ tive Strategy and Agrarian Life.) Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall of Canada, pp.99-115. 1971B Communal Brethren of the Great Plains. In I. L. Horowitz and M. S. Strong (eds.), Sociological Realities. N.Y.: Harper & Row. (Reprint of original: Bennett, 1966A.), pp.12-17. 1971C Communal Brethren of the Great Plains. In Samuel E. Wallace (ed.), Total Institu­ tions. Transaction, Inc., Aldine Publishing Co., 154-164. (Reprint of original: Ben­ nett, 1966A.) 1971D The Hutterites: A Communal Sect. Chapter 2, in J. L. Elliott (ed.), Minority Cana­ dians: Vol. 2, Immigrant Groups (based on Chapter 8, J. W. Bennett 1969, Northern Plainsmen: Adaptive Strategy and Agrarian Life.) Scarborough, Ontario: Prentice Hall of Canada, pp. 15-32. 1973 Reprinted selections from Bennett 1967. In R. M. Kantor (ed.), Communes: Creating and Managing the Collective Life. N.Y.: Harper & Row. 1974 Microcosm-Macrocosm Relationships in North American Agrarian Society. In M. Micklin (ed.), Current Issues in Human Ecology: Population, Environment, Social Organization. (Reprint of original in Bennett, 1967A.) Hinsdale, Illinois: The Dryden Press. Kohl, Seena and J. W. Bennett 1971 Succession to Family Enterprises and the Migration of Young People in a Canadian Agricultural Community. Reprinted with revisions and additions as first revised ver­ sion of 1965 article. In K. Ishwaran (ed.), The Canadian Family, 203-262. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart & Winston of Canada, Ltd. 1976 Succession to Family Enterprises and the Migration of Young People in a Canadian Agricultural Community. (Second revised version of' Kohl & Bennett 1965). In K. Ishwaran(ed.), The Canadian Family Revised, 246-303. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada, Ltd. . 1977 Succession to Family Enterprises and the Migration of Young People in an Agricul­ tural Community. (Reprinted, second revised version of Kohl & Bennett 1965.) In C. Beattie & S. Crysdale, Sociology Canada: Reader, Second Edition, 131-42. Toronto, Canada: Butterworth & Co. Ltd.

PRAIRIE FORUM, 1979. Vol. 4, NO.2 221

Dissolved Oxygen Depletion Problems in Ice-Covered Alberta Rivers P. H. Bouthillier and S. E. Hrudey Department of Civil Engineering, University of Alberta

ABSTRACT. An aerobic environment is a basic requirement of river management programs. The dissolved oxygen dynamics of rivers and streams depend, in part, upon a reaeration term which reflects absorption ofoxygen at the free water surface. Fora major part of the year; streams and lakes on the Canadian plains have a substantial ice cover which effectively eliminates atmos­ phericreaeration. Consequently, rivers must generally depend upon their source water to supply oxygen in winter. Those waters which originate at mountain sources usually obtain dissolved oxygen in the first reaches, in which rapids usually stay open throughout the winter. However, those waters rising at lower elevations show oxygen deficits and in the cases of muskeg drainage, a continuing oxygen demand. Some Alberta rivers exhibit levels of dissolved oxygen well below 8 tug] L during winter ice cover when the saturation concentration would be 14 tug] L. The actual mechanism involved in the natural oxygen demand has been the subject of continued study and speculation. It is generally accepted that the oxygen demand is exerted by attached microorganisms on the river bottom, and recent evidence has shown the ability ofmicro­ organisms to metabolize the relatively stable organic carbon originating from muskeg runoff. Because of this natural oxygen deficit and demand, the allowable oxygen demand loading by man-made wastes can be exceedingly low for prairie rivers. Improved treatment technology can reduce oxygen demand. However, the incremental cost of removing the last few tug] L of BOD may make reaeration by weirs, dams or "U" tubes an attractive alternative method of raising the levels of dissolved oxygen in streams. The saturation of treated effluent discharges with dissolved oxygen would be of some help where dilution rates-are low. Available head at effluent outtalls IS generally not used to advantage and may make the use of "U" tubes an economical method for providing additional oxygen to the river environment.

RESUME L'aerobie -est une des conditions requises pour les programmes de gestion des rivieres. La dynamique de l'oxygene dissout, pour les rivieres et lescourants, depend en partie d'un coefficient de reaeration qui entraine l'absorption de l'oxygene a la surface des eaux libres. Pendant une grande partie de l'annee, les courants et les lacs. des plaines canadiennes sont recouverts d'une couche de glace importante qui elimine, en fait, la reaeration atrnospherique, Parconsequent, les rivieres doivent dependre de leurs eaux de source pour leur approvisionnement en hiver. Ces eaux qui proviennent de sources montagnardes, obtiennent generalement de l'oxygene dissout dans les premiers biefs, OU les rapides sont generalement libres de glace pendant tout l'hiver. Cependant, ces eaux sortant a des attitudes plus basses, sont deficientes en oxygene, et dans Ie cas des eaux de surface des marecages, requierent un oxygene constant. Des rivieres de l'Alberta montrent un niveau d'oxygene dissout bien au dessous des 8 tug] L, quand il y a une couverture de glace hivernale, alors que la concentration de saturation devrait etre de 14 tag] L. Le mecanisme reel qui participe ala demande d'oxygene nature} a ete le sujet d'etudes et de speculations constantes. On accepte generalement I'explication suivante: la demande d'oxygene est exercee par des microorganismes attaches dans le fond des rivieres et des preuves recentes montrent le pouvoir de ces rnacro-organismes de metaboliser le carbone organique qui provient des ecoulements des marecages. Vu ce deficit et cette demande en oxygene naturel, il est extrernement difficile d'avoir une quantite d'oxygene suffisante pour la decomposition des detritus d'origine humaine, dans les rivieres des prairies. Avec I'aide technologique d'un traite­ ment arneliore, on peut diminuer la quantite d'oxygene necessaire, Neanrnoins, a cause du cout sans cesse croissant de la destruction des quelques derniers tag] L de BOD, la reaeration dans Ies barrages, retenues ou tubes en. U· semble etre une centre-methode seduisante pour relever le niveau d'oxygene dissout dans les courrants. La saturation en oxygene dissout dans l'ecoulement des effluents deja traites serait utile la ou les taux de dilution sont faibles. Les embouchures a la sortie des effluents ne sont generalement pas mises a profit et peuvent rend re econornique I'emploi des tubes en U pour l'approvisionnement en oxygene supplernentaire de I'environnement fluvial.

INTRODUCTION

Sub-zero weather and the length of winters in Western Canada produce conditions under which the capacity of our rivers to accommodate waste loads is severely limited. These adverse conditions 222 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY are compounded bylow winter-period streamflows .which result in higher concentrations', of stream pollutants due to reduced dilution capacity. Since the early 1950s, the treatment of wastes and the maintenance of stream quality standards has been actively pursued by governmental agencies at all levels. Although waste treatment is almost universally provided for industrial and municipal wastes in Alberta, the rivers remain the final depository for most effluents. With increased waste flows created by growth of population and industry, continuing effort will be required to maintain good river water quality. While there is much interest and research now directed to the control and the effects of trace pollutants, such asmercury and chlorinated hydrocarbons, the basic need for adequate dissolved oxygen remains a fundamental requirement of river ecosystems.

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ALBERTA'S PRAIRIE RIVERS

Alberta is not blessed by a multitude of streams. The North Saskatchewan, with its major tributary the Brazeau, the South Saskatchewan, a product of the St. Mary and the Oldman, the Bow and the Red Deer Rivers constitute the basic water resource in the more populous section of the province (Figure 1). Consequently, they carry the major portion of the load from waste effluent streams. Fortunately, these rivers rise in the Rocky Mountains and have mountain snowmelt as their major source of water. This source

------~-

8.S m3/s

66 m3/s 210 m3/s

Scale for Discharge: o 10 20, x 100 m3/s I•• '

Figure 1 Alberta's Prairie Rivers (After Neill et al., 1970) TABLE 1 o FLOW DATA x (Neill et al., 1970) o-< tTl Z o STATION' RIVER STATION EXTREME DAILY MEAN NATURAL CONTROLLED tTl LOCATION MINIMUM m-/s m3/s MINIMUM MINIMUM l' ""tTl MONTHLY MONTHLY -l Code m3/s m3/s s Z

III North Saskatchewan Edmonton 6.2 Jan. '40 220 16 71 :;;::l ""o l o::l 115 Red Deer Bindloss 0.5 Dec. '61 67 1.0 16 l' 117 South Saskatchewan Medicine Hat 10.2 Nov. '29 211 18 ~ 50 tTls: en 119 Bow River Calgary 3.48 Feb. '30 92 ~ 45

, When Red Deer River dam is completed and flow is controlled.

TABLE 2 ICE DATA (Neill et al., 1970)

RIVER STATION ICE PRESENT MAXIMUM ICE THICKNESS3 Earliest' Last2 Average Highest (mean) (mean) metres metres Peace Peace River Nov. 3 Apr. 24 1.07 1.684 North Saskatchewan Lea Park Nov. 3 April 22 0.76 0.91 Red Deer Bindloss Nov. 6 Apr. 2 0.67 1.13 South Saskatchewan Medicine Hat Nov. 12 Apr. 5 Complete ice cover one to two weeks later. Ice break-up one to two weeks earlier. From D.O.T. records. I\) I\) Excess thickness probably due to effect of traffic at the river crossing. (,I) 224 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY

175 r------,

T50

~ 125 E g 100 "-as s: o en 75 C CD > i:[ 50

25

O'----_+_-~--_+_-__+_--~-_+_-__+--+__-__+_------J Sept.

Figure 2 Winter Flow Variations in the North Saskatchewan River (Surface Water Data: Alberta, Water Survey of Canada) provides good initial water quality and an annual yield of assured quantity. The majority of the other streams in central and southern Alberta have minor flows, often flowing only in spring. Table I shows the flows in the North Saskatchewan, the Red Deer and the South Saskatchewan Rivers. It should be noted that due to water storage for hydroelectric power developments or irrigation there has been a considerable increase in the minimum winter flows. This has significantly aided the maintenance of acceptable downstream water quality. The peak demand for electricity occurs in winter, and thus the hydro-power installations serve a dual purp-ose. In the case of the St. Mary River, the storage is intended primarily for irrigation purposes; nonetheless, a certain minimum fall and winter flow can be maintained. Similarly, the Diefenbaker Reservoir in Saskatchewan has been used to sustain minimum flows in the S-outh Saskatchewan River below the Gardiner Dam. A common pattern of river flows is shown in Figure 2 in which North Saskatchewan River data are shown. The sharp drops in the flow rates in November are caused by a changein the flow regime due to ice formation. This phenomenon, not always so pronounced, occurs each year when cold spells in early winter cause a solid ice cover to form. The period of ice cover and the thickness of ice at a few selected points are shown in Table 2. The dates indicated are the dates on which ice formation interfered with flow measurements. For most streams the normal period of ice cover probably lasts from the first part of December until April, with the streams in the southern part of the province having ice cover for a few weeks less than those in the north. Except for rapids in the mountains and foothills, the ice cover is so OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 225

complete that, effectively, no atmospheric reaeration can occur. The only exceptions are a few points where warm water keeps a stretch of river ice-free. A good example of this effect is the ice-free reach of several miles on .the North Saskatchewan River caused by the cooling water from the two City of Edmonton power plants.

THE ROLE OF DISSOLVED OXYGEN IN ALBERTA'S PRAIRIE RIVERS

'Dissolved oxygen is required to sustain all obligate aerobic forms of aquatic life, including fish. Basically, oxygen is used by aquatic organisms, including microorganisms, in the process of respiration. In their life cycle microorganisms decompose dissolved and suspended organic material to yield energy and new cell material. In this process much of the carbonaceous material, which constitutes a large portion of municipal and industrial wastewaters, is mineralized to carbon dioxide. A portion of the nitrogen present in waste components is eventually oxidized to nitrates which are subsequently available for uptake and biosynthesis. The source of oxygen in water is dissolution from the atmosphere, and, during daylight hours, oxygen production by algae and rooted plants. The algae and plants, during periodswhen no sunlight is present, continue to use oxygen in the process ofrespira­ tion. The diurnal variations in dissolved oxygen in the Bow River below Calgary (Figure 3) provide a vivid illustration of this part of the oxygen cycle which occurs in summer. During winter months, because of ice cover, no atmospheric

14 ,------, p---o------Dissolved Oxygen ,/ ....--...... Q.._ Daytime Values :::a 12 I --~--""----.... __ <, 0) I ....--...... §, 10 I Dissolved Oxygen c: o o at Saturation Q) 0) 8 ~ X \ / Theoretical o 6 \ Dissolved Oxygen // Oxygen Sag "'C \ Nightime Values / Q) \ // > \ / "0 4 UJ ~~-4-~/ .~ ~ o 2 ~ u ~ :; ~ j ~ O ...... ----a.-.-..I-.-.&...----a----o __---'- -01 ---a-_...... ----a. .&...---J5 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 km Downstream from Bonnybrook Sewer Outfall, Calgary

Figure 3 Diurnal Dissolved Oxygen Fluctuation in the Bow River 226 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY reaeration occurs. Concurrently, organic debris collected on river beds constitutes a source of biochemical oxygen demand. These conditions create a situation in which there can be an oxygen demand due to the oxidation of organics by psychrophilic microorganisms at a time when atmospheric reaeration is not possible. Studies of this condition in Alberta date b~ck to the early 1950s when work was carried out on the North Saskatchewan River. Figure 4 shows the oxygen depletion from the 1950s to the present time. The improved levels of dissolved oxygen are due to reduced loadings and increased minimum water flows. IIi the 1956 curves, the dissolved oxygen level was 0 tug] L, as far as 100km downstream from the city of Edmonton. Due to the anaerobic conditions, river samples had the odour and appearance of septic tank effluents. Severe deficits have also occurred in the Red Deer River, a plot of which is provided in Figures 5 and 6 for the winter of 1970-71. Since that time, the City of Red Deer has installed secondary sewage treatment, but the problem of low dissolved oxygen in winter still exists. Minimum dissolved oxygen levels for 1979.are shown in Table 3. '

14 .------:------.,

13 o Mar. 1956 .....J A Feb. 1956 <, C> 12 o Mar. 1958 E v Feb~ 1958 • Feb. 1960 I 11 A Jan. 1966 c • 1969 - 70 ~ 10 ~ X o 9 "C ~ 8 (5 ~ 7 o 6 «1 :::J "C 5 "00 ~ 4

5' 3 E "c 2 ~

20 40 60 80 ·100 200 400 km Downstream from Edmonton Figure 4 Winter Dissolved Oxygen Profiles for the North Saskatchewan River (updatedfrom Cameron, 1967) OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 227

TABLE 3

DISSOLVED OXYGEN DATA 1979 1 RIVER LOCATION MINIMUM FLOW DISSOLVED m3/s OXYGEN mg/L North Saskatchewan Vinca 10.6 71.0 Red Deer Drumheller 0.8 7.7 Oldman Fincastle 0.2 25.9 South Saskatchewan Medicine Hat 6.4 66.7

I Alberta Environment, Pollution Control Division, Surface Water Quality Data Files.'

Flow

A Dissolved Oxygen at Nevis o Dissolved Oxygen Above Red Deer

Figure 5 Red Deer River Dissolved Oxygen During Winter Months (After Bouthillier and Simpson, /972) 228 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY

...J Treated River Dissolved Oxygen o Sewage o E Discharge o River BODs, 20 o N 10 lti C ~ 8 ~ o c: Q) 6 ~ >< o 4 "'0 Q) > ~ 2 .~ C

-50 -40 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 River (km)

Figure 6 Winter Dissolved Oxygen Profiles for the Red Deer River (After Bouthillier and Simpson, 1972)

Several studies have addressed the dissolved oxygen problems of the Red Deer River (Bouthillier and Simpson, 1972;Baker et al., 1975, 1977; Beak, 1977 and Penttinen et al., 1979). In general, these studies have implicated treated sewage effluent from Red Deer as one contributor to the wintertime problems with dissolved oxygen. However, classical predictions of dissolved oxygen deficit, based on BODs loading, have erred on the low side. There are several plausible explanations for the observed discrepancy. Firstly, during open-water periods, organic loadings to the river can promote the development of large microbial populations, a large proportion of which are often attached to the river substrate (Baker et al., 1975). Such populations could exert significant oxygen demand, even at winter temperatures, by absorbing and oxidizing organics from the overlying flow as well as from endogenous respiration. The latter process results from organisms oxidizing intracellular reserves of organic matter. As well as man-made organic loading, the Red Deer River receives significant natural organic loading from muskeg leachate and particulate organic debris. Penttinen et ale (1979) found that the organic matterpresent in the flow of the Blindman River (a small tribu­ tary of the Red Deer River), which was expected to be relatively resistant to biochemical oxidation, can exert a significant biochemical oxygen demand. OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 229

In. addition to the oxygen demand of microorganisms in stabiliz­ ing carbonaceous organic' materials, the biochemical oxidation of ammonia to nitrate can be significant. Although several investigators have reported that nitrification occurs to only a negligible degree at temperatures below 4°C (Painter, 1970; Van Kessel, 1977), data on ammonia and nitrates for February samples from the North Saskat­ chewan River (Table 4) seem to suggest otherwise. A value of even 1 tug] L of nitrate nitrogen, created from ammonia, would correspond to a nitrogenous oxygen demand of 4.33 tng] L using the nitrification stoichiometry observed by Wezernak and Gannon (1968). Clearly, nitrification should not be arbitrarily dismissed as a possible contribut­ ing factor to under-ice dissolved oxygen depletion.

TABLE 4

INORGANIC NITROGENOUS COMPOUNDS IN NORTH SASKATCHEW.AN RIVER WINTER FLOW.

LOCATION COMPONENTS DATE

Maximum NH3 Maximum N03 mg/L (as N) mg/L (as N) Upstream of Edmonton 0.1 0.1 1965-1974 Lloydminster 3.2 0.5 February 1965 Lloydminster 1.0 0.4 February 1970 Lloydminster 1.2 0.4 February 1972 Lloydminster 0.6 2.8 February 1974

I Alberta Environment, Pollution Control Division, Surface Water Quality Data Files.

Finally, the dissolved oxygen provided by the winter base flow could .bebelow saturation for the ambient temperature conditions. Ice­ covered rivers depend on groundwater for basal flow and this source frequently will provide relativelylow initial values ofdissolved oxygen. One of the questions which might be asked is: What is a reasonable minimum level for dissolved oxygen? The Province of Alberta Surface Water Quality Objectives call for a minimum of 5 tag] L at any time. It is generally accepted that to sustain fish a level of4 tug] L, or possibly 50 per cent of saturation, is required depending upon the type of fish, stream temperature, and whether a spawning area is involved. The winter situation is unique in that even pristine ice­ covered streams exhibit a deficit of dissolved oxygen (Gordon, 1971), and in some cases the dissolved oxygen level may drop to zero after prolonged periods of ice cover. It is not likely that any of the major rivers in Alberta naturally reached the zero level for dissolved oxygen prior to the onset of man-made pollution. 230 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY

Since the inception of effluent quality. management in Alberta, there has been an apparent increase in the fish population of the major rivers. Walleye (Stizostedion vitreum vitreum), northern pike (Esox lucius Linnaeus), goldeye (Hiodon alosoides) and mountain whitefish (Prosopium williamsoni) are present in numbers sufficient for recrea­ tional harvest in the North Saskatchewan River and its tributaries (even though some contain measurable mercury residues). The Red Deer River, despite continuing low values of dissolved oxygen in winter, has a good summer fish population. The Bow River below Calgary abounds in rainbow trout (Salmo gairdneri Richardson). To some extent, the fish population below Calgary can be attributed to the abundance of food provided by waste disposal to the river. The weed growth, which for other reasons is undesirable, provides a good fish habitat under open-water conditions provided effluents do not cause clean streams, with gravel substrate, to become sedimented. Such conditions will eliminate spawning areas for clean-water fish, such as trout; some concern is developing in this regard for the Bow River.

MITIGATION OF WINTER DISSOLVED OXYGEN PROBLEMS

The foregoing has been a description of past events from which experience may be gained to implement plans for the future. Based on this experience, measures must be taken to ensure the maintenance of water-quality objectives. Any plan of pollution control is dependent, in the first instance, on surveying and monitoring of current conditions. A recent techno­ logical development has been the transmission of data to Edmonton, using a telecommunications satellite, from the Vinca continuous water-quality monitoring station on the North Saskatchewan River. The "instant" transmission of water-quality data has, in a few cases, enabled Department of Environment "sleuths" to inform certain industries of spills orreduced treatment efficiency of which they were not "aware." Continuous monitoring stations are in operation at Vinca (North Saskatchewan River), Drumheller (Red Deer River), Baker Sanitorium (Bow River), Fincastle (Oldman River) and Medicine Hat (South Saskatchewan River). Continuous monitoring is limited to measurement and recording of pH, temperature, conductivity, turbid­ ity, and dissolved oxygen. Secondary waste treatment has been required and installed at Edmonton, Red Deer, Calgary, Lethbridge, Taber and Medicine Hat. Most ofthe smaller centers avoid winter discharge of effluents by using lagoons of six to twelve months detention. Industry must provide waste treatment, usually to the limits provided by the best practicable technology. The availability of deep-well disposal in many locations, OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 231

and the high evaporation rates in southern Alberta have allowed many industries to reduce or eliminate effluent discharges.

Land Disposal Another means of reducing stream loading is a process which generally .meets with the approval of conservationists and environ­ mentalists, viz. the use of treated sewage for irrigation purposes. This process is being used at Taber, Alberta. Because of the long winter period, land disposal requires storage of at least six months of effluent volume. Several other small sewage-irrigation schemes have been initiated (Nu West Village and Claresholm) but the total volume of waste disposed of in this manner is, so far, negligible. If the City of Edmonton were to use this method of waste disposal, storage of 40 million rn' would be required and the irrigated land area required would be almost one township (irrigated 1 m depth/yr.), The use of treated effluents for the irrigation of cropland appears to be more applicable to areas where rainfall is insufficient to support crop growth and where the allowable irrigation period is longer.· In general, this approach is attractive because nutrients such as nitrogen and phos­ phorus which cause problems in water bodies provide fertilization when present in irrigation waters.

Reaeration by Engineering Techniques Dams and Spillways Reaeration ofrivers may be carried out using man-made structures or processes. The most apparent technique is the use of dams and spill­ ways. In order to be efficient, a dam or weir must be located near the point of maximum dissolved .oxygen deficit. The particular location may vary from 50 to 150 km downstream of a major point of organic loading. A second consideration is icing. Weirs with low drops may possibly ice over, or ice jams below a weir may back up water and submerge a low weir. The addition of oxygen at weirs or dams at 0°C can be estimated by the formula (Beak, 1977): r =1 + 0.45h in which r is the ratio between the upstream and downstream oxygen deficitand h is the fall in metres. For a drop of 2.20 m, r is equal to 2.0, thus any deficit would be halved. At small initial deficits, the mass (kg) of oxygen added is low and costs outweigh the benefits obtained. It is estimated that the weir on the South Saskatchewan River at Saskatoon approximately halves the oxygen deficit at falls of 1 to 2 m depending 0t:! downstream ice conditions (Beak, 1977). . 232 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY

Inlet

H = Head Required 1 oQ) E o 0' High ~ Velocity Q) Region E C\I~__~ tt Inlet Section Showing "Induced" Air For,Induced Air H = V2/2g For H = 0.6 m v = 3.43 rn/s (Minimum)

Figure 7 U-Tube Aeration System

V-Tubes Another means of reaeration is by the use of a U-tube, as illustrated in Figure 7. The simplest form of the equation for the mass transfer rate of oxygen is: dC/dt = K(A/ V) (Csat -- C,-) = K '(A/V) (oxygen deficit) where dC/dt = change in concentration per unit of time (mg/ L • s) A = gas-liquid interface area (m") V = volume of liquid (m ') Csat = concentration of dissolved oxygen at saturation (affected by temperature and oxygen pressure) (mgj L) Caet =actual dissolved oxygen concentration (rng ' L) K = mass transfer rate constant (mj s) The value of K must be determined experimentally for a "given reaeration system. It does however increase with temperature. The value of Csat varies inversely with temperature, and increases directly with the partial pressure ofthe gas involved (oxygen). The main factors affecting the transfer of oxygen in a V-tube are the tube depth and the magnitude of the dissolved oxygen deficit (Csat - Caet). OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 233

TABLE 5

Temperature Relative! Dissolved Oxygen Deficit Relative­ °C K Values for River Dissolved Oxygen Transfer Concentration of 5.0 mg/L Rate o 0.74 9.6 7.13 5 0.80 7.8 6.23 10 0.86 6.3 5.42 15 0.93 5.2 4.83 20 1.0 4.2 4.20

I Relative K Value =A unitized value of K(AjV) for a temperature of20°C. The effect of temperature on the mass transfer constant is shown proportionally. 2 Relative Transfer Rate =The product of the Relative K value and the dissolved oxygen deficit which will be proportional to mass transfer rate.

The net effect of temperature and deficit on the rate oftransfer of oxygen to water is shown in Table 5. The relative oxygen transfer rate is lower at higher temperatures, despite the larger relative K values. However, if warm effluents dis­ charged in winter permit reaeration by maintaining open water, comparison of oxygen transfer efficiency must be made with the complete lack of atmospheric reaeration under ice cover. A 12 m deep If-tube installation was made at Nevis on the Red Deer River in 1972, and operated for a sufficient period of time to provide data as to the usefulness of, and the problems associated with, this type of installation (Bouthillier, 1975). The most apparent problem was the inability to control river water levels at theU-tube outlet, a factor which could reduce the available head to a point where the U-tube was ineffective because ofthe reduced flow rate through the tube. During operation, an amount of oxygen equal to 1400 kg/day of BOD was added to the river. At that time this represented approxi­ mately 50 per cent ofthe oxygen demand loading from the city of Red Deer. The cost of this installation was of the order of $100,000, including provision ofa dam, a diversion channel and a redundant air compressor. The most promising use ofthe H-tube lies in the oxygen saturation of effluents prior to disposal to streams. Effluent streams from most treatment processes frequently contain less than the saturation level of dissolved oxygen. Because outfallsand treatment plants must be located above flood. water level, there is usually considerable head available even if the waste was originally pumped to the treatment plant. The head requirement for a successful If-tube installation lies between 1.2 and 1.8 m. If we consider an effluent flow of 220 ML per day (City of Edmonton), raising the dissolved oxygen level by 8 tug] L would add 1760 kg of dissolved oxygen to the river per day. If the ulti­ mate BOD of the effluent was 30 tug] L, the 1760 kg/day would 234 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY

represent over 25 percent of the oxygen demand of the waste. Aeration of effluents by the use of a V-tube would be free of icing problems, would require no operating costs and would have only comparatively low initial capital costs. The design of the If-tubeshould make use of induced air using the Venturi principle, thus eliminating the need for an air compressor. Given the foregoing, capital costs ranging only from $10,000 to $50,000 might be expected for typical effluent reoxygenation installations. It is the authors' opinion that if some credit were given for the addition of oxygen to effluents such installations would be made. As an example, the addition of 10 tag] L of dissolved oxygen might be assumed to have the same effect as lowering the BOD by 5 tug] L, strictly from the viewpoint of the dissolved oxygen balance. Ofcourse, treatment considerations may be governed by other effluent para­ meters. The normal effluent of a well-operated secondary sewage treat­ mentplant has an ultimate carbonaceous BOD of 30 tag] L. However, the dissolved oxygen content is frequently well below saturation. Aeration of the effluent could produce an effluent containing 1Omg/ L of dissolved oxygen. In a broad sense this could have the same effect on , the dissolved oxygen budget as reducing the BOD by as much as 30 per cent. If the ultimate BOD of the final effluent was 20 tag] L, the relative effect could be as much 'as' 50 per cent. It is realized that the final oxygen deficit is not strictly a direct function of BOD loading; none­ theless, the benefit of effluent aeration is evident. Mechanical Aeration Direct aeration of streams using compressed air, a submerged pipe and diffusers has been found, in the authors' experience, to be ineffective. Aside from the physical difficulties ofdispersing air across the' width of a stream and the cost of compressing air, low oxygen transfer efficiencies have been observed. In the winter of 1955-5,6 an attempt was made to increase the oxygen content of the North Saskatchewan River at Redwater 60 km below Edmonton. Under the best operating conditions of the installa­ tion, when 1.4 m3/ sof compressed air was used, the increase in dissolved oxygen level in the river wasnegligible. The shallow depth of submergence (1 m) and the low oxygen transfer rate atlow temperatures were the main factors which resulted in oxygen transfer efficiencies of the order of only 3 percent. - Thermal Waste Discharges The disposal of cooling water from thermal power plants to rivers is related somewhat to reaeration. By keeping a stretch of stream ice­ free, a measurable amount of dissolved oxygen is absorbed. As with other reaeration methods, the rate of absorption of oxygen from the OXYGEN DEPLETION PROBLEMS 235

atmosphere increases with the dissolved oxygen deficit. The reaeration potential created by the warm effluents of the two Edmonton power plants is small because the maximum dissolved oxygen deficit at Edmonton is approximately 4 tug] L and often less. In the case of ice­ free streams the effect of thermal wastes is to reduce the aeration rate because of the lowered saturation concentration for dissolved oxygen at higher temperatures. Flow Regulation Increasing minimum winter flow has the effect of maintaining a higher oxygen content by dilution of oxygen demand. The effect of Calgary Power dams and reservoirs has been to maintain minimum winter flows in the order of 45 m 3/ s in the Bow River (Calgary) and subsequently in the South Saskatchewan. The construction of a dam on the Red Deer River will provide sufficient storage to maintain low winter flows above 16 m31s as compared to natural low flows of 1.0 m 3/ s. The minimum winter flow in the North Saskatchewan is now 70 m3/s. The total increase in the minimum flow rate of these three rivers is 100 m 3 / s. A 1 tag] L depletion of dissolved oxygen in this extra flow would be the equivalent of the ~OD510adingof over a million people (assuming 90 per cent BOD5removal in secondary sewage treatment). This rough calculation serves to illustrate the magnitude and eventual limitations of the relief to dissolved oxygen problems in winter which can be achieved by flow regulation. Summary The maintenance of dissolved oxygen in ice-covered rivers will require an ever-increasing degree ofwaste treatment. Because there is a limit to the efficiency oftreatment processes, and because incremental costs for higher degrees of treatment will continue to escalate, it is likely that reaeration of streams will have to be considered. Super­ saturation of waste streams with respect to dissolved oxygen is a logical, relatively inexpensive first step in the process of maintaining oxygen levels. Augmentation of river flows will continue to have a direct beneficial effect on winter levels ofdissolved oxygen. Continuing research into waste treatment may increase efficiencies and/or lower the cost oftreatment by the "best technology available" approach. The most promising wastewater treatment advances will likely depend upon effluent application to land rather than direct discharge to rivers, but major logistical problems remain to be solved. The foregoing has presented a historical perspective and a review of the current status of Alberta rivers with respect to the dissolved oxygen deficit problem. An attempt has been made to discuss those methods which may be used in the future to meet the challenges of expanding population and industrialization while seeking to satisfy 236 BOUTHILLIER AND HRUDEY dissolved oxygen requirements, particularly during the critical period of winter ice cover.

REFERENCES

Baker, B. L., J. W. Costerton.DiJacques, T~ I. Ladd and G. W. Hodgson. 1977."Water Quality and Microbial Ecology of the Red Deer Basin." Environmental Sciences Centre, University of Calgary. Baker,B. L., S. A. Telang and G. W. Hodgson. 1975."Organic Water Quality Studies in the Red Deer Basin:' Baseline Data for Effects of Dam Construction and Muskeg Leaching." En­ vironmental Sciences Centre, University of Calgary. Beak Consultants Ltd. 1977. "Red Deer River Water Quality Study." C6125. Prepared for Alberta Environment. " Bouthillier, P. H. 1975. "U-Tube Aeration." Water-1974: II Municipal Wastewater Treatment. AIChE Symp., Ser. 145,71,209-214. Bouthillier, P. H. and K. Simpson. 1972,"Oxygen Depletion in an Ice Covered River," J. San it. Eng. Div., Am. Soc. Civ. En~., SA2, 341-351. Cameron, R. D. 1967."Bio-oxidation Rates under Ice Cover in the North Saskatchewan River." M.Sc. Thesis. Dept. Civil Eng., University of Alberta. Gordon, R. C. 1971."Depletion of Oxygen by Microorganisms in Alaskan Rivers at Low Temp­ eratures." Water Pollut. Contr. Res. Ser., 16100 EXH 11/71,71-95. Neill, C. R., D. I. Bray, M. F. Schouten and J. R. Card. 1970."Selected Characteristics of Stream Flow in Alberta." River Engineeringand Surface Hydrology Report 70-1. Alberta Research Council, Edmonton. Painter, H. A. 1970."A Review of Literature on Inorganic Nitrogen Metabolism in Microorgan­ isms." Water Res., 4, 393-450. Penttinen, S. E., P. H. Bouthillier and S. E. Hrudey. 1979."Investigation of the Contribution of Natural Organic Runoffto Dissolved Oxygen Depletion in the Red Deer River." Water Pol­ lut. Res. Can., 14,71-87. Van Kessel, J. F. 1977."Factors Affecting the Denitrification Rate in Two Water-Sediment Sys­ tems." Water Res., 11, 259-267. Wezernak, C. T. and J. J. Gannon. 1968."Evaluation of Nitrification in Streams." J. Sanit. Eng. Div. Am. Soc. Civ. Eng., 94, SA5, 883-895. PRAI.RIE FORUM, 1979, Vol. 4, NO.2 237

The Urban West: The Evolution of Prairie Towns and Cities to 1930 Alan F. J. Artibise Department of History, University of Victoria

ABSTRACT. Prairie urban development to 1930 is examined, in this paper, in terms of four clearly defined historical periods. The pre-1870 period of Hudson's Bay Company posts and mis­ sionary settlement resulted in a few small communities along the rivers. From 1870 to 1900 substantial urban growth took place in sites along the railway and this growth accelerated rapidly from 1900 to 1913as immigrants poured into the West, railway branch lines were constructed, and provincial status was granted to Alberta and Saskatchewan. A period of stagnation and uncertainty halted the growth of prairie towns and cities from 1913to the onset of the Depression, when hopes of growth were replaced by hopes of survival.

RESUME Dans cet expose, on examine le developpernent urbain dans les Prairies, jusqu'en 1930, en fonction de quatre periodes historiques clairement definies. Durant la periode s'etendant jusqu'a 1870, les postes de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson et l'etablissement de missionnaires entrainerent la formation de petites communautes Ie long des rivieres, De 1870 a 1900, on enregistra une croissance urbaine substantielle dans les lieux situes le long des voies ferrees; cette croissance s'accelera rapidement de 1900 a 1913, alors que des immigrants arrivaient en masse dans l'Ouest, qu'on construisait des lignes de chemin de fer et que I'Alberta et la Saskatchewan recevaient leur statut provincial. Une periode de stagnation et d'incertitude arreta la croissance des villes et des cites des prairiesde 1913 jusqu'au debut de la Crise, quand les esperances de croissance furent remplacees par celles de survie.

The urban frontier was one of the vital elements in· Canada's western expansion. Towns and cities introduced a dynamic and aggressive element into the prairie West and played a key role in trans­ forming a sparsely settled fur-trading expanse into a settled and well­ integrated region. In this process, the interdependent relationship of city and countryside was clearly evident. But the urban centres were the driving force in the massive changes that occurred in the six decades following Confederation.

I

The process of prairie urban development in the years before 1930 can best be outlined by examining it in four distinguishable phases. The first was a pre-urban stage that lasted for almost two centuries, ending only in the early 1870s when a series of political decisions­ Confederation, the sale of Rupert's Land by the Hudson's Bay Company to the Canadian government, and the creation of the Province of Manitoba-opened a new era in western Canadian history. Prior to these dramatic events, the prairie West had no urban centres.' The economic base of the region was the H.B.C. fur trade and any agriculture that was practised was at the subsistence level. The only commercial centres were scatteredH.B.C. posts managed by a few traders, and these could scarcely claim urban stature. In this pre-rail­ way age, settlement was associated with rivers and the various population concentrations were Iinked only by boat or by the Red River carts which plied the Carleton Trail. 238 ARTIBISE

Five settlements dating from this pre-urban age, however, were destined to become towns and cities in the post-1870 period. At the eastern terminus of the Carleton Trail were located the Red River Colony and Fort Garry. The former had been begun by Lord Selkirk in 1811-1812; the latter was established by the H.B.C. in 1835. Neither of these settlements can be regarded as the basis for urban growth, however, for the lack of immigration and efficient linkages with the outside world resulted in very slowdevelopment. It was not until the 1860s that developments occurred which soon led to the establishment of a distinct urban centre. During this decade a small commercial centre named Winnipeg emerged near Fort Garry to compete with the Company in servicing incoming plains traders and supplying the needs of the Red River Colony. By 1870, Winnipeg consisted of a few frame structures and some 100 inhabitants, and offered a number ofservices, several hotels and specialized retail outlets.? Across the Red River from Winnipeg was the St. Boniface mission. It had been established in 1818 by two Quebec priests, and it soon' became one of the most urbane communities on the prairies. Catholic missionaries from central Canada erected a chapel and' a school in 1818, and by 1827 the latter was well established and on its way-to becoming the College of St. Boniface. By 1870, the population of this settlement was approaching 800, far exceeding that of Winnipeg~3 To the west, along the banks of the Assiniboine River, was Portage la Prairie, established as a mission in 1853.A H.B.C. trading post was erected at the site in 1856 but neither mission nor fort attracted a concentration of settlement. Although all trade for the western .area passed through Portage, the settlement was in most respects an offshoot of the settlement at Fort Garry." To the west and north of Portage, another mission and H.B.C. post were located in close proximity; both Prince Albert Mission and Fort Albert were established in 1866. By 1870, there were approximately 100'inhabitants dispersed along the banks of the North Saskatchewan River but no service centre nucleus had yet developed.' At the western terminus of the Carleton Trail and also on the banks of the North Saskatchewan River was Edmonton House, one of the H.B.C.'s most important entrepots. This. fort acted asa collection centre for furs for the Saskatchewan District and as the distribution centrefor goods from Winnipeg. The population of Edmonton House was approximately 150 byConfederation, although this smallsize belied its administrative and distributive importance.s By 1870, then, the prairie West contained only a few settlement nodes. The entire population ofthe region was about seventy thousand persons, virtually none of whom could be counted as urban dwellers. Change was in the air, however, and during the next three decades the THE URBAN WEST 239 fur trading economy with its few small posts was replaced by a commercial agricultural economy organized by and around numerous villages, towns, and cities.

II

Between 1871 and 1901, the population of the prairies jumped from 70,000 to more than 400,000, and almost 20 per cent lived in urban centres with populations exceeding 1,000 (Table I). By this date the region also had three incorporated cities, twenty-five towns, and fifty-seven villages." More than eighteen of these centres had popula­ tions exceeding 1,000, six had populations exceeding 5,000, and one had a population in excess of 40,000 (Tables II, III, IV). The reasons for this substantial growth in the number of urban centres are complex and cannot be adequately analyzed here." What is readily apparent, however, is that virtually all the centres which sprang up or grew significantly in this second era ofdevelopment were located on railway lines or along the paths of projected lines (see Map 1). The fact was that the 1870s were the beginning of a new era for the prairies in which subsistenceagriculture was replaced by the production of agricultural surplus for export. The development of commercial agriculture-indeed, the mere anticipation of it-brought about the rise of centres of distribution. The reciprocal relationship between town and country was clear. The prairie pioneer was no self-sufficient farmer but an agricul­ turalindustrialist engaged in commercialtrading, He produced a large surplus of grain and was a heavy consumer-ofmanufactured goods. He needed grain shipping depots, farm implements, hardware goods, wagons, harnesses, lumber and other supplies. He needed banking services to finance these investments. He needed consumer goods that he could not produce himself: clothing and staple foodstuffs. As a result, every rural community needed a town, both as a shipping point that gathered surplus grain, and as a distribution point that fanned manufactured goods back into the countryside." To survive and to grow, incipient service centres needed capital, agricultural hinterlands, and transportation connections. The most important of these essentials for every aspiring metropolis was the railway. "Railways and continually improving transportation were as essential as rain and sun to progressive settlement on the Canadian prairie. Nearness to railways and projected railways was of first importance to the settler."IO In the three decades following 1870, approximately 3,600 miles of rail were laid in the prairieWest.!' The most dramatic growth ofsettle­ ment occurred along the main line and branch lines of the Canadian Pacific Railway, and among these settlements none grew as rapidly as Winnipeg. The first railway reached Winnipeg in, 1878, connecting the I\) ~ o TABLE I

RURAL AND URBAN(a)POPULATION GROWTH IN THE NORTH WEST TERRITORIES AND PRAIRIE PROVINCES, 1871-1931

(in thousands)

Northwest Territories Manitoba Total Prairies Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban % Urban 1871 48 25 73 0 1881 56 52 10 108 10 8 1891 95 4 III 41 206 45 18

Alberta Saskatchewan Rural Urban Rural Urban 1901 61 12 86 6 192 64 339 81 19.3 1911 264 110 413 80 269 193 946 383 28.8 1921 411 177 630 128 341 269 1,382 574 29.3 1931 504 228 735 187 357 343 1,596 758 32.2

Notes: (a) In 1871, 1881, and 1891, the urban category includes all incorporated villages, towns, and cities, regardless of size. From 1901-1931, urban population includes incorporated cities, towns, and villages of 1,000 and over and incorporated municipalities of this size range surrounding the larger cities which were later defined as parts of the census metropolitan areas. ~ :;lC SOURCES: Census of Canada, 1931; and Census of Canada, 1956-"Analytical Report: Rural and Urban Population," p. 26. -l ;; r;; tTl

II I

TABLE III

I\) POPULATION GROWTH IN INCORPORATED VILLAGES, TOWNS AND CITIES IN SASKATCHEWAN, 1881-1931(a) .,J:il. I\)

DATE OF INCORPORATION POPULATION URBAN CENTRE Village Town City 1881-1882 1891 1901 1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1931 Assiniboia 1912 1913 - - 719 1,006 1,245 1,454 Battleford 1899 1904 609 933 1,335 1,436 1,229 1,018 1,096 Biggar 1909 1911 315 830 1,535 2,034 2,369 Canora 1905 1910 - 169 435 835 1,230 1,121 1,179 Estevan 1899 1906 - 141 877 1,981 2,140 2,290 2,336 2,936 Gravelbourg 1912 1916 - - 463 1,106 1,201 1,137 Herbert 1907 1912 - 559 950 827 997 1,009 Humboldt 1905 1907 - 279 859 1,435 1,822 1,751 1,899 Indian Head 1902 768 1,545 1,285 1,334 1,439 1,313 1,438 Kamsack 1905 1911 204 473 1,202 2,002 1,948 2,087 Kindersley 1910 1910 456 770 1,003 987 1,037 Lloydminster (b) 1903 1907 389 441 494 469 847 1,516 Maple Creek 1896 1903 382 687 936 1,140 1,002 930 1,154 Melfort 1903 1907 351 599 971 1,746 1,605 1,809 Melville 1908 1909 1,816 2,100 2,808 3,352 3,891 Moose Jaw 1884 1903 c.IOO 1,200 1,558 6,249 13,823 16,934 19,285 19,039 21,299 Moosomin 1887 868 1,152 1,143 1,329 1,099 1,121 1,119 North Battleford 1906 1906 1913 824 2,105 3,154 4,108 4,787 5,986 Prince Albert - 1885 1904 c.500 1,009 1,785 3,005 6,254 6,436 7,558 7,873 9,905 Radville 1911 1913 233 621 883 1,082 1,005 Regina - 1883 1903 c.800 1,681 2,249 6,169 30,213 26,167 '34,432 37,329 53,209 Rosetown 1909 1911 317 731 865 1,142 1,553 Rosthern 1898 1903 413 918 1,172 1,200 1,074 1,273 1,412 Saskatoon 1901 1903 1906 - 113 3,001 12,004 21,048 25,739 31,234 43,291 Shaunavon 1913 1914 - - 897 1,146 1,459 1,716 Sutherland 1909 1912 421 940 961 1,010 1,148 Swift Current 1904 1907 1913 121 554 1,852 3,181 3,518 4,175 5,296 Tisdale 1905 1920 61 250 458 783 846 1,069 Watrous 1908 1909 781 843 1,101 1,172 1,303 Weyburn 1900 1903 1913 113 966 2,210 3,050 3,193 4,119 5,002 Wilkie 1908 1910 537 815 778 1,041 1,222 :> Wynyard 1908 1911 - - 515 682 849 833 1,042 ::t' Yorkton 1894 1900 1928 700 1,363 2,309 3,144 5,151 4,458 5,027 ;;-l en Notes: (a) Includes only those centres with a population exceeding 1,000 in 1931. tTl (b) Until 1930, population is split between Alberta and Saskatchewan. Amalgamated with Alberta in 1930.

SOURCES: See Table II. TABLE IV

-l POPULATION GROWTH IN INCORPORATED VILLAGES, TOWNS AND CITIES IN ALBERTA, 1881-1931 (a) :::r: rn c: DATE OF INCORPORATION POPULATION ;xl URBAN CENTRE Village Town City 1881 1891 1901 1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1931 ;;J> z= Beverley 1914 ,- 813 1,039 931 1,111 ~ 1~629 rn Blairmore 1901 1911 231 449 1,137 1,219 1,552 1,609 en Calgary 1884 1893 100 "3,867 4,398 11,967 43,704 56,514 63,305 65,291 83,761 -l Camrose 1905 1906 412 1,586 1,692 1,892 2,002 2,258 Cardston 1898 ' 1901 639 1,001 1,207 1,370 1,612 2,034 1,672 Claresholm 1903 1905 680 809 687 963 956 1,156 Coleman 1904 1910 - 915 1,557 1,559 1,590 2,044 1,704 Drumheller 1913 1916 1930 312 2,499 2,578 2,987 Edmonton 1892 1904 263 700 2,626 11,167 3l,064 53,846 58,821 65,163 79,187 Edson 1911 1911 -.:.... 497 500 1,138 1,493 1,547 Fort Saskatchewan 1899 1904 ~ 306 585 782 993 982 943 1,001 Grand Prairie 1914 1919 337 1,061 917 1,464 Hanna 1912 1914 - ~ ~ - 711 1,364 1,400 1,490 High River 1901 1910 - 153 1,018 1,182 1",182 1,198 1,377 1,459 Innisfail 1899 1903 317 643 602 838 941 944 1,024 Lacombe 1896 1902 - 499 1,015 1,029 1,047 1,133 1,151 1,259 Lethbridge '1890 1906 ~ 2,072 2,936 9.035 9,436 11,097 10,735 13,489 Macleod 1892 ~ 796 1,144 1,844 1,811 1,723 1,715 1,447 Magrath 1901 1907 424 884 995 938 1,069 1,202 1,224 Medicine Hat 1894 1898 1906 1,570 3,020 5,608 9,272 9,634 9,536 10,300 Olds 1896 1905 218 554 917 730 764 1,003 1,056 Pincher Creek 1898 1906 -. 335 589 1,027 1,026 888 1,003 1,024 Raymond 1902 1903 - 1,568 1,465 1,205 1,394 -1,799 1,849 Redcliff 1910 1912 220 1,294 1,137 916 1,192 Red Deer 1894 1901 1913 323 1,418 2,118 2,203 2,328 2,021 2,344 Stettler - 1906 - 570 1,444 1,168 1,416 1,127 1,219 Strathcona(b) 1899 1907 - 1,550 2,921 5,579 - Taber 1905 1907 578 1,400 1,412 1,705 1,342 1,279 Vegreville 1906 1906 - 344 1,029 1,156 1,479 1,721 1,659 Vermilion 1906 1906 623 625 929 1,272 1,203 1,270 Wainwright - 1910 788 818 975 1,028 1,147 Wetaskiwin 1899 1902 1906 550 1,652 2,411 2,048 2,061 1,884 2,125

N Notes: (a) Includes only those centres with a population exceeding 1,000 in 1931. ~ (b) Annexed to Edmonton in 1911. The Edmonton total in 1911 includes Strathcona. (".)

SOURCES: See Table II. 244 ARTlBISE commu.nity with St. Paul and Chicago. By 1883, the C.P.R. stretched north of the Great Lakes to link Winnipeg with eastern Canada, and two years later the first transcontinental line was complete. Winnipeg was also a nodal point for several branch lines in Manitoba, and together these external and internal linkages contributed to its growth and dominance. By 1881, Winnipeg's population was 8,000; during the next decade it more than tripled. Wholesaling was organized during these years, and with the growing number of town-sand service centres in the prairie West Winnipeg merchants were soon establishing branch offices. Financial, retail and merchandising operations also increased in number. In 1881-1882, Winnipeg experienced a tremendous real estate boom; although the boom soon collapsed, real growth did take place, and the initial physical infrastructure of an urban centre­ railways, hotels, warehouses, offices, stores-had been acquired. Bythe early 1880s, Winnipeg was firmly established as the dominant western urban centre. Elsewhere in Manitoba, new centres appeared and older centres grew, although nowhere was change as substantial as in Winnipeg. St. Boniface was incorporated as a town in 1883 but, given its proximity to Winnipeg, was to remain in that city's shadow in subsequent years. Portage la Prairie grew more rapidly and established itselfas a second­ order centre. Incorporated as a town in 1880 and situated on the main line of the C.P.R., Portage grew steadily in the early part ofthat decade and by 1901 was the third largest settlement in Manitoba. The second largest town was Brandon. Established by the C.P.R. in 1881 and in­ corporated as a city in 1882 (with a population of3,00-0), this centre was evidence of the magic of railways.'? It was known to most westerners that the C.P.R. would establish a divisional point some 100 miles west of Winnipeg. But when speculators attempted to sell a proposed townsite to the C.P.R. for what the company felt was an unreasonable sum, the company simply moved two miles west and created the instant town of Brandon. When other incipient centres tried to compete with the new boom town they were destined to fail, since no-one was going to buy lots in a town wherethe train did not stop. The C.P.R. thus became a significant builder of prairie towns, and the Brandon story was repeated many times.P Two other Manitoba centres also learned of the power of the railway during these years, but with less pleasantresults than Brandon. Emerson (the former site of Pembina) was surveyed in 1874 when it was believed that its intervening location between Winnipeg- and out­ of-province centres would guarantee its future. Its rail connection with Winnipeg and the anticipation of further branch-line connections led to the incorporation of Emerson as a town in 1880, and by the spring of 1882 it had a population of2,500 and was thriving as thesupply base of southwestern Manitoba. But when a railway was constructed to Morris and Morden, bypassing Emerson, the town's growth halted THE URBAN WEST 245 and a long period of population decline set in. By 1886 Emerson was a dull place with empty warehouses and stores, and, vacant homes, People had simply left to establish businesses in the new towns along the C.P.R.'s Pembina Branch.!" Selkirk's early history was similar, although its story is more dramatic since it had hoped to become the hub of railway operations in the West. Until 1880 it was the plan of the C.P.R. to cross the Red River at Selkirk, not at Winnipeg, placing the former community on the main line and excluding the latter. This anticipation caused a surge of growth in Selkirk until the Winnipeg business community marshalled their forces and succeeded in having the decision changed. 15 Thus, when the C.P.R. crossed the Red River at Winnipeg, Selkirk had to be content with remaining the centre of steamboat, lumbering and fishing operations on Lake Winnipeg. It was, at best, a poor second prize. By 1901 Selkirk's population was barely 2,000. The rise and growth of towns and cities in the remainder of the prairie West in this era were also closely related to railways. The most dramatic growth occurred along the C. P.R. main line where the towns of Regina, Moose Jaw, Swift Current, Medicine Hat, and Calgary suddenly came to life. All except Calgary were creations of the C.P.R. Few other western urban centres illustrated the power of the C.P.R. so well as Regina. It possessed no natural advantages as a town­ site since it was situated on a treeless plain with only the meandering Pile of Bones (Wascana) Creek .as a nearby source of water. Further­ more, the site had not previously possessed any commercial impor­ tance; until 1882 the nearest settlement was the H.B.~. post o~ the Qu'AppelleLakes, thirty-five miles to the northeast. Yet by 1883 Regina was incorporated as a town and by 1888it claimed a population of 1,400.16 The C. P. R.'s ability to control townsite selection and land sales on the prairies was well known. The choice of Regina, however, was not unchallenged. In 1882, Edgar Dewdney, federally appointed Lieuten­ ant-Governor of the North West Territories, was authorized to select a site for a new capital to replace Battleford, the choice for capital in 1876 when the C.P.R. had been projected to follow a northern route along the North Saskatchewan River. Dewdney and several colleagues had earlier purchased several sections of the H.B.C. land adjacent to the route of the C.P.R. Not surprisingly, it was alleged that in selecting the site of the capital he had been influenced by his investments rather than by the merits of the site. The C.P.R., rarely outmanoeuvred in such matters, located its station two miles from the Dewdney property and, since the railway station was always a focal point in a new settle­ ment, its land sales soon outstripped those of its rivals. The Lieutenant­ Governor retaliated by pressuring Ottawa to establish all public buildings on his land, but without much success. At the urging of 246 ARTIBISE the C.P.R., the customs office, post office, and dominio-n land office were all located near the station and it was here that the centre of the new city remained. The C.P.R. also struck back at Dewdney by situating its divisional point forty miles to the west at Moose Jaw. This move ended hopes for early branch line construction out of Regina and dampened its chances for future growth}? Some growth did take place, however, since by the end of 1882 Regina had a population of "around 800 or 900." There was little settlement in the vicinity of Regina, though, and the town functioned mostly as an administrative centre and shipping point rather than as a service centre with a local hinterland. By 190I it was still only a small town with a population of 2,249.1 8 The complicated manoeuvres of Dewdney and the C.P.R. spurred the rise of Moose Jaw which, unlike Regina, also possessed some natural advantages. The site on the Moose Jaw Creek had long been used as an Indian camp and it was situated on several well-used trails. Thus, in anticipation of the railway passing through the Moose Jaw region, prospective settlers and speculators located in the area in July, 1881. But it was the actual arrival of the C.P. R. the next year that "changed Moose Jaw within a matter of months from an outpost on a lonely trail to a bustling prairie boom town of tents, shacks, and small stores."!" By 1884 Moose Jaw was incorporated as a town with a population of about 700. In the next fifteen years, however, the town grew slowly; by 190I it had a population of but 1,557. Like most other prairie communities, Moose Jaw suffered from the slowness of settlement in the region in these early years, but evidence exists to suggest that the town's citizens themselves did not always do all that they could to promote and develop their own cornmunity.>' Swift Current and Medicine Hat were also in large part products of the C.P.R.; both were chosen as divisional points by the company, and during the 1880s and 1890s the C.P.R. payroll sustained both hamlets. Swift Current's growth was painfully slow. By 1901, it had a population-according to the federal census-ofa mere 121,and it did not obtain village status until 1904.21 Medicine Hat developedslightly more rapidly; it became a village in 1894 and a town in 1898, and by 1901 had a population of 1,570.22 At the turn of the century, however, both communities were still waiting for substantial development to take place. In contrast, the growth of Calgary was remarkable. The site of Fort Calgary, at the junction ofthe Bow and Elbow Rivers, was chosen by the North West Mounted Police in 1875,and soon H.B.C. and other traders "clustered under the protective wing of the law to form the settlement first known as the Elbow." In the next seven years, the community acted as a focal point linking the fur trade of the North with American distributing centres, and by 1881 it had a population of THE URBAN WEST 247 about 100. In the next two years, however, dramatic growth occurred with the approach and, in August 1883, the arrival of the C.P.R. line. The railroad changed Calgary from a police post to an urban centre, as the power of the C.P.R. was again demonstrated. The company, rather thanlocating its station on or near the site of the fort, where a nucleus of permanently settled residents existed, chose a spot three quarters of a mile west of the fort. Despite objections, Calgary businessmen soon followed and many even moved their buildings nearer the station. By 1884, incorporation as a town was secured and Calgary's continued survival and growth seemed assured. In the next few years it quickly grew to become the dominant urban centre on the western plains.P The construction of the main line of the C.P.R. also spawned a number of other, smaller communities during these crucial years. But for most settlements off the main line the period was one ofstagnation or decline. Only those which received branch lines, or had other sources ofgrowth, experienced progress. South ofCalgary, Lethbridge experienced slow but steady growth. Between 1882 and 1890 the various enterprises incorporated by Sir Alexander Galt established several collieries near Lethbridge and constructed two railways, one to the C.P.R. main line near Medicine Hat, the other to the Great Northern railway at Great Falls, Montana. During peak periods the Galt companies employed as many as a thousand workers, creating a transient male-dominant population and a local economy entirely dependent upon the companies. The railways, however, were subsi­ dized by the federal government, with nearly a million acres of land located south of Lethbridge; when this acreage proved too dry for agricultural settlement, elaborate irrigation works were constructed, a project completed by 1900. Once irrigated, the lands attracted a large number of settlers and thereby transformed Lethbridge from a mere dormitory for the mines to a service centre for its agricultural hinter­ land. By 1901, shortly after the Crowsnest Pass Railway was built, the incorporated town of Lethbridge had a population of2,072-the third largest centre in what was soon to become the province of Alberta.> To the north, Edmonton experienced virtually no growth in the 1880s. With the completion ofthe main line to Calgary, Edmonton lost much of its function as the depot for the northern fur trading posts. Future prospects brightened considerably in July, 1891, however, when the Calgary and Edmonton Railway reached a point across the river from Edmonton.t' But the C. & E.R. then announced that its northern terminus would remain across the riverfrom Edmonton, a decision which would give rise to the rivalcommunity of Strathcona. During the next decade the rivalry betweeri the two incipient urban centres ·was constant. Although Edmonton's growth continued to surpass that of Strathcona, the prize of northern metropolitan status was still in some doubt by 1901.26 248 ARTIBISE

Like Edmonton, other pre-railway settlements experienced diffi­ cult times in the 1880sand 1890s.In anticipation of being on orclose to the main route of the C.P.R., immigrants moved into the northern prairies in considerable numbers until 1881. The re-routing of the line slowed northern growth considerably. Although a townsite was laid out around the Prince Albert Mission in 1882,incorporation as a town did not come until 1885. At the end of that year, with the Riel Rebellion over, Prince Albert settled into a dull existence as a frontier town 200 miles from the nearest railway. There were few signs of progress in the late 1880s although a Board of Trade was established in 1887; more numerous and conspicuous were the signs of decline, including a drop in population. Despair among the citizens of Prince Albert yielded to confidence only in 1885 when the first sod was turned on the Qu' Appelle, Long Lake and Saskatchewan Railroad. The colonization railway, incorporated in 1883, finally reached Prince Albert in September, 1890. In large part as a result of this linkage, Prince Albert was able to experience modest progress during the 1890s.27 The construction of the Qu' Appelle, Long Lake and Saskatchewan Railway also had a significant impact on another prairie community. The site of Saskatoon was chosen in 1882by the Temperance Coloniza­ tion Society, which acquired a grant of some 500,000 acres in a block traversed by the South Saskatchewan River. By August, 1883,a town­ site had been laid out and settlers began to arrive. The provisioning of the settlers was at first carried out from Medicine Hat, via the South Saskatchewan River, but the hopes of the Society to develop a strong and rapidly growing community did not materialize. There were several reasons. Transportation problems existed from the outset; the South Saskatchewan River was difficult to navigate because of its shallow water and numerous shoals and, although railways got closer to the colony; they passed to the south and channeled prospective settlers away from Saskatoon. The colony was saved from probable extinction when the Qu' Appelle, Long Lake and Saskatchewan Railway, building its line from Regina to Prince Albert, passed through Saskatoon. But, though the railway was fundamental to Saskatoon's continued existence, it did not bring about rapid develop­ ment in the 1890s. By 1901,the settlement still had a population of only about 100.28 While Prince Albert and Saskatoon received second prize in the railway stakes of this era-branch lines rather than location on the main line-another community not only received no rail connection, it lost another prize as well. Battleford was established in 1874as a camp for the survey parties working on the line of the proposed transcon­ tinental railway. In 1875, surveyors and contractors located their permanent headquarters and supply depot near the mouth of the Battle River and threw up "a collection of roughly constructed log huts with mudded walls and thatched roofs."29This primitive work camp on the THE URBAN WEST 249 flats acquired status only in October, 1876, when the Canadian government chose it as the capital of the North West Territories.w Within a year the lieutenant-governor's mansion, residences for the judiciary and court officials, and barracks for the N.W.M.P. were under construction. Battleford's future seemed assured and land values and construction boomed. The fertile countryside around attracted numerous settlers in the 1870s and 1880s. Two decisions soon changed this bright future to a bleak one. There was great disappointment when the C.P.R. was built through the southern prairies instead of along the North Saskatchewan River. It was a long cart haul to Battleford from the nearest point on the railway. Further, in order to facilitate governmental administration the capital of the territories was moved to a site on the railway. Although the selection of Regina was not confirmed until March 1883, instructions to ship government house furniture were received by local civil servants in October 1882. Together, these two decisions drasti­ cally changed Battleford's immediate future, and for two decades the town merely survived; it did not prosper. Population grew slowly, and village status was not secured until 1899.31 By the end of the nineteenth century, the railways had opened the prairie West to settlement and the basic outline of the region's urban pattern had emerged (see Map I). It was an outline that still needed to be filled in; but that process occurred with great rapidity in the years after the turn of the century. .

III

The period between 1900 and 1914 stands in sharp contrast with the previous era. The pre-1900 era was, at best, a period of slow progress. The subsequent era was one of dramatic growth and prosperity. After decades of hesitation, the prairie West suddenly began to realize the potential that so many Canadians had long believed it possessed. A number of important events in widely disparate areas occurred which, when taken together, propelled the region forward. The problems offarming in a semi-arid region were, by 1900, largely solved and the future of prairie agriculture at last seemed assured. Under the direction ofan expansive new federal government, immigrants poured into the area in record numbers. Railways were built on an extensive scale; almost 7,000 miles of track were laid in the prairie West between 1901 and 1913, increasing the mileage in the region to well over 10,000.32 In addition to the building of numerous locally' and provincially sponsored lines, the C.P.R. constructed branch lines, and two new transcontinental railways-the Canadian Northern and the Grand Trunk Pacific-rapidly found their way across the prairies. Capital for these and other projects was readily available at low interest rates. There were important political changes I\) o01

r--._._ ATHABASCA _._._.-, / ._._._'-'-'-'-'-'-'-'_._.--r._._._._._._._._._._._._._.-'-'-'-'-'-' \ . I KEEWATIN ! i L~ ALBERTA - .\ BRITISH \ SASKATCHEWAN i COLUMBIA ; ') l\ "', ~.~ o km 100 200 300 ~._._._._._._._. ! ... ' ! !. i i omiles 100 200 i raap 1 "'.-. f URBAN CENTRES "; I J ON THE PRAIRIES ~--..,,'- \ ..... 1901 ·L.._ .._ ..

~RAILWAY: -1891 MANITOBA 6 MORDEN ASSINIBOIA 16 SASKATOON -,_.... , .. 1892-190. I BRANDON 7 NEEPAWA 12 MEDICINE HAT ALBERTA • POPULATION: -1999 2 CARBERRY 8 PORTAGE LA PRAIRIE 13 MOOSE .JAW 17 CALGARY o • 2000-4999 3 CARMAN 9 . ST. BONIFACE 14 REGINA 18 EDMONTON •• 5000-9999 4 DAUPHIN 10 SELKIRK SASKATCHEWAN 19 LETHBRIDGE > :;:0 o · 10000- 5 MINNEDOSA II WINNIPEG 15 PRINCE ALBERT 20STRATHCONA -l ;; en m THE URBAN WEST 251

as well. The North West Territories received responsible government in 1897; in 1905 the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan were created; and in 1912 Manitoba's boundaries were extended to 600N and to Hudson Bay. The expansion and consolidation of prairie settlement were both aided by and reflected in the growth of villages, towns, and cities. The rapid urban growth of the period was apparent in four significant trends. First, a filling-in process occurred as the prairie region quickly became dotted with hundreds of new u-rban centres. Most were fairly small service centres, often founded before farmers arrived in the area, or else developing simultaneously with the influx of rural pioneers. These communities usually began with a train station, a grain elevator, and a general store. As soon as settlers moved on to nearby homesteads, attracted both by available land and by the urban centre itself, the general store was duplicated and then supplemented by more specialized businesses such as a lumber yard, hardware store, black­ smith shop, harness and wagon business, an implement dealer, and a bank. Rapid population growth soon led to the construction of a post office, schools and churches; the establishment of a newspaper and a Board of Trade; and, sooner or later, to incorporation as a village, town, or city. Finally, other less essential services appeared: barber shops, hotels and beer parlours, cafes, pool halls, and real estate offices. This pattern of development was repeated over and over. Between the censuses of 1901 and 1916, the number of incorporated cities increased from three to seventeen; incorporated towns from twenty-five to 150; and incorporated villages from fifty-seven to 423.33 In addition to the rise of new centres, communities already in existence by 1901 experienced substantial growth in the next decade. Winnipeg strengthened its hold as the chief metropolis of both Manitoba and the prairie region. A medium-sized centre in 1901, it had become the country's third largest city by 1913, with a population of about 150,000 (Table V). Brandon and St. Boniface also more than doubled their population in these years while other Manitoba towns and cities experienced rapid but less spectacular growth (Map 2 and Table II). In Saskatchewan (Map 3), Saskatoon emerged after 1901 to become a focal point for growth in the rich agricultural belt of central Saskatchewan. In rapid succession it was incorporated as a village, town, and city, and by 1911 it was the third largest centre in the province. Regina, as provincial capital, retained its dominant position as the chief city of the province while Moose Jaw, Prince Albert, and Yorkton expanded as regional supply centres (Table 111).34 The changes in Alberta, however, were the most dramatic (Map 4). In 1901, Calgary and Edmonton were the most populous places in what was soon to become the province of Alberta, but they were still small service centres, not much different from many others in the western interior. By 1913, however, it was clear that they were to have no 252 ARTIBISE

I BEAUSEJOUR 9 NEEPAWA 17 TUXEDO 2 BRANDON 10 PORTAGE LA PRAIRIE 18 VIRDEN 3 BROOKLANDS II ST. BONIFACE 19 WINKLER 4 CARMAN 12 SELKIRK 20 WINNIPEG 5 DAUPHIN 13 SOURIS 6 KILLARNEY 14 STONEWALL 7 MINNEDOSA 15 THE PAS 8 MORDEN 16 TRANSCONA

I· / / /. /. /. /' /0 /. / /. I· /. /. ONTARIO / /. / ( i i ------_._--

o km 100 200 300 L_. _... _-, .. ! .. :cd r=== .. ; i ==q o miles 50 100 150 map 2 ~RAILWAY • POPULATION 1000-1999 II URBAN CENTRES o 2000-4999 IN MANITOBA • 5000-9999 C IOOOO~49999 1931 • over 50000 THE URBAN WEST 253

TABLE V

RANK OF SELECTED CANADIAN CITIES BY SIZE, 1901-1931

RANK 1901 1911 1921 1931 1 Montreal Montreal Montreal Montreal 2 Toronto Toronto Toronto Toronto· 3 Quebec WINNIPEG WINNIPEG Vancouver 4 Ottawa Vancouver Vancouver WINNIPEG 5 Hamilton Ottawa Hamilton Hamilton 6 WINNIPEG Hamilton Ottawa Quebec 7 Halifax Quebec Quebec Ottawa 8 Saint John Halifax CALGARY CALGARY 9 London London London EDMONTON 10 Vancouver CALGARY EDMONTON London II Vi-ctoria Saint John Halifax Windsor 12 Kingston Victoria Saint John Verdun 13 Brantford REGINA Victoria Halifax 14 Hull EDMONTON Windsor REGINA 15 Windsor Brantford REGINA Saint John 16 Sherbrooke Kingston Brantford SASKATOON 17 Guelph Peterborough SASKATOON Victoria

36 SASKATOON

73 CALGARY

77 EDMONTON

97 REGINA

110 SASKATOON competition as the dominant centres of economic activity in the newly formed province.. 35 Calgary continued to havean edge over Edmonton, but the latter city's amalgamation of rival Strathcona in 1911 brought the no-rthern metropolis added prominence in.the years immediately before the Great War. 36 Between Edmonton and Calgary, only Wetaskiwin and Red Deer attained city status during these years, but their growth paled in .comparison to that of the two majorcentres." South of Calgary, however, Lethbridge and Medicine Hat expanded their roles as regional service centres (Table IV). While substantial growth occurred in virtually all prairie centres between 19,00 and the Great War, one of the most spectacular develop­ mentswas the rise of the large prairie city. In 1900, with the exception of Winnipeg, 'it was not altogether clear which prairie towns would expand to become booming cities. By 1914, Regina, Calgary, Edmon­ ton, and Saskatoon had joined Winnipeg as the region's dominant cities (Table VI). The growth of these metropolitan centres was a response both to massive rural settlement and to the rise of villages and 254 ARTIBISE

I ASSINIBOIA 12 LLOYDMINSTER 23 ROSTHERN 2 BATTLEFORD 13 MAPLE CREEK 24SASKATOON 3 BIGGAR 14 MELFORT 25 SHAUNAVON 4 CANORA 15 MELVILLE 26 SUTHERLAND 5 EsTEVAN 16 MOOSE JAW 27 SWIFT CURRENT 6 GRAVELBOURG 17 MOOsOMIN 28 TISDALE 7 HERBERT 18 NORTH BATTLEFORD 29WATROUS 8 HUMBOLDT 19 PRINCE ALBERT 30 WEYBURN 9 INDIAN HEAD 20 RADVILLE 31 WILKIE 10 KAMSACK 21 REGINA 32 WYNYARO II KINDERSLEY 22 ROSETOWN 3~YORKTON

\ \ \ \ \ \ /~

MANITOBA

o km 100 200 300 ! L=: ... __ ! ==J r= i -- i ... 1 map3 o miles 50 100 150 ~RAILWAY URBAN CE·NTRES • POPULATION 1000-1999 IN SASKATCHEWAN o • 2000-4999 • 5000-9999 193-1 C 10000-49999 • over 50000 THE URBAN WEST 255

-I BEVERL£Y 12 GRAND PRAIRIE 23 RAYMOND 2 BLAIRMORE 13 HANNA 24 REDCLIFFE 3 CALGARY 14 HIGH RIVER 25 RED DEER 4 CAMROSE 15 INNISFAIL 26 STETTLER 5 CARDSTON 16 LACOMBE 27 TABER 6 CLARESHOLM 17 LETHBRIDGE 28 VEGREV1LLE 7 COLEMAN 18 MACLEOD 29 VERMILLION 8 DRUMHELLER 19 MAGRATH 30WA1NWRIGHT 9 EDMONTON 20 MEDICINE HAT 31 WETASKIWIN 10 EDSON 21 OLDS II FORT SASKATCHEWAN 22 PINCHER CREEK

BRITISH COLUMBIA

o km 100 200 300 L::==== ! ! ( p====--; i i o miles '50 100 150

map4

~ RA1LWAY URBAN CENTRES • POPULATION 1000 -1999 IN ALBERTA o 2000-4999 • 5000-9999 1931 C 10000-49999 • over 50000 (

f\) 0'1 en

TABLE VI

POPULATION GROWTH IN SELECTED

CITY 1871 1881 1891 1901 1906 1911 1916 1921 1926 1931 Winnipeg 241 7,985 25,639 42,340 90,153 136,035 163,000 179,08"7 198,998 218,785 Calgary - 100 3,867 4,398 11,967 43,704 56,514 63,305 65,291 83,761 Edmonton

Notes: (a) Table includes only those centres which were incorporated as cities by 1931 and had a population in excess of 5,000. " (b) Beginning in 1901, figures for Edmonton include Strathcona. See Table IV.

SOURCES: See Table II. ;» :::0 .....j ;; en tTl THE URBAN WEST 257

towns, for just as farmers needed service centres, so in turn towns needed cities. Large cities performed a variety of specialized services. They acted as central shipping and distribution points and were the locatio-n of such key facilities as railway marshalling yards, round­ houses, locomotive shops, grain terminals, stockyards, warehouses, and wholesale businesses. Cities also provided a complex set of profes­ sional and commercial services in the offices of engineers, architects, bankers, insurance and real estate agents, doctors; lawyers, and accountants. The cities were the main repositories of skilled and unskilled labourers, meeting the demands offarmers, railway contrac­ tors, bush camp operators, building contractors, and even village and town councils. Manufacturing was also included in the range of city functions. By 1911, Winnipeg was a major centre of manufacturing, and the other large cities were increasing their production ofcommodi­ ties manufactured for the prairie market. Finally, it was in the cities that the region's political and legal institutions (legislatures, court houses, government offices) and educational institutions (universities, trade schools, teacher's colleges) were located. In short, by 1914 the prairies had five fairly large and sophisticated cities. These communi­ ties had compressed a century or more of eastern urban growth into a few short years and, together with demographic dominance, displayed considerable power over trade patterns, communications, and develop­ ment processes in the region, and exercised growing political, social and cultural influence. The fourth notable trend in this era was the rapid degree of urbanization. No other region of Canada experienced such vigorous urban growth d-uring anyone decade as did the prairie provinces between 1901 and 1911 (Table VII). In gross terms, urban residents in the prairie region increased from 19.3 per cent of the total population in 1901 to 28.8 percent in 1911. While less than 100,000 persons lived in urban centres in 1901, almost 400,000 could be so classified by 1911, a reflection of the facts that the prairie provinces were undergoing a period of massive change and that the area's urban centres were playing an integral part in the development of the region.

IV

1913 was a pivotal year in the history of prairie urban develop­ ment. Before, there had been prosperity and rapid growth; after, there came several decades of relative stagnation and almost continual crisis. Although there were a few short years of prosperity in the 1920s, the period from 1913 to 1930 can be characterized as one of either uncer­ tainty or modest growth for the region's urban centres. This trend was apparent in a number of ways. The prairies switched from being the fastest to the slowest-growing region in the country in terms of urban concentration (Table VII). Between 1911 and 1931, the urban percent- 258 ARTIBlSE

TABLE· VII

PER CENT· OF POPULATION URBAN(a)IN CANA.DA'S REGIONS, 1901-1931

REGION 1901 1911 1921 1931 British Columbia 46.4 50.9 (4.5)(b) 56.1 (5.2) 67.3 (11.2) Prairies 19.3 28.8 (9.5) 29.3 (0.5) 32.2 ( 2.9) Ontario 43.6 52.8 (9.2) 60.7 (7.9) 65.3 ( 4.6) Quebec 38.2 45.9 (7.7) 52.0 (6.1) 59.7 ( 7.7) Maritimes 26.2 32.7, (6.5) 37.9 (5.2) 38.9 ( 1.0)

Notes: (a) See definition in Table IV, note (a). (b) Bracketed figures represent increase in percentage points for decade.

SOURCE: Census of Canada, 1956-"Analyti~al Report: Rural and Urban Population," p. 26. age of the prairie population increased by only 3.4 percentage points­ far behind the'other regions. This sharp relative decline took place within the context ofgeneral economic difficulties. A severe recession in 1913 was followed by the dislocation of war and a slow recovery, all events which adversely affected the villages, towns, and cities of the prairieregion, which were far from booming between. 1913' 'and 1930. The recession immediately preceding the Great War coincided with the slowing down ofthe great agricultural expansion 'of the West. The wheat economy-with its commercial and transportation infrastructure and its main institutions­ was established and in place. Filling-in and investment in powered farm machinery was carried on in the 1920s, but the scale and rate of expansion was at a much reduced level. As V. C. Fowke notes: "The investment boom which had characterized the early years of the twentieth century had exhausted itself by 1913, and serious economic difficulties faced Canada and the prairie provinces as a result: "38 While the war created an artificial stimulus that temporarily averted the effects of contraction in the growth rate,39 these effects were felt soon enough. Economic distress characterized the early 1920s, distress caused by inflation, a sharp recession, and a prolonged drought. In contrast to the early years of the decade, the later 1920s was a period of relative prosperity and expansion. Contemporary observers regarded the developments of these years as a continuation of the conditions that had been interrupted by the recession of 1913 and the war. In terms of urban centres, there were several important develop­ ments that received impetus from the comparative prosperity of the period after 1924. The major mechanical revolution that took placeon prairie farms, with horse-driven machinery giving way to trucks, tractors, and combine harvesters, increased the dependence offarmers on urban services and skills. Itwas in these yearsas well thatthe road system of the prairies was taking shape, changing dramatically the THE URBAN WEST 259 relation ofcity and country. Similarly, the aeroplane was beginning to give larger' cities additional transportation links. The prairies, it seemed, were apparently again on the road to rapid expansion. The similarities between the late 1920s and the pre-war boom, however, were more apparent than real. Although many individual activities were much the same as they had been' before 1914, their collective significance was vastly different. Collectively the economic processes associated with the wheat frontier had been of a magnitude before 1914 sufficient to vitalize and integrate the entire Canadian economy and to diffuse this economic vitality throughout the North Atlantic trading area. In absolute quantities the immigration, occupation and Improve­ ment of land, and .capital formation which were associated with the wheat economy inthe latter halfofthe 1920s were smaller than before the war. In relative terms, however, the diminution was greater .still, for other frontiers [in northern Quebec and Ontario and in British Columbia] had meanwhile risen to prominence within the Dominion and the wheat frontier was no longer of unique importance. Possibilities for agricultural settlement in western Canada were no longer adequate to focus attention throughout the Dominion or to serve as the integrating force within the Canadian econorny.w The impact of these trends on prairie urban centres was substan­ tial. In general terms, the population ofthe region's cities grew by only 47.5 per cent between 1916 and 1931 (408,000to 602,000), compared to an increase of nearly 700 per cent between 1901 and 1916 (52,000 to 408,000). Towns grew by 30.5 per cent'(121.,000 to 158,000), compared to 278.0 per cent (32,000 to 121,000) in the earlier period. Villages increased by only' 64.5 percent (76,000 to 125,000), compared to an increase of 300 per cent (19,000 to 76,000) between 1901 and 1916.41 The number of new cities (2), towns (14)~'and villages (121) incorporated since 1916 was in sharp contrast to the ra pid increase in numbers in the earlier era. In terns of the ranking of Canadian cities by size, several larger prairie cities dropped to lower positions, including Winnipeg, Brandon, Portage la Prairie, Regina, Moose Jaw and Yorkton;" however, none ofthe region's cities suffered an absolute loss in popula­ tion between 1911 and 1931.43 It was a period. in which the larger centres gained population, but only gradually. Some towns and villages, however, actually lost citizens (Tables II, 111, IV). Such communities, and others which experienced very slow rates ofgrowth, were those whose prosperity largely depended upon supplying a restricted agricultural hinterland that was floundering. In contrast, the larger prairie cities, and especially Winnipeg, Regina, Calgary, Edmonton, and Saskatoon, had reached the point where their extra­ provincial relations coupled with their intra-provincial services en­ sured slow but steady growth. The growth of the cities between the end of rapid expansion in 260 ARTIBISE

1913 and the major economic crISIS of the Depression was thus unremarkable. But there were several important changes in the prairie urban system which deserve notice, even if they Were changes of "degree" ratherthan of"kind." Most important was the decline in Win­ nipeg's metropolitan position as a result of several events, including the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914 (which allowed Vancouver to penetrate the western prairies); the diffusion of Winnipeg's commer­ cial functions in the wheat economy with the formation of provincial wheat pools in the 1920s (dispersing control and income from Winnipeg head offices of the private grain trade); the erosion of the city's preferential freight-rate structures (resulting in the gradual take­ over by other prairie cities of some of the commercial and supply functions formerly centred on the city); and a decline in the importance of grain and an increase in such non-grain products as meat, butter and cheese (areas where Winnipeg's metropolitan position was challenged by other prairie citiesj.f All these changes diminished Winnipeg's financial and commercial hinterland but they did not presage any major alterations in the basic urban system of the prairies. While there was a gradual westward shift in urban population," and while the role of other prairie cities in the region grew considerably, the urban structure in place by 1913-with Winnipeg at its apex-maintained a high degree of stability through to and beyond 1930. In spite of this stability, the onset of drought and the Depression in 1929-1930 marked the end of an era for prairie urban development. Although dramatic urban growth in the region had ended as early as ------1913, contemporaries had continued to hope-indeed to believe­ throughout the 1910s and 1920sthat prosperity would soon return. In particular, the short periods of prosperity in the 1920s were seen as the beginning of a new surge of growth. The Depression, however, soon dimmed the hopes of even the most optimistic. By the mid-1930s, prairie urban centres were concentrating, for the first time in their history, not on growth, but on survival.

NOTES

I Defining what is meant by "urban" is a complex issue. In this article, I shall use two basic char­ acteristics. First, an urban community consists of a concentration of people organized at a specific site who carryon various functions or services differentiated from the surrounding countryside, functions which may be economic, political, social or cultural in nature and which usually involve some combination of these factors. Second, while it is an arbitrary figure, this article concentrates on those communities which had a population of 1,000 or more. For a succinct discussion of the definition problem see James and Robert Simmons, Urban Canada, 2nd ed. rev. (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1974), pp. 8-11. 2 Alan F. J. Artibise, Winnipeg: A Social History of Urban Growth, 1874-1914 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1975), Chapter 1,"The Origins and Incorporation of Win­ nipeg." 3 There is no comprehensive history of St. Boniface available. See, however, W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957), passim. 4 Margaret J. Bell, "Portage la Prairie to 1907," M. A. Thesis (University of Manitoba, 1926). See also Evelyn Baril, "The Hudson's Bay Company and the Urbanization of the Prairies, 1870-1888,'~ B. A. Thesis (University of Winnipeg, 1978).This excellent thesis contains much detail on prairie urban centres in these early years. THE URBAN WEST 261

5 Gary Abrams, Prince Albert: The First Century, 1866-1966 (Saskatoon: Modern Press, 1966), Chapter I, '~A Mission in the Wilderness." 6 B. A. Ockley, "A History ofEarly Edmonton," M. A. Thesis (University of Alberta, 1932). See also J. G. MacGregor, Edmonton: A History (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1967); and Baril, "H~B.C. and the Urbanization of the Prairies." Census of Population and Agriculture ofthe Northwest Provinces, 1906, p. xx. There are a number ofgood accounts available. See, for example, Paul Voisey, "The Urban­ ization of the Canadian Prairies, 1871-1916,~' Histoire sociale] Social History, Vol. VIII, No. 15 (May 1975), pp. 77-IOI;J. M. S. Careless, "Aspects of Urban Life in the West, 1870-1914,~' in Gilbert A. Stelter and Alan F. J. Artibise, eds., The Canadian Citv: Essavs in Urban His­ tory (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1977), pp. 125-141; K. Lenz, "Large Urban Places in the Prairie Provinces-Their Development and Location," in R. L. Gentilcore, ed., Canada's Changing Geography (Toronto, (967), pp. 199-211; L. D. McCann, "Urban Growth in Western Canada, 1881-1961," The Albertan Geographer, No. 5(1969), pp.65-74; and K. H. Norrie, "The Rate of Settlement of the Canadian Prairies, 1870-1911," Journal of Economic History, Vol. XXXV (June, 1975), pp. 410-427. 9 Voisey, "Urbanization of the Canadian Prairies," p. 78. 10 W. A. Mackintosh, Prairie Settlement: The Geographical Setting (Toronto: Macmillan, 1934), p. 46. II This figure is an estimation taken from tables in M. L. Bladen, "Construction of Railways in Canada to the Year 1885," Contributions to Canadian Economics, Vol. V (1932), pp. 43-60; and Bladen, "Construction of Railways in Canada from 1885 to 1931," ibid., Vol. VII (1934), pp.82-107. 12 See G. F. Baker, Brandon: A City, 1881-1961 (Altona: Friesen, 1977). 13 Voisey, "Urbanization of the Canadian Prairies"; Baril, "H.B.C. and the Urbanization ofthe Prairies." 14 Ibid.: J. M. Richtik, "Manitoba Service Centers in the Early Settlement Period," Journal of the Minnesota AcademyofScience, Vol. 34, No. 1(1967), pp. 17-21; and John H. Warkentin, "Western Canada in 1886," Transactions of the Historical and Scientific Society of Mani­ toba, Series III, No. 20 (1963-1964), p. 91. 15 Artibise, Winnipeg: A Social History, Chapter 4. See also R. C. Bellan, "Rails Across the Red: Winnipeg or Selkirk," Transactions of the Historical and Scientific Society of Mani­ toba,"Series III, No. 18 (1961-1962), pp. 69-77. 16 Two general accounts of Regina's history are available: E. G. Drake, Regina: A History (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1955);and J. W. Brennan,ed., Regina Before Yesterday: A Visual History, 1882-1945 (Regina: City of Regina, 1978). 17 Some branch lines were built out of Regina in later years, but they were local lines rather than C.P.R. branch lines. See Chester Martin, "Dominion Lands" Policy (Toronto: Macmillan, 1938), Chapter V. 18 Brennan, Regina Before Yesterday, pp. 3-4. The capital question is discussed in L. H. Thomas, The Struggle for Responsible Government in the North- West Territories, 1870-97 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1956), p. 107. 19 K. A. Foster, "Moose Jaw: The First Decade, 1882-1892," M. A. Thesis (University of Regina, 1978), p. 22. 20 Ibid. See also G. R. Andrews, "The National Policy and the Settlement of Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan 1882-1914," M. A. Thesis (Bemidji State University, 1977). 21 Don C. McGowan, Grassland Settlers: The Swift Current Region During the Era ofthe Ranching Frontier (Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, 1975), passim. 22 J. G. MacGregor, Alberta: A History (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1972), pp. 157-158. 23 The best account of Calgary's development is M. Foran, Calgary: An Illustrated History (Toronto: Lorimer, 1978). It contains an excellent bibliography. 24 A. A. den Otter, "Lethbridge: Outpost of a Commercial Empire," in Alan F. J. Artibise, ed., Town and City: Aspects of Western Canadian Urban Development (forthcoming, 1980). 25 The Calgary and Edmonton Railway also led to the rise of Red Deer. See Wellington Dawe, History of Red Deer (Red Deer, 1953). The Calgary and Edmonton Railway is discussed in

Martin, II Dominion Lands" Policy, p. 323 and passim. 26 John F. Gilpin, "The City of Strathcona, 1891-1912," M. A. Thesis (University of Alberta, 1978).

27 Abrams, Prince Albert. On the railway, see Martin, H Dominion Lands" Policy, p. 296 and passim. 28 John H. Archer, "The History of Saskatoon," M. A. Thesis (University of Saskatchewan, 1948); W. P. Delainey and W. A. S. Sarjeant, Saskatoon: The Growth ofa City (Saskatoon: Saskatoon Environmental Society, 1974). 29 Arlean McPherson, The Battlefords: A History (Saskatoon: Modern Press, 1967), p. 35. 30 Thomas, Struggle for Responsible Government, p. 80. 31 McPherson, The Battlefords. 32 Bladen, "Construction of Railways in Canada from 1885 to 1931." 33 Census of Prairie Provinces, 1916, p. xix. 34 Yorkton's early history is discussed in J. W. McCracken, "Yorkton During the Territorial Period, 1882-1905," M. A. Thesis (University of Saskatchewan, Regina, 1972). 262 ARTIBISE

35 P. J. Smith and D. B. Johnson, The Edmonton-Calgary Corridor (Edmonton: Department of Geography, University of Alberta, 1978), p. 26 and passim. 36 John F. Gilpin, "Failed Metropolis: The City of Strathcona, 1891-19;11," in Artibise, Town and Citv. 37 The origins and development of these two centres are discussed in Smith and Johnson, Edmonton-Calgary Corridor; A. Reynolds, "Siding 16": An Early History of Wetaskiwin to 1930 (Wetaskiwin: Wetaskiwin Alberta-R.C.M.P. Centennial Committee, 1975); and Dawe, Red Deer. 3& v. C. Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1957), p. 77 and passim. 39 Even the temporary prosperity of the war did not benefit the prairies as it did Canada's other regions. See John Herd Thompson, The Harvests of War: The Prairie West, /914-/918 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1978), Chapter Three. 40 Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy, p. 82. 41 Census of Prairie Provinces, 1916; and Census of Canada, /93/. 42 Ibid. Those included are cities with populations in excess of 5,000. 43 There were, however, short-term losses in population. See Table VI. 44 Paul Phillips, "The Prairie Urban System, 1911-1961: Specialization and Change," in Artibise, Town and Citv. 45 In 1911, Manitoba had ·42.7 per cent of the region's urban population. This declined to 35.7 per cent by 1931. Saskatchewan's urban population increased from 28.0 per cent to 32.9 per cent of the regional total, while Alberta's increased from 29.3 percent to 31.4 percent. Census of Canada, 193/.

------~-~- PRAIRIE FORUM, 1979, Vol. 4, NO.2 263

Regional Development and Social Strife: Early Coal Mining in Alberta Kirk Lambrecht Athabasca University

ABSTRACT. The agricultural, ranching and mining frontiers are the more recent frontiers of the Canadian West. This paper attempts to place one aspect of the mining frontier, the development of a coal industry in Alberta, in its early historical context, approximately to 1925. The ultimate application of the War Measures Act against the One Big Union in District 18 illuminates the importance of the region in an age which required coal for life, as well as the social stress entailed in swift development of an industry facing regional constraints.

RESUME Les frontieres de l'agriculture, de l'elevage, et des mines sont lesfrontieres les plus recentes de l'Ouest du Canada. Cet etude essaie de situer un aspect de la frontiere miniere, le developpement en Alberta d'une industrie de charbonnages, dans son contexte historique, jusqu'aI925. L'application de la War Measures Act contre le seuI grand syndicat du 18ie.me district eclaire l'importance de la region dans une epoque quand on avait besoin du charbon pour vivre, etaussi la tension sociale occasionee par Ie developpement rapided'une industrie devant'lesconstraintes regionales.

The emergence of oil and natural gas as Alberta's primary resource base- has tended to eclipse the fact that Alberta is also rich in coal. So rich, indeed, that in the early 1920s one optimistic observer of the coal mining industry saw "the new orientation" in Canada, which promised the West "an industrial fabric transcending all present imaginings'"; and even a cautious critic conceded that We may, perhaps, live to see the time when the industries of Canada WIll cease to be located in the provinces of Quebec and Ontario, and be located in the Rocky Mountain region.? Their optimism was founded on the huge reserves available, estimated in 1913 to total nearly 30 billion tons of recoverable coal ofall types.' British Columbia, Alberta and Saskatchewan have over 90 per cent of Canadian reserves of coal, Alberta being the rich sister with nearly half. Canada's per capita consumption of coal in the early 19208was approximately3.75 tons annually,4 and the total productio n of Alberta mines from 1886 to 1924 represented only.0.28 per cent ofthe estimate of workable reserves in the province.' The' development of these reserves depended largely on the extension of railway lines through the West, and the subsequent extension of settlement. Development was encouraged by federal policies with respect to mineral rights. Ottawa dispensed .coal rights to the Hudson's Bay Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway when the companies were given large land giants. It was not until 1901 that federal regulations were introducedreserving royalty on coal to the Crown; and the practice of selling coal rights continued until 1907.6 The result was that of the nearly sixteen million acres of coal rights patented to 1930, 99 per cent were not subject to the payment of royalty.' 264 LAMBRECHT

To the end of December, 1924,slightly over a thousand mines had opened in Alberta, but only 309 remained in operation." The size of these mines varied tremendously: from 'gopher' mines operated by a few men, perhaps farmers in the off-season, to huge operations employing hundreds of men, above and below ground. The total number of men employed varied with seasonal demand, as did the number of hours per week worked by the men. By the early 1920s, as many as 12,000 men were -on coal company payrolls at one time, over four times the number employed in 1905.9 This expansion of the labour force paralleled the expansion of the coal mining industry. Major ne'Y coalfields were opened every decade in Alberta, from the 1880s until the Great War.I 0 While the first commercial mine was opened in 1872, in Lethbridge, by Nicholas Sheran, large-scale development in the Lethbridge region began when Sir Alexander Galt, a Father of Confederation and Canada's first Minister of Finance, used his influence as High Commissioner in London to obtain the financial backing necessary to form the North Western Coal and Navigation Company in 1882. Collieries mining bituminous (steam) coal were opened in the Banff region, on the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, in 1887 by the Canadian' Anthracite Coal Company, and in 1891 by the Canadian Northwest Coal and Lumber Syndicate. The CPR opened a mine of its own near Banff in 1900, at Bankhead. The extension of the CPR through the Crowsnest Pass,from Lethbridge to Nelson, B.C., marked by the pas­ sage in 1897 ofthe famous Crowsnest Pass Act, brought coal mining activity to both the Alberta and British Columbia sides of the pass. As well as mining coal, many of the Crowsnest companies converted coal to coke, serving the smelters in the B.C. interior and the American northwest. The coke ovens in use wasted the valuable by-products produced in the coking process.'! The importance of railways in the development of coal mining continued with the construction of the Canadian Northern and Grand Trunk Pacific railways. When the GTP extended its line through the northern Yellowhead Pass, collieries mining bituminous (steam) coal were opened in the Coal Branch region west of Edmonton, beginning in 1909.12 The Coal Branch region had been virtually unpopulated, and had not even attracted any fur-trade activity; yet isolated mining communities were built throughout the region, connected to the outside by over one hundred miles of branch lines.PThe experience of swift development of coal resources in a geographic region was repeated in the Drumheller region, northeast of Calgary, when the Canadian Northern entered the area in 1912. Twenty-seven mines began operations, mining lignite (domestic) coal.!' To help meet its requirements for steam coal, the CN made arrangements with Martin Nordegg for the completion of a branch line to Nordegg's Brazeau Collieries, west of Rocky Mountain House. The line was completed by 1914.15 COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 265

As settlement advanced, small coal mines were opened throughout the province to serve local markets. Larger mines, such as those in Edmonton and Strathcona, employed over one hundred men." Coal mines were of two types: open working and closed. Open working, orstrip mining, was accomplished with the use ofhorse teams to remove the overburden. By far the greatest number of mines in Alberta in the period. under consideration, though, were closed working, or underground mines.'? In these mines the coal was reached by shafts, slopes., and tunnels. Mining proceeded according to one of two methods: room-and-pillar method, or long-wall method. In the room-and-pillar method a tunnel or slope was driven along the coal seam, and the coal was then mined in a number ofseparate places, or rooms. Coal strata between each room were called pillars and held up the roof. Once the rooms had been driven their full length into the seam, the pillars could be systematically removed until the seam was exhausted. In the long-wall method, which was only occasionally in use in Alberta, the entire face of the seam was taken out and the roof was allowed to settle. Care was taken to ensure that a haulageway remained open. The operation of a mine was often marked by great waste. In the first instance, if mine operators were faced with two seams, the lower seam was often worked despite the fact that this made it difficult or impossible to recover the upper seam,due to the danger of caving. Again, if a coal seam became difficult to work it was often abandoned in favour of a more easily mined seam.l" These wasteful techniques brought criticism from geologists and conservationists, including John Allan at the University of Alberta, who called it "a deplorable fact and one which calls for immediate consideration and investigation."19 Difficulties also presentedthemselves, Flooding could occur, such as in Lethbridge in 1919 at the No.3 Galt mine. At one time, twenty­ eight air-driven pumps were in use and ·'~fornine months ofthe yearthe daily average water pumped amounted to over 1,000,000 gallons."2o Ventilation was also a problem, especially where mining took place simultaneously over a large area and at many different levels. Poor ventilation was a feature of many mines.t! Explosions caused by the ignition of methane gas, or coal dust, or both, were the cause of great loss of life. The Crowsnest mines were particularly subject to gas in the workings. At Bellevue, on December 9, 1910 twenty-nine men were killed.F While rescue parties from British Columbia were on the scene within seven hours, their breathing apparatus was inadequate and one man lost his life while wearing the equipment. The Bellevue explosion led directly to the organization of an operator-sponsored, province­ wide group of trained rescue teams.v Alberta's worst mining disaster occurred on June 19, 1914 at Hillcrest Collieries. Of the 235men in the mine at the time of the explosion, 189 were killed.>' Damage was so extensive that it was impossible to determine the cause, or even the 266 LAMBRECHT

exact location of the blast. The investigation was hampered by the fact that the only two men who knew the exact details of the ventilation system were killed in the explosion;" As time passed, the legislation governing the operations of coal mines improved with regard to safety. ,N0 legislation existed until the passage of the Coal- Mines Regulations Ordinance in 1893. This legislation, slightly 'amended in 1898, Was-adopted by the Alberta legislature in 1906 as the Coal Mines Act. This act was amended in 1908, limiting the miners' working day to' 8 hours, establishing the minimum age of boys workingin the underground mines at twelve, and prohibiting women and girls from being employed in the mines. The Workmen's Compensation Act was also'passed in 1908, requiring compensation by an employerto an injured workman. The Coal Mines Act was replaced in 1913 by the Mines Act, the major provincial legis­ lation governing coal mining operations. All aspects of mining opera­ tions were covered, and provision was made for Mines Inspectors to make periodic visits to mines to ensure that regulations were adhered to.> Three major provincial commissions studied the coal industry in the period to 1925. The first, appointed in 1907 and'reporting in 1908, largely brought 'about the 1908 Workmen's Compensation Act, and the amendments to the Coal Mines Act.27 The second was appointed in 1919, and reported in the same year. It recommended: , Tha! a permanent Commission be appointed and given power by 'legislation to make working agreements and provide for the settle­ ment of disputes. That living and housing conditions and matters pertaining to health and sanitation be dealt with by the said Commission.28 These recommendations were not acted upon, although some action was taken on other less sweeping recommendations regarding exten­ sion of markets. The third commission was appointed late in 1924, and reported early in 1926; its report is a major compilation ofdata on the operation of Alberta's coal industry, covering every aspect of opera­ tions. Coal mine operators were required by law to repo-rt all accidents to the Mines Branch ofthe Department of Public Works, as well as to the Workmen's Compensation Board. The 1925 Commission found a startling discrepancy between the number of injuries and fatalities reported to each agency. The commissioners could not find sufficient explanation for the discrepancy, and suggested that "it should be investigated 'by the two departments.V? Using the Workmen's Com­ pensation Board statistics the commissioners estimated that in 1922 and 1923, two out of every five workmen were injured. For 1924 the estimate was more than one out of three. ' The 1919 and 1925 commissions heard many complaints levelled COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 267 at the; Mines Inspectors. According to the -testimony given at public h-earings, inspectors made routine instead of surprise inspections, and did not pay enough attention to ventilation in the mines or to conditions in bunkhouses and washhouses.P The 1925 commissioners, after weighing the evidence, concluded that the Chief Inspector of the province "must be either unaware ofthe conditions or unable todistin­ guish good from bad,"Jl and that: -_ the time has come, as in the case ofhousing [for the miners], when the coal industry ofAlberta must be considered to have passed out of the stage of a-llowances for pioneer conditions and when the various provisions of the Act should be enforced or repealed if found unworkable.v Swift development of mining communities" in areas far from any other centres ofpopulation, was often reflected in miners' housing and sanitation conditions that left a great deal to be desired. Permanent mining communities had three types of housing: bunkhouses, hotels and bungalows. Mining companies usually owned the land in the vicinity of a mine, and in isolated "areas took, the responsibility of building and operating a 'company town.' The company could operate a store and a few other essential services, although the store' and services, including bakeries,barbershops and laundries.were often run by private individuals on the company property.P Poor conditions led to tension between labour and management. A miner from the Drumheller region, testifying to the 1919 Commis­ sion, described a sanitatio-n inspection: I had a man in there last summer, supposed to be a sanitary inspector.rand I went around with him measuring these toilets, house to house, and he gave in a true report. What 1heard was he got fired. So they put another man around, and he put a report to help the company, so I guess he didn't get fired.>' - The Assistant Director of Coal Operations, addressing the 1919 Annual Convention of the United Mine Workers of America District 18, called forefforts to improve the conditions under which some of the miners live. You have all had experience during the epidemic of the "flu" and I am free to confess had living conditions and housing conditions been better the death toll or loss of life would not have been so great." The 1925 .Commission summarized .the housing and sanitarycondi­ tions at the' mines near Edmonton as "fair to bad or very bad." Condi­ tions at the main mines ofthe Coal Branch were "fair to good," as were those in the 'Crowsnest Pass and' Lethbridge regioris. The Drumheller area had "someof the worst living and housing conditions within the province."36 ' Poorhousingconditions were often represented by men, women and children crowded together into available accommodation. In 1926 at Cadomin, in the Coal Branch, miners who were offduty would sleep 268 LAMBRECHT in the bunks of those at work. One Coal Branch miner described the typical experience of a new man entering a bunkhouse for the first time: "the men just glance at the newcomer, size him up, and then pay no heed to him. "37 Miners complained of inadequate outhouses which were never disin,fected, of a water supply that left those who drank from it sick, and of cesspools that plugged and flushed over the top or which filtered through the ground into the water table." Mine operators responded to charges of poor housing and living conditions by claiming that miners often damaged their housing, and that radical labour leaders opposed building and construction efforts." A 1935 Commission appointed to study the coal mining industry in Alberta concluded that "the conditions as to housing were very much the same as ten years ago" with "shacks and lean-tos unfit for human occupation"40 being occupied in some areas, although the closed camps generally had good accommodation. The social life of the mining communities was boisterous at first, and gradually settled as miners raised their families. Lethbridge, when the North Western Coal and Navigation Company completed its railway line to the CPR line at Dunmore in 1885, boasted over sixty buildings of which five were hotels with saloons.'! In 1968 a retired miner remembered "life in the brawling pre-war mining camps" as a combination of "liquor, women and poker."42 Illegal stills and bootleg liquor were a regular feature of the Coal Branch communities, despite prohibition from 1916 to 1924.43In larger centres, miners' social clubs sponsored well attended dances, sports days and picnics. In Canmore, soccer was popular among the men.v' In the Crowsnest region hockey leagues were organized, with teams from the mining communities playing to enthusiastic crowds, and special trains being run between the towns for the benefit of the fans." Social clubs maintained their own libraries, and the Department of Extension of the University of Alberta sponsored a mobile library which reached many ofthe mining towns.w In a paper which won the President's essay competition of the Canadian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy in 1922, Geo McHattie discussed the underlying causes of labour unrest in the coalfields: I suppose no class of labour the world over is harder to handle than the pit-worker. The nature of the work he faces from day to day in the thick darkness of the mine certainlydoes nottend to the production of an angelic disposition.... When the shift is over, and the miner goes to his home, which is generally inpoor sur­ roundings, there is nothing done to provide amusement, or instruction of a suitable character tending to make the miner and his family believe they amount to anything.... Is there here not a great opportunity lost? If the workers' leisure hours were guided along proper paths it is easy to believe the radical labour leaders would not have such rich pastures on which to cast their seed." Labour unrest was endemic in the unionized coal mines of Alberta and COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 269 the Crowsnest region of British Columbia. Yet the strife between labour and capital was not entirely due to conditions which affected labour. Mine operators faced marketing and transportation difficul­ ties which led them to follow a policy of confrontation in an effort to keep labour costs down. Union organization was introduced to the workers in the fledgling coal mining industry in the British Columbia Crowsnest Pass area by the Western Federation of Miners at the turn of the century. The Western Federation of Miners represented metal workers and coal miners, and adhered to a radical socialist philosophy which emphasized political action over the establishment of collective agreements." A 1903 strike, in which no strike pay was distributed to the miners, proved to be the undoing of this union in the coal mines. Dissatisfac­ tion at the local level resulted in the application ofa local at Fernie for affiliation with the United Mine Workers of America in 1903. This application, duly granted, reached the United Mine Workers of America at a time when its executive was completing plans "to invade the West and Northwest"49 of North America, an activity that was to result in the growth ofits international membership from 10,000 in 1887 to over 400,000 in 1913.50The United Mine Workers in Alberta grew to 18 locals by 1907, representing miners in the Lethbridge and Banff fields as well as the Crowsnest.>' The unionized area was designated as District 18 ofthe United Mine Workers ofAmerica, and district headquarters were moved from Fernie to Calgary as the union expanded. Although the United Mine Workers ofAmerica never represented all coal miners in Alberta, its organizational methods were successful in uniting the international labour force in the major collieries. Union organizers "had to assimilate men of all nations" including those "who have previously had absolutely no experience in a miners' movement."52 Since "ina good many ofthe locals one half ofthe membership would not constitute the English-speaking -members,"53 English, Italian or Slavic speaking men were appointed as district organizers and some multilingual literature was distributed.>' In 191 I immigrant labour, men who were not Canadian-born, comprised 90 per cent of the coal mining labour force. British miners, who transferred their class­ consciousness from the home country and readily accepted union organization." were in the majority; but there were substantial numbers of Ukrainian, Slovak, Austrian, Serbian and Italian workers as well. Virtually every European nationality 'was represented, and there were Japanese workers in the Lethbridge fields.w Men from Europe were often familiar with Old World socialist movements, and carried this familiarity with them to the coal mines. In 1909 the manager of the Hillcrest Coal and Coke Company, testifying at an inquiry into mining conditions, maintained "that the degree of bad Socialism here has taught the men to think that they own the mine."57 270 LAMBRECHT

In response to growing union strength, representatives from ten major coal mining companies met in Spokane, Washington, on October 17, 1906, to form an Operators' Union "for the purpose of offensive and defensive protection of the coal interests of the Crowsnest Pass and Alberta coal mines."58 The principal object of the organization was the negotiation of wage scales and, working agree­ ments with organized labour inDistrict 18; and in this regard the members of the Coal Operators' Organization of Eastern British Columbia and Alberta agreed at their first meeting to take steps to employ a Pinkerton detective "to secure such information for the use of the association as may be ofgeneral benefit."59 Individual operators, in keen competition with one another when marketing their coal and coke, at first signed agreements with individual locals "upon the reiterated assurances" of the United Mine Workers that agreements would be "honoured 'by a 'strict observance" which would enable the operators "to definitely compute the cost of labour for the term ofany Agreement and to make contracts with customers on that basis, with an assurance that would otherwise be lacking."60 The operators' association, called the: Western Coal Operators' Association after 1907, and the Western Canada Coal Operators' Association after 1920, grew to twenty-six members by 1923. Its members were responsible for over 70 per cent of the coal mined in Alberta.s! and the settlement of disputes quickly became a matter of national concern, for suspension of supply could directly affect settlers across the prairies, as well as interfere with the movement of grain along the rail lines. District 18's reputation as a hotbed of labour unrest emerged quickly. The United Mine Workersof America fought strikes on the conclusion of almost every collective agreement, on issues of 'union recognition, improvements in wage scales, and the establishment of closed shops and a district-wide collective bargaining process, In addition, mines in which labour was organized had local Pit Commit­ tees.v groups of senior miners with authority to take up issues regarding the operation of the mine with management;'so that local strikes were a relatively common occurrence even when a collective agreement was in force. In' 1906, the federal Minister of Labour instructed Mackenzie King, Deputy Minister of Labour, to intervene in a strike by Lethbridge coal miners which threatened Saskatchewan residents with winter shortages of coal. In his report to the Minister on the successful settlement of the dispute, King wrote: Clearly, there is nothing in the rights of parties to a dispute to justify the inhabitants of a province' being brought face to face with a fuel famine and 'winter conditions, so long as there is coal in the ground, and men and capital at hand to mine i1. 63 Although the United Mine Workers of America attempted to expand its Jurisdiction to coalfields in Saskatchewan in 1907, the effort failed by 1909.64 In a show ofstrength, though, the union called a strike by all COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 271

organized miners in District,18 in 1911, to support contract negotia­ tions. After a bitterand violent strike lasting eight months.v' a four­ year contract was signed. In 1915 the collective agreement was renewed without a strike, the first time this had occurred in District 18. The Great War and the 1920s mark the height of the Alberta coal iridustry in the period under consideration. More men were employed in mining coal by the early 1920s than ever before or since; and produc­ tion of coal in this period was not equalled again until the Second World War. But despite the optimistic predictions of observers, the period was one ofdifficult operation in the face of labour turmoil and limited markets. In '1916 and 1917, the United Mine Workers' of America and the Western Coal Operators' Association reached a major impasse. Wartime inflation hit Western Canada very hard during the last two years of the Great War.66 In 1916, unrest among theminers.led the union to demand a' readjustment'of the rates of the 1915 agreement, which was still in force, and the protection' of jobs for returned veterans. The operators agreed "very reluctantly ... not to employ any more Japanese labour,at this time, so long as there is other labour 'available"67 and, "notwithstanding the injustice of the demand'v" for higher wages, a 'supplementary agreement was signed in August. By December, again due to unrest among the miners, the union demanded another wage increase or a government, investigation of the cost of living. The coal operators, concerned about their ability to market their coal in competition with American mines, attacked the United Mine Workers as ' . an Organization controlled by foreigners not havingthe interests of the country at heart, possibly animated .by feelings the very reverse which used inflation as a pretence ... to take advantage of the scarcity of labour in Canada caused by the enlistment ofmany of0l:lrmen in.the ranks. The operators also told the Minister ofLabour that "analien organiza­ tion should not be allowedto dictate to us or to the Government of Canada."69 The Minister, Gideon Robertson, arranged for pay increases despite the oppositionof operators. Operators believed that "our employees-r-over 80 per cent-if left to themselves, would not be in sympathy with the unjust demands"70 advanced by the union. When the 1915 agreement ended, though, the miners rejected an agreement sent to them for ratification and began a district-wide strike on May 5, 1917. The federal cabinet appointed a Special Commissioner under the authority of the War Measures Act, to secure a settlement; but he was unsuccessful. Consequently, on June 25, 1917, since the Minister of Labour was 272 LAMBRECHT

of the opinion that if the miners and the operators and owners of the mines are left to themselves, the production of coal will not be resumed within a reasonable time," the federal cabinet created the office of the Director of Coal Operations under the authority of the War Measures Act. With the ability to regulate virtually every aspect ofthe coal industry in District 18, the Director arranged for the establishment of a co-st-of-living commission to monitor the impact of wartime inflation on miners' wages, and award pay increases when necessary." With this, the miners accepted a two-year collective agreement and returned to work. 1919 op-ened as a year of great agitation in labour circles in District 18. The armistice presaged a decline in markets for coal and an influx of returned veterans for whom there were few jobs. In February, 1919, one month before the expiry of the collective agreement, the United Mine Workers held their sixteenth annual district convention. On the first day of the convention, Gideon Robertson telegraphed his greetings to the delegates: I am confident its proceedings will be marked with the prudence and moderation that the condition of the times demands. Not even during the severest stresses of war was it more necessary that employers and workmen should press to the furthest limit, their endeavors to arrange their differences amicably.P The Assistant Director of Coal Operations, addressing the delegates, provoked criticism by urging "every foreigner" to learn English, "the official tongue and official language of this country, and the commer­ ciallanguage."74 The mood of the miners was shown by their broad discussion ofthe relation between the workers and the "system" which "produces enough and cannot feed its own," and which threatened the veterans who risked their lives for "democracy" with unemployment on their return.t> "There should be no men, women and children needing food and shelter,"76 said one delegate. Another, to the general applause of the convention, argued that "we are one great working class" and "we might get together as fellow workers for the common end and the achievement of the co-operative commonwealth."71 By the middle of May, when the Winnipeg General Strike began, the District Executive Board of the United Mine Workers had endorsed the One Big Union, and every local in District 18, except one, had affiliated with the revolutionary union." This was the result ofdis­ satisfaction with the United Mine Workers,"? and the solidarity of immigrant Iabour'" in difficult times. The operators' association and the Director of Coal Operations flatly refused to recognize the OneBig Union; and as a result the miners of District ~8, now District Number 1, Mining Department OBU, went on strike on May 23, 1919, ostensibly over the renewal of the collective agreement. Six thousand two hundred miners were involved." COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 273

The United Mine Workers took the first step against the One Big Union. As early as 1915 the International Board members of the bi­ national union had warned District 18 officials that a General Strike would create "an open breach"82 between the District and the Inter­ national. In July of 1919 the charter of District 18 was revoked. The region was placed under the direction of a Commission of three American officers of the bi-national, and was flooded with organizers. When the commissioners met with the Director of Coal Operations on July 25 they were told "in no uncertain Ianguage that the Government did not propose to deal with the One BigUnion."83 The operators, so concerned about the revolutionary nature of the OBU that some of their members encoded their telegrams to one another.s-reversed their wartime opinion of the United Mine Workers. On August 6, 1919, the operators' association sent a unanimously passed resolution to the Chairman of the International Commission: That the Whole Association give the International Commission their moral and solid support in their efforts to organize District 18 for the .International.s' Events in Winnipeg having boiled over, the Royal North West Mounted Police raided socialist meetings in the coal mining commun­ ities throughout June and July. Arrests were made and some men were immediately placed in internment camps.w In Drumheller, returned veterans attacked striking miners.87 In August, under the orders ofthe Director of Coal Operations, miners throughout the district returned to work. The labour situation remained extremely uncertain, though, as the operators, with government support, refused to employ men whom they felt were keyOBU organizers.P The OBU,with popular support, maintained' its structure throughout the fall, although the operators ignored its executive and negotiated with the International Commission; and the RNWMP continued their investigations. The finishing blow came on December 19, 1919, from the Director of Coal Operations. Order 141 notified miners of a temporary agreement reached between the operators' association and the-United Mine Workers, by which wages were increased 14 per cent. The order went on to declare a legal closed shop for the United Mine Workers: All men who work in and around the mines who are eligible to become members of the United Mine Workers of America must join that organization.t? The One Big Union retaliated by insisting on "the just right. of all Workers to select an organization of their own choice,"90 and 250 men at Mountain Park went on strike on December29; but it was too late. The majority of miners returned to the bi-national union. The United Mine Workers secured a two-year collective agreement on June 10, 1920. Autonomy was restored to District 18 in June, 1921.91 The renewed United 'Mine Workers, however, faced a difficult 274 LAMBRECHT future. The operators found that postwar markets were limited, and expenses high. The 1925 Coal Commission realized that net profit for four years of operation (1921-25) of all mines was "less than one cent a ton onthe output."92 Coal operators tried to expand the market for their coal, a recommendation which the 1919 Coal Commission felt would bring steady employment to the worker, and reduce the price of coal to the consumer. As labour was a majorcost ofa mining operation the operators also began to agitate for reduced wages to miners in order to increase general prosperity. The union opposed wage reductions through prolonged strikes, but in the end gave in. Ottawa's tariff policy laid the foundation for the marketing diffi­ culties faced by Alberta coal operators. The National Policy included a tariff on imported coal. The Liberals attacked these tariffs in the early 1880s, arguing that they "injured the consumers without benefiting the producer."93 Tariffs on the various classes of coal were reduced or removed as a result of this pressure, and Pennsylvania coal became firmly established in Quebec, Ontario and Manitoba-the 'natural' markets for Alberta coal if Canada were to be self-sufficient in this resource. "May that ... be on account of Ontario and Quebec not having hard coal?"94 asked one member of the audience at the public hearings. of the 1919 Coal Commission. While Alberta steam coal quickly replaced Pennsylvania coal on the western lines of the transcontinental railways, freight rates kept the Alberta operators from supplying the central Canadian market,with coal,coke or briquettes. Charles Camsell, Deputy Minister ofMines in Ottawa, testified in 1923 to a Senate committee studying the fuel supply ofCanada that Nova Scotia was the "natural source ofsupply" of coal for Montreal: The next.field would be the British field. Freight rates are in the neighborhood of $2 a ton from Swansea to Montreal. The next point would be the Pennsylvania field, from which the freight rates are $4 and upwards. The last field would be the Alberta field, from which the freight rates quoted by the railway companies to Ontario points are about $12.50.95 The difficulty in estimating freight rates led to feelings in the West that "the railways intend to use all means to baffle enquiry thereof."96 The railways defended their rates on a number ofgrounds. First, there was a reduced domestic market for Alberta coal in the summer because consumers could not be convinced to stockpile coal months ahead of winter. The demand for coal increased in the fall and winter, but-this coincided with the "grain rush' which took place as the prairie crops were harvested and' moved to the East before the winter ice closed the Great Lakes. As J. G. Rutherford, Chief Commissioner of the Railway Commissioners for Canada, explained in 1920: S'() long as the grain traders of Western Canada persist in following the present uneconomic policy ofrushing our wheat and COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 275

othergrains to the head of the Lakes, within the shortest possible time after harvest, just so long will it be a matter ofextreme diffi­ culty for the railway companies to provide at reasonable cost the transportation facilities necessary for the movement of Alberta coal in the same direction and during practically the same period."? The second argument put forward by the railways was that cars which carried grain to the Lakehead could carry Pennsylvania coal back to Winnipeg rather than havingto return 'in ballast.' As a contemporary economist put it: "any increase on eastbound shipping would merely mean increased empty tonnage westward-a factor which would make for high rates on the eastward movement of coal."98 J. G. Rutherford continued: Under the conditions at present existing-as regards railway operating costs and the difficulty of securing capital for the provision ofadditional rolling stock much of which would be idle during the rest of the year, it is scarcely likely that there will, in the very near future, be any further development of Alberta's .coal resources." On May 21, 192I, the Board of Railway Commissioners issued an order reducing freight rates for Alberta coal moving east by 10 per cent, and the decision was hailed as "a great boost to the coal industry.l"?" By 1923, though, the Western Canada Coal Review, reporting on the conclusio.n of a collective agreement between the United Mine Workers and the operators' association, was attacking the union as the source of the industry's persistent marketing troubles: The fact remains that in spite ofa business depression, notwith­ standing the fact that lower prices are one of the main factors required to further extend the Alberta market and that the public is crushed under a load of taxation, the miners will be paid the peak war wages, which means that domestic coal will continue to be unreasonably high.'?' A showdown between the union and the operators occurred in 1924, when the previous year's agreement expired. The operators asked for a reduction of$l.17 per day on all rates underthe agreement. The union asked for a three-year contract on the old terms, since this had been secured in the central competitive field in the United States. Both sides remained firm on their position, and the United Mine Workers called a strike on Aprill, 1924. The men stayed out until late in October, and received very little strike pay,I02 yet the union finally accepted the operators' offer. This prolonged strike was a disaster for organized labour in District 18. The railways made large purchases from American mines to protect themselves from a shortage during the grain rush. As a result, when the miners returned to work they had to accept not only lower wages but a market "still heavily stocked, and unable to absorb more than at best sufficient to provide business of from two to three days a week."I03 276 LAM-BRECHT

The Crowsnest Pass Coal Company, a founding member of the coal operators' association and one of the major employers in District 18, could not operate with the new collective agreement; so it resigned from the operators' association, closed its mine's and threw over one thousand men out of work in mid-winter. Left without financial support from the United Mine Workers, the Fernie miners formed the independent-British Columbia Miners' Association. This association accepted work at lower rates over no work at all, and on December 19, 1924, signed an agreement which acknowledged pay cuts of up to 30 per ce~t.l04 -The impact of the 'new Crow rates' was immediate and long lasting. In April and May, 1925, the major collieries in the Crowsnest Pass- resigned from the operators' association and, offering reduced wages, signed contracts with their individual employees' associations. The Galt mines in Lethbridge followed suit in June, signing with the Lethbridge Miners' Federation. Later in June, officials of the United Mine Workers signed an agreement with fifteen mines in the Drum­ heller region, the Red Deer Valley Coal Operators' Association, based on the reduced wage scale. The agreement was not submitted to the miners for ratification, which prompted a strike against the union, after which the workers accepted the terms of the agreement but refused to belong to the United Mine Workers. By the summer of 1925 the only mines still operating under the 1924 agreement were the Coal Branch collieries. These adhered to formality and served notice on the United Mine Workers that the 1924 agreement would be terminated, ------under the terms of the agreement, on September 30, 1925. The truncated United Mine Workers subsequently passed out ofexistence in this region, as well. The withdrawal of the last Coal Branch collieries from the operators' association brought the dissolution of that organization. 105 Economic prosperity was not achieved through a reduction in miners' wages. The markets of central Canada remained largely closed to Alberta _coal operators. Industry failed to arrive in the Rocky Mountain region. Larger issues were facing the coal industry, issues which would, in time, leave many of the coal towns vacant and .in danger of being lost, even to the archaeologist. Other energy sources would displace coal, in homes, factories and railroad engines across the prairies. For the coal miners of 1925, though, the future sealing of the mines in which they laboured to produce so many tons, at such a high human cost, was not a concern. Rather, attention centred around the familiar issues of working and living conditions. In the Great Depres­ sion miners and their loved .ones occupied the picket lines, as they had often done in the past. This time, in the harsh conditions of the 1930s, communism stood with socialism as an active philosophy in union organization and the collective bargaining pro-cess. Confrontation between labour and capital, then as before, brought the same result: injury to everyone dependent on the essential coal supply. COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 277

NOTES

F. W. Gray, "Canada's Coal Problem: A Further Study." The Transactions ofthe Canadian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy and ofthe Mining Society of Nova Scotia (Montreal, 1922), p. 299. Louis Simpson, "Discussion of Mr. Gray's Article." Ibid., p. 307. Government ofCanada, Report ofthe Royal Commission on Coal(Ottawa: King's Printer, 1947), p. 11. 4 F. W. Gray, "The Development of the Coal Industry in Canada." Transactions (1922), p.322. 5 Government of Alberta, Report ofthe Alberta Coal Commission, 1925 (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1926), p. 35. [Hereafter referred to as: 1925 Coal Commission] 6 Government of Alberta, Submission on the Coal Resources and Coal Industry ofAlberta and Their Relation to those of Canada for the Royal Commission on Coal (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1945), Supplementary Information, pp. 1-2. 7 Ibid., p. 1. 8 1925 Coal Commission, p. 42. 9 Ibid., p. 178. 10 A. A. den Otter, "Railways and Alberta's Coal Problem, 1880-1960," in Western Canada Past and Present, ed. A. W. Rasporich (Calgary: McClelland and Stewart West Ltd., 1975), pp.85-90. II J. B. Porter and R. J. Durley, An Investigation of the Coals of Canada, Vol. I (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1912), pp. 78-81, 206-9. 12 A. A. den Otter, "A Social History of the Coal Branch" (M. A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1967), p. 16. 13 den Otter, "Railways and Alberta's Coal Problem, 1880-1960," p. 89. 14 John A.Allan, Geology of Drumheller Coal Field, Alberta, Report No.4, Scientific and Industrial Research Council of Alberta (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1922), p. 55. 15 den Otter, "Railways and Alberta's Coal Problem, 1880-1960," pp. 89-90. 16 For a discussion of the mines in the metropolitan Edmonton region see Glenbow-Alberta Institute Archives (GAIA) Atlas: Coal-mine Workings ofthe Edmonton Area (Edmonton: Spence Taylor and Associates Ltd., 1971). 17 1925 Coal Commission, p. 64. 18 W. J. Dick, Conservation of Coal in Canada (Toronto: The Bryant Press Ltd., 1914), pp. 3-5,20. 19 John A. Allan, Second Annual Report on the Mineral Resources ofAlberta 1920 (Edmon­ ton: King's Printer, 1921), p. 40. 20 Moses Johnson, "Notes on Operating Conditions of the Lethbridge Collieries." The Trans­ actions ofthe Canadian Mining Institute (Montreal, 1919), p. 298. 21 1925 Coal Commission, p. 65. 22 Glenbow-Alberta Institute Library (GAIL), John T. Stirling and John Cadman, The Belle­ vue Explosions, Alberta, Canada: An Account of, and Subsequent Investigations Concern­ ing, Three Explosions Produced by Sparksfrom Falls ofRo~r(London:Institute of Mining Engineers, 1913), p. 10. 23 Government of Alberta, Report ofthe Royal Commission Respecting the Coal Industry of the Province ofAlberta, 1935 (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1936), p. 62. [Hereafter referred to as: 1935 Coal Commission]. 24 Report of the Commission Appointed for the Investigation and Enq uiry into the Cause and Effect of the Hillcrest Mine Disaster, Department of Public Works Annual Report, 1914 (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1915), p. 161. 25 Ibid., p. 163. 26 The Coal Mines Regulations Ordinance, N.W.T. Ordinance No.5, 1893. The Coal Mines Regulations Ordinance, N.W.T. Consolidated Ordinances 1898, c. 16. The Coal Mines Act, Statutes of Alberta, 1906, c. 25. The Coal Mines Act 1908, Statutes of Alberta, 1908, c. 17. The Workmen's Compensation Act, Statutes of Alberta, 1908, c. 12. The Mines Act, Statutes of Alberta, 1913, c. 4. 27 Government of Alberta, Royal Commission on the Coal Mining Industry in the Province of Alberta, 1907 (Tabled in the Legislative Assembly, January 17, 1908), pp. 1-11. 28 David Bercuson, ed., Alberta's Coal Industry, 1919 (Calgary: Historical Society of Alberta, 1978), p. 242. 29 1925 Coal Commission, pp. 307-8. 30 Bercuson, Alberta's Coal Industry, 1919, pp. 87-93, 112-18, 191-200,219-21. 1925 Coal Commission, pp. 65, 234. 31 1925 Coal Commission, p. 285. 32 Ibid., pp. 285-6. 33 Frank Karas, "Labour and Coal in the Crowsnest Pass: 1925-1935" (M .A. thesis, University of Calgary, 1972), p. 6. 278 LAMBRECHT

34 Bercuson, Alberta's Coal Industry, 1919, p. 117. 35 GAIA, United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 15"3, Report of the 16th Annual Con- vention of District 18, First Day Proceedings, February 17, 1919, p. 10. 36 1925 Coal Commission, pp. 260-61. 37 den Otter, "A Social History of the Coal Branch," pp. 52, 116. 38 Bercuson, Alberta's Coal Industry, 1919, pp. 115-7, 194-5. 39 Ibid., p. xiv. 40 1935 Coal Commission, p. 57. 41 A. A. den Otter, "Urban Pioneers of Lethbridge," Alberta History, Vol. 25, No.1 (Winter 1977), p. 16. 42 Provincial Archives of Alberta (PAA), Accession 68.259/1a, Summary of an Interview of Mr. Harry Grosco by P. J. E. Cole, August 21, 1968, p. 10. 43 A. A. den Otter, "Social Life of a Mining Community: The Coal Branch," Alberta History, Vol. 17, No.4 (Autumn 1969), p. 7. 44 GAIA, Accession D 970.6 W431, Interview of Harry Musgrove by Michael J. Weiss, July 31, 1971. o. 28. 45 PAA, Accession 72.355, Interview with Harry Gate, n.d. 46 University of Alberta Archives (U AA), Accession 74-118: I, Department of Extension Report to the Senate of the University of Alberta, May 10, 1916, p. 2. 47 Geo McHattie, "Progressive Coal Mining." The Transactions ofthe Canadian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy and of the Mining Society of Nova Scotia (Montreal, 1922), pp. 336-37. 48 Charles McMillan, "Trade Unionism in District 18, 1900-1925: A Case Study" (M.B.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1969), p. 38. 49 "Will Invade Canada," United Mine WorkersJournaIVol.I4,no.l,ApriI1903,p.21,cited in ibid. 50 GAIA Accession D331.8.A954, Donald Avery, "Immigrant Workers and Labour Radical­ ism in Canada, 1900-1920: A Case Study in the Rocky Mountain Coal Mining Industry," p.22. 51 Ibid., p. 24. 52 GAIA, United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 23, Verbatim Report of the 12th Annual Convention of District 18, February 19, 1915, p. 252. 53 Ibid., File 146, Verbatim Report ofthe 8th Annual Convention of District 18, February 17, 1911, p. 187. 54 Donald Avery, Dangerous Foreigners (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), 'p, 56. -~'5 GAIA, Accession D331.8.A954, Avery, "Immigrant Workers," p. 12. 56 1925 Coal Commission, pp. 179-81. 57- GAIA, United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 143, Proceedings of inquiry into mining conditions, 1909, p. 38. 58' GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 2, Minutes of meeting, 'October 22, 1906, p. 1. 59 '. Ibid., p. 2. 60 Ibid., File 3, Minutes of meeting, January 8, 1917, p. 2. 61 1935 Coal Commission, p. 54. 62 For a discussion of the role of Pit Committees, see: 1925 Coal Commission, pp. 268-70. 63 Labor Gazette, Vol. 7, No.6, December 1906, p. 661. 64 Glen Makahonuk, "Trade Unionism in the Saskatchewan Coal Industry, 1907-1945," Sask­ atchewan History, Vol. 31, No.2, (Spring 1978), pp. 51-3. 65 Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 58-9. .66 John Herd Thompson, The Harvests ofWar (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1978), pp. 115, 156-57. 67 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 2, Minutes of meeting, June 22, 1916, p. 2. For a discussion of the problems faced by oriental labour in District 18, see: Howard Palmer, "Responses to Foreign Immigration: Nativism and Ethnic Tolerance in Alberta, 1880-1920" (M.A. thesis, University of Alberta, 1971), pp. 200-211,244. Japanese were first allowed to join the United Mine Workers in 1909-a gambit designed to prevent their employment as scab labour. 68 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 3, Minutes of meeting, January 8, 1917, p. 2. 69 Ibid. 70 Ibid., p. 7. 71 Ibid., File 80, Privy Council Order 1725, June 25, 1917, p. 2. 72 Ibid., File 79, Privy Council Order 2386, August 25, 1917. 73 Ibid., United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 153, Report of the 16th Annual Con- vention of District '18, Second Day Proceedings, February 18, 1919, p. 98. 74 Ibid., February 17, 1919, p. 11. 75 Ibid., February 18, 1919, p. 99. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid., p. 146. COAL MINING IN ALBERTA 279

7M Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 80-81. 79 McMillan, "Trade Unionism in District 18, 1900-1925: A Case Study," pp. 124-25, 138, 142. 80 Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, pp. 57-58. 81 Martin Robin, Radical Politics and Canadian Labour, /880-/930 (Kingston: Queen's University Press, 1968), p. 190. 82 GAIA, United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 23, Report of the 12th Annual Con­ vention of District 18, Fifth Day Proceedings, February 19, 1915, p. 265. 83 Ibid., Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 84, McNeil to Wilson, July 25, 1919. 84 Some of these telegrams can be seen in GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 84. 85 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators'.Association Papers, File 84, McNeil to Ballantyne, August 6, 1919. 86 Avery, Dangerous Foreigners, p. 87. 87 David Bercuson, Fools and Wise Men (Toronto: McGraw Hill-Ryerson, 1978),pp. 198-201. 88 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 82, Letter to R. G. Drinnan, October 14, 1919. 89 Ibid., United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 7, Order 141, December 19, 1919. 90 Ibid., Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 83, Fraser to McNeil, December 23, 1919. 91 Ibid., United Mine Workers of America Papers, File 25, Official Proceedings of Special Convention, District 18, Calgary, 1921. 92 /925 Coal Commission, p. 114. 93 Quoted in Herbert Leighton Draper, The Alberta Coal Problem, McGill University Eco­ nomic Studies, No. 15 (Orillia: Packet-Times Press, 1930), p. 31. 94 Bercuson, Alberta's Coal Industry, /9/9, p. 58. 95 UAA, William Pearce Papers, File 1016, Hearings, Senate Committee on the Fuel Supply of Canada, March 15, 1923, p. 15. 96 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 103, President of the Edmonton Board of Trade to the President of Canadian National Railways, June 23, 1925. 97 UAA, William Pearce Papers, File 989, Rutherford to Pearce, March 24, 1920. 98 Draper, The Alberta Coal Problem, p. 47. 99 UAA, William Pearce Papers, File 989, Rutherford to Pearce, March 24, 1920. 100 Editorial, Western Canada Coal Review, June 1921, p. 7. 101 Editorial, ibid., March 1923, p, 20. 102 McMillan, "Trade Unionism in District 18, 1900-1925: A Case Study," p. 171. "Poor Prospect for Strike Relief," Western Canada Coal Review, July 1924, p. 8. 103 GAIA, Western Canada Coal Operators' Association Papers, File 87, Report of the Presi­ dent for the Year 1924, p. 2. 104 Alan Seager, "A History of the Mine Workers Union of Canada, 1925-1935" (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1977)- p. 27. 105 /925 Coal Commission, pp. 200-201.

281

BOOK REVIEWS

Indian and White: Self-Image and Interaction in a Canadian Plains Community, by Niels Winther Braroe. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1975. Pp. 189. $3.95 paper, $8.50 cloth.

By now, many social scientists have already discovered Braroe's insightful study of Indian-White relationships in the fictitiously named prairie community of Short Grass. There are at least three reasons why the book should become a classic in the literature on Canadian ethnic relations. For one thing, classics should not bore as they instruct, and this book makes delightful reading. Secondly, it is a first-classethno­ graphic analysis of the dynamics of Indian-White interaction. Finally, the author's creative application of symbolic interactionism advances our theoretical understanding ofminority-majority relations generally. Braroe set for himself the problem of explaining how the Short Grass Cree Indians manage to adjust to White denial of their moral worth. The Indians fail to live up to White ideals in nearly every sphere of human activity. According to local Whites, they are totally lacking in industry, self-sufficiency, thrift, reliability, and punctuality. They are viewed as dishonest, dirty, drunken, violent, and sexually immoral. The "looking-glass self' hypothesis (and similar formulations) informs us that self-esteem is powerfully affected by the evaluations of others. Therefore, the question becomes: how do Indians defend their self­ image againstWhite condemnation? Braroe also attends to the related matter of the impact of the interaction with the Indians upon White self-imagery. Despite his focus on identity formation and preservation, Braroe's broader concern is the whole subject of native acculturation. He argues that his social psychological orientation, which examines the symbolic transactions between the two groups, offers advantages over the more orthodox structural and psychological approaches to acculturation. In general, his theoretical strategy pays off. Symbolic interactionism (with its assumption that people are active agents and not passive respondents to stimuli, and its emphasis on communication and the self) offers an appropriate theoretical framework for the research problem. The central tenets and concepts of Blumerian symbolic interactionism are clearly and accurately des­ cribed. Braroe, however, draws his main inspiration from Erving Goffman. And such Goffmanian notions as sacred and profane selves, impression management, and the riskiness of iriteraction lend con­ siderable power to his analysis of Indian-White interaction. However, . Goffman's enthusiasm for proliferating terms seems to be contagious. Many concepts (e.g. personal, social, and ego identity, the "I" and the 282

"Me") are laboriously defined in the initial theory chapter and then dis­ appear from the book forever. On the other hand, several relevant concepts, such as "reference group" and "significant others," are not introduced at all. The relationship between the Blumerian and Goffmanian varieties of symbolic interactionism remains obscure. Braroe spent a total of nearly two years between 1963 and 1971 doing participant observation in Short Grass. Neophyte anthropolo­ gists will benefit from his description of his strategies for gaining entree and maintaining rapport, and of the tension between involvement and detachment which is necessarily involved in fieldwork. To illustrate the latter point, Braroe provides a moving account of an Indian funeral, where he simultaneously experienced grief for the deceased and directives from his conscience to observe carefully the proceedings. He is candid about his mistakes. For example, Braroe arrived on the scene in 1963equipped with a checklist to inventory the age, make, and date of acquisition of theappliances in Indian households. He scrapped the plan when he discovered that Indian homes lacked electricity. The preliminary chapters on research problem, theory, and methodology are followed by a descriptive overview of Short Grass. (The subsequent chapter treats Cree history.) The town is the service center for the surrounding ranching and farming region inhabited by 7,400 persons. White values combine the Protestant Ethic with a Western frontier mystique. Some unusual rules of etiquette prevail-it is rude to ask a rancher how many cattle he runs since the question amounts to inquiring about his bank balance. The eleven households of non-treaty-Indians are located on a reserve a half hour's drive from the town. The chapter's main emphasis is the rigidity of Indian-White ethnic stratification and the concomitant physical and psychological isolation between the groups. Indians take no part in White organiza­ tions. Cafes are stratified. Indians respond to White disapproval of their loitering in public places by minimizing their visibility. "At times, there seems to be an entirely divided traffic pattern in the town, with Whites going about their business on the streets, in plain sight, and Indians pursuing their interests through the alleys." As a result of these structural and psychological barriers, each group remains ignorant of the other. Braroe's organizing thesis is that social intercourse is governed by rules of comportment, which, in turn, are shaped by general values. Conformity to the norms, or their violation, expresses commentary on the. selves. ,of the actors. Because Indian performances repeatedly fall short of White standards, their selves are stigmatized. The Indians are criticized for not being White and they are criticized for abandoning their old customs. The Whites fail to realize that a surprising amount of the aboriginal culture has been preserved and that the Indian behaviour they condemn is often rooted in uniquely Indian values. 283

The Indians employ three strategies to defend theirassailed moral worth. "Covering" involves playing down what they perceive to be discreditable about themselves, namely their Indianness. Unfortun­ ately, they misunderstand the dual connotation that "Indian" has for Whites. The Whites disparage contemporary Indianness but, as part of their Western nostalgia, they admire traditional Indianness. It is the traditional differences which the Indians attempt to conceal. For example, the Indians deny that crafts such as leatherwork and beadwork are still done. They are secretive about sacred matters. On the other hand, they are unconcerned that public drinking reinforces the image of the drunken Indian because they do not identify being drunk in public as specifically and exclusively Indian. Indeed, alcohol is banned from the Sun Dance because it is a "White thing." Withdrawal from the Whites and seeking self-regard within the Indian community constitutes the second strategy. A worthy self is validated by substituting Indian values for White values. Among these values, reciprocal generosity provides the single strongest source of self-esteem. Indians share and are therefore morally superior to the "stingy" Whites. Whites' historical violation of the rule of reciprocity explains the Indians' current plight-White settlers accepted Indian generosity and gave nothing in return. To the Whites, Indian poverty is explained by their mutual exploitation. Each group, then, turns the sharing ethic to its respective moral advantage. The final strategy, Indian "victimization" of Whites, involves rejection ofWhite standards and capitalization on their own profane­ ness in order to win small gains of money and services. Examples of conning the Whites include panhandling, selling non-existent fence­ posts, borrowing money and offering worthless items as security. Although this sort of behaviour provides Whites with evidence of Indian irresponsibility, their ability to outwit the Whites boosts Indian self­ esteem. The author suggests that the above strategies have two general consequences. Their use (1) allows the Indians to avoid serious personality disorganization, and (2) preserves the caste-like system in Short Grass. Though the situation may have changed, in 1971 White superordination went unchallenged. The theoretical value of Braroe's monograph goes considerably beyond mechanical application of symbolic interactionism.The dramaturgical analysis lends genuine insight into the processes involved in both assimilation and maintenance of ethnic stratification. Although Braroe can be criticized for not considering the roles played by power and racism per se, or the effect of their nurturant child­ rearing practices upon adult Indian self-esteem, he does a creditable job of bridging micro- and macro-levels. His discussion of the functional utility of ignorance and the grounding of abstract values in 284 everyday interaction and presentation of self are cases in point. For these reasons, Indian & White can be recommended as a textbook for theory, social psychology and. ethnic relations courses. Students will learn something about theory in operation and something about Canadian society. Marlene Mackie, Department of Sociology, University of Calgary

Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales, by Eleanor Brass, illustrations by Henry Nanooch. Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Calgary, 1979. 64 pp. $4.95, cloth.

During a discussion about the increasing number of fiction and non-fiction publications of Indian material, Maria Campbell, author of Halfbreed, recently said to me, "We need to know about ourselves." We were talking about story, the traditional Indian way of preserving culture and religion, of im parting a lesson in manners and morals, and of explaining origins. Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales is representative of the current, attempt to not only preserve the old stories and legends but also to convey to both Indians and non-Indians important knowledge of the Cree language, culture, and religion. If it is true that the myths and legends of all people emanate from the collective unconscious of mankind, and if it follows that all legends are simply different versions ofthe same stories then perhaps myth or story is the means by which we may break through that century-old cultural barrier: the story is the meeting place of understanding. On this level, Medicine Boy succeeds. Both Indian and non-Indian readers of this collection will find, through the symbol and archetype, a closer understanding of them­ selves. However, as an attempt to make the transition from the oral tradition to the written word, Medicine Boy, like all other similar works put out by cultural agencies and major publishing firms, fails. The problem, of course, is one of language. Language contains culture. It erupts out of the landscape of the region and is found in a people's way of living. There are four main Cree dialects which have evolved according to the sounds of season and place. For example, the sounds heard on the prairie differ from those heard in the northern bush country of what is now Saskatchewan or the muskeg areas of Manitoba. In Cree, the names ofanimals and birds approximate the sounds made by them. Place names emerge from historic or legendary events that happened there. Cree is much like the Germanic languages, suffixes and prefixes are attached to a root stem (which always contains a culturalor religious significan-ce) to form one 285 extended thought. Consequently a Cree speaker thinks first in pictures, then speaks in sentences, rather than words. Forexample, in Medicine Boy, some of the stories deal with one or more Memekwasowak (spelled May-may-quay-she-wuk in the book), who are legendary little people, tricksters, not unlike the Irish leprechaun.. The Cree word, Mernekwasowak, has for the Cree speaker an immediate correspond­ ing image oflittle people, who sometimes have no noses, who once left arrow heads and spear points on the plains. In the northern areas, the image is of the tricksters who hid in caves or in the rapid waters of the Churchill River system. These little folk took great delight in over­ turning canoes, and during the fur trading days offerings of cloth and tobacco were left beneath petroglyphscarved on rocks all along the river which was known to the Crees as Misinipi (Big Water). Today, the little people are still found on reserves, and Cree grandmothers still attribute the loss of sewing needles, for example, to the mysterious little people. Eleanor Brass makes careful use of Cree names in her book, which is part of its cultural strength. Medicine Boy, then, is not a book of legends translated from the Cree. With the exception of several Cree turns-of-phrase, it is very much a record of myths, written in what I call the "third person primi­ tive" style of writing. The word "primitive," as I use it here, is in no way reflective ofanything Indian or aboriginal. 1 use it to describeany style of writing that is stiff and formal. It is usually an objective voice, one that lacks a strong narrative drive and is most often employed by academics and journalists and white historians. This review, for instance, is also written in the "third person primitive" style. In Medicine Boy, the general narrative and the words and phrases contained within it exemplify the non-Indian thought pattern rather than that of the Indian. This, of course, makes the collection more accessible to the non-Indian reader and the non-Cree-speaker. ·The redeeming features, which are also the strengths of the book, are the elements of story, character, culture and religion which-are specifi­ cally Cree. What I miss in this collection and in all works that I have read to date is the traditional voice of the Indian story-teller, the old grand­ mother or grandfather. I am not concerned about whether the story­ teller speaks in his/her first language (with available translation or interpretation into English) or in English. I am seeking that same sense ofa personal and distinctive voice that I want to hear in any good piece of writing, be it fiction or non-fiction. Inall fairness, I must make the point clear that this transition from the oral to the written is new to the Indian people, and is made to meet demands ofeditors and non-Indian readers.However, I think that the future holds a literary renaissance insofar as these new writers will listen to the voices of the people and reproduce them in black-and-white. Great literary works created by our first people will then be found on the prairie. 286

The twenty-two stories in this collection are interspersed with short explanations of cultural figures such as the little people and Wesakachak, the trickster. The first legend, "Medicine Boy," begins appropriately well. The Old Woman, the grandmother, the traditional story-teller, is sitting in front of her lodge telling a story to her grand­ daughter. In this, instance, the woman's name is Pimosais, Little Flyer, but she is representative of all old grandmothers and grandfathers. In Indian societies, the essential role of the grandparent was to teach lessons in 'behaviour and survival to the young. This was always done'in the form of a story. A grandmother would warn a child of the danger of eating poison-mushrooms or horseplant by telling the child a story about someone who did eat it and the evil or misfortune that befell him. Story-telling, however, was reserved for the winter months when there was plenty of pemmican stored in skin bags, when family life was centered on the inside fireplaces of the lodges, when they were waiting for spring to return. It was then that the important lessonsin survival, behaviour, culture and religion were taught by the elders. Often, the story-teller was alsothe Leader-of-all-ceremonies. He was called Apiskwapatawak, which means "Tie-in-a-bundle." His name was symptomatic of the role he fulfilled at Sundances (making announcements) but was also symbolic of the bonds he strengthened through the actof story-telling, He always began his speech orstory by saying, ~'I am a poor man; 'a humble man, butl will try to speak to you." The story was then prefaced by the phrase, Asa or lska which means: this happened a long time ago. Although it has never been the Indian way to categorize things in the European sense of definitions, every good story-teller identified his story for his listeners. Kicacimowina were the real stories about true events that happened .to real people. Ahtayokewin were the legends or myths. Ahtayokanak were the legendary characters: the Cree Wesakachak, the Coyote who appears in the stories of the Montana Salish,or Napi who is OldMan to the Blackfoot. In the oral tradition, plot is secondary to the interpretation of lessons, although the story is made as exciting as possible by the use of sign language and.often by an acting-out or pantomime ofthe story. The stories and legends told by Eleanor Brass meet all require­ ments of Indian tales. "Why Crows are Black," "The Lumpy Trunked Tree," "Wapoose the Rabbit," "Moostoos and the Weasel," "Ayekis the -Frog" and "Origins of the Moon" are all etiological tales which explain the mysteries of creation, the beginnings ofnatural objects, or the origins of customs. Some of the stories are concerned with great feats or deeds performed by individuals withinthe Cree society which brought both honour and prosperity to the heroes and their people. The importance of dream and its inherent prophecy of things to come is emphasized in many stories. Dream is the medium, the link between the world ofthe spirits and the earthly world. For the believer, there is no separation, and it is through dream that the vision of a good life 287

appears. The drearnspirit gives direction to life, and it is sometimes referred to as the tutelary spirit. No good anthology of Indian tales is complete without Wesakachak stories, and Eleanor Brass, through the legendary trickster, shows us how not to behave. Wesuketchuk is the linguistic or phonetic spelling of the name, but the word is a composite of two words: atchak meaning spirit, and wisak meaning wise and tricky" Wesuketchuk or Wesakachak is then the wise and tricky spirit. His father was Otsekatak, the-Big Dipper, and his mother was Okinanisk, who represents three stars from the Belt of Orion. Wesakachak stories fulfill many needs. They explain the mysterious, demonstrate what happens when instinct isunchecked, give an object lesson in how to laugh at oneself or how not to behave, or present a symbol of moral values. Wesakachak himselfis the legendary helper in the mythology who has supernatural powers. Often he illustrates the recurring theme in Indian stories of the boy saviour who rescues his people from misfortune. He is the symbol or archetype of the instinctual, irrational, non-socialized, and undirected element in mankind. Every man has a trickster, his unconscious, and it is necessary for him and for his society that it be controlled. Wesakachak, then, is a mythological figure whose adventures contain a lesson for all. It is said by Cree elders that Wesakachak left thisearth, but his return is expected. Long ago, before Europeans came to this land, Wesakachak slid down along clay hill and disappeared into the earth. The marks of his buttocks are said to be still visible on the Sweetgrass Reserve in Saskatchewan, although I have heard another version that the hill of his disappearance is in southern Alberta.. There are three Wesakachak stories in Medicine Boy. "Wesuket­ chuk and the Fox" tells the story of what happens when someone refuses to share with others. The fox will always be hunted for.his pelt because he tricked Wesakachak into thinking he was lame, then ate all the roasted' meat; survival on the prairie was determined in ancient times by the willingness of all to share food, clothing, and shelter. In "the Lumpy Trunked Tree," Wesakachak again overcomes the threat of starvation by playing tricks on a herd of buffalo and a flock ofbirds, but the lesson contained within the story is that it is wrong to be deceitful. "Wesuketchuk and the Bear" is a humorous story of how to overcome fear. In every story told by Brass, the archetype or symbol of man's inner and outer worlds is immediately recognizable. The buffalo, the bear, the snake, the wolf ultimately become the unifying elements that join the world of the spirits to the earth. They are contained within man and are also outside of him. The world view of the Indian people is one which unifies, rather than separates, all things under the sun. Because of this, the symbol often takes on a dreamlike or mythological or spiritual form and meaning. It is emphasized and illustrated in the beautiful drawings by Henry Nanooch. His story-paintings are often 288

impressionistic like those of the Manitoba Indian School of Artists, Jackson Beardy and Odjig, in .which the .symbol becomes a metaphor for the state of being ofboth ancient and modern Indians. The strength of Nanooch's work, however, is in his ability to blend images, so that the Indian belief in the unity of the earth and sky is evident in every drawing. Medicine Boy is a unique collection of legends because it contains two stories that are subtly directed towards non-Indians. "Saskatoons and the Serpent" is a story that shows Indian children and adults why they must not "be greedy to the extent of neglecting their responsibili­ ties," but "Abandoned" carries a message of greater impact. In the latter story, a non-Indian child was abandoned by her mother at a modern-day exhibition. The child, Hortense, was raised by a Cree mother in all the traditions ofthe first people ofthe' prairie. As an adult she again meets her real mother at the exhibition, but chooses to remain a Cree. In Cree societies, no one was ever so unworthy as to deserve abandonment. It was "unpardonable according to tribal laws." Consequently, Hortense chooses to stay with the Crees. "No, Mother," she says, "you are my real mother and my family will never be abandoned by me." The second story, which held the greatest signifi­ cance as well as the greatest delight forme, was "Little Mooniasquaiw." The name is derived from two words: moonias, which was the original term used for white men who came to this.land and did not know how to live well on the prairie, and which is now used in prairie pubs to mean "dumb whiteman"; and iskwew, which means woman. Mooniasquaiw was a small black and white dog with a white spot covering one eye and ear; her name meant Little White Woman, for she had fussy habits which made her appear proud and haughty. She reminded her owner of some white women she had met. . "Little Mooniasquaiw" belonged to Nokoom, the woman who was grandmother to all. The dog was much loved by everyone, but she had abad habit ofchasing cranes. The cranes,peesquas, were "sacred birds which the Crees believed were brothers and sisters ofthe thunder­ birds. They were not to be hurt or killed...." But one day the dog caught and killed one. Peeyaso was the thunderbird who brought lightning and thunder, and the death of the lesser spirits of the cranes was avenged: the dog was struck and killed by lightning. The metaphor or symbol of the dog called Mooniasquaiw goes beyond the humorous if we are able to see how the non-Indian way of constantly going against the laws of God, the Creator, arid upsetting the balance of nature is represented by the death of the crane at the hand of the lovable but uncontrollable Mooniasquaiw. Long before the Europeans came to Canada, there was a vital and strong pre-recorded literature _of the prairie. The stories and legends are now appearing in print and are therefore available to all. 'However, 289

I believe' that this is only the beginning, and that soon we will see an explosion of this ancient and true Canadian literature in the written form. Medicine Boy and Other Cree Tales by Eleanor Brass, and illustrated by Henry Nanooch, is one of the beginnings. We are learning about ourselves.

Byrna Barclay, Indian Studies, Wascana Institute of Applied Arts and Sciences, Regina

Explorations in Prairie Justice Research, edited by Dorothy Hep­ worth. Canadian Plains Reports. Volume 3. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center. 1979. 155 pp. $7.00, paper.

Explorations in Prairie Justice Research contains three "state of the art" reviews commissioned by the Prairie Justice Research Consortium. These were to be used ·in conjunction with the First Prairie Justice Workshop held in Regina in March, 1979. The articles, in the order of their appearance in the volume, are "The Mentally Dis­ ordered Offender in the Prairie Region," by J. S. Wormith, "Policing in the Prairies," by Stuart Johnson, and "Natives and Justice: A Topic Requiring Research Priority?" by Melanie Lautt. The concept ofcompiling state of the art reviews of selected topics in Canadian criminal justice is a welcome development in a field where much of the material which has been produced remains hidden away in government documents and in unpublished manuscripts. In addition, it is clear that the papers in this volume were beneficial to the work­ shop and to those in attendance. There is, however, considerable variation in the thoroughness of the three reviews and the extent to which they consider the literature within the context of the prairie region. Perhaps Wormith senses the enormity of his task when he states in the opening sentence of "The Mentally Disordered Offender in. the Prairie Region" that "It is difficult to decide where one might begin considering the mentally disordered offender." In fact, the title of this paper suggests such a wide range of issues, many of which are only vaguely related" that the author can be forgiven when the discussion becomes disjointed, and, at times, confused. Wormith begins his article by noting that the criminal justice system in Canada has failed to provide for the needs of the mentally disordered offender. He attributes this neglect to jurisdictional problems, the lack of approp­ riate classification procedures, and. the inadequacy of facilities. Further hindrances to thedevelopment of policies and programs for the mentally disordered offender have been the controversy over the reliability of psychiatric diagnoses, the' validity of such constructs as 290

"psychopathic," and the contradiction in arguing that the mentally dis­ ordered offender does not fit within the "free will" paradigm of criminal behaviour, while at the same time imposing formal sanctions which suggest that the offender should bear some responsibility for his/ her offence. Following a lengthy and at times confusing. discussion of the mentally abnormal offender-the individual who requires specialized care and treatment services-Wormith presents national and regional survey data which suggest that one of every four offenders entering the federal prison system is mentally abnormal. He then returns to a consideration of several issues surrounding" mentally disordered offenders-psychotic or retarded persons who are incapable of making responsible decisions and are identifiable both legally and psychiatri­ cally. Specific issues which the author examines are public perceptions of the mentally disordered offender, the validity of psychiatric assess­ ments, the impact of mental health policies such as deinstitutionaliza­ tion on the criminaljustice system, and the treatment of specific groups of mentally disordered offenders, including the mentally retarded offender, the psychopathic offender, and the sexual offender. In review, Worrnith has done a fair job in completing an almost impossible task. Throughout the paper, the author does make reference to Canadian and prairie-region data as well as to specific policies and programs, but he provides little new insight into the mentally disordered offender either within the Canadian context or in the prairie region. In "Policing in the Prairies," Stuart Johnson reviews a limited number of research projects on Canadian policing under the general topics of police administration, the police role, police selection, training and promotion, and policy-community relations. A wide range of police-related projects are briefly discussed, including Gros­ man's study of police administrators in the United States and Canada and an assessment of the Dakota" Ojibway tribal council police force. Johnson's discussion of the several studies in the paper, however, is hindered by the lack of a Canadian or prairie-region framework and his failure to discuss the research in terms of the particular'contingen­ cies encountered in policing the prairies. In fact, this paper was extremely frustrating to follow. Many of the studies which are mentioned, such as Linden's investigation of women police officers in Vancouver, are not specific to the prairie region, nor is there any attempt by the author to relate the projects and/or their findings to the prairie region. In several instances, Johnson fails to provide any substantive information relating to the research design and question of individual studies; often the results of particular investigations are not presented. On several occasions, the author states that the results of the project under consideration were not intended for publication, and, in 291 one case, merely states that the project has been completed and the findings submitted for publication. What the particular findings of the investigation were is not disclosed to the reader. In addition to his failure to adequately present the studies under the four topics outlined above, Johnson neglects several important areas of Canadian policing entirely, including police decision-making and the exercise of discretion, public attitudes toward the police, crime-prevention programs such as Operation Identification and Neighborhood Watch, and contract policing. Most notable is his omission of team policing, which many observers feel is the most significant development in Canadian policing in the past decade. In sum, it is difficult for this reviewer to imagine how this paper could be useful even as an overview of the policing Iiterature.Given the weaknesses noted above, it falls short of providing an adequate state of the art review, which is unfortunate given the numerous changes in Canadian policing which are occurring on both a philosophical and operational level. In her paper "Natives and Justice: A Topic Requiring Research Priority?," Melanie Lautt provides a well-documented overview of one of the more dynamic areas of study and research in Canada today. This work combines a thorough review of the literature on Natives and justice with helpful, descriptive information including the Status/ non­ Status distinction, population figures, and other demographic charac­ teristics of prairie Natives. In addition to the literature review, Lautt provides a conceptual framework within which research on Natives and the law can be undertaken. She argues that in conducting research in this area, one must consider the process of colonialism, frontier community development, and northern ecology, among other things. Of particular importance is her discussion of the rural-to-urban shift which is occurringin the prairie region and the various forces which are responsible for the migration patterns. In the second part of the paper, Lautt discusses in considerable detail the available book and non-book materials on Natives and justice in Canada, with particular reference to the prairie region. Among the works discussed are The Native Offender and the Law by Schmeiser, Indians on Skid Row by Brody, and an important article by Braroe entitled "Reciprocal Exploitation in an Indian-White Com­ munity." In the third and final part of the paper, Lautt examines the particular contingencies encountered in conducting research on Natives, but argues that, despite these, major projects are required in several important areas, including the urban experience of Natives, the relationship between alcohol use and crime for both Natives and Whites, and a comparative study of social control among Natives and Whites. At the conclusion of the paper, the author provides an excellent bibliography and several informative appendices which 292 include a summary of the Canadian Indian Act, figures indicating the linguistic and cultural affiliation of Indian bands in the three prairie provinces, and excerpts from the fine-option program in Saskatche­ wan. In sum, this paper is extremely useful both for.those who seek an overview of Natives and justice in Canada and the prairie provinces and for individuals conducting research in this area. As my review indicates, the papers in this volume differ consider­ ably in the extent to which they fulfill the mandate of a state of the art review, and thus in their usefulness for those who would be interested in the topics covered. While the authors in this volume were presented with the unique opportunity to address three important topics in criminal justice within the context of Canada in general and of the prairie region in particular, much of the discussion remains at a descriptive, and at times superficial, level. Lautt's paper on Natives and justice is a clear exception to this and contributes substantially to the value of this volume. Curt Taylor Griffiths, Department of Criminology, Simon Fraser University

Prairie Capitalism: Power and Influence in the New West, by John Richards and Larry Pratt. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979. 336 pp. $16.95, cloth; $5.95, paper.

In 1957, the University of Toronto Press published Vernon Fowke's The National Policy and the Wheat Economy. For morethan twenty years, the book has influenced and enriched the study and analysis of the prairie region. Yet much has changed since Fowke undertook his study. The transformation of agricultural production; the expansion of older and the development of new "natural resources: coal, oil, natural gas, potash, uranium, pulp and paper; changes in the technology of rail transportation; the development of a modest farm machinery and steel industry; the expansion of social welfare and service-related industries have together modified the political economy of the region. The need to update, revise and otherwise expand Fowke's pioneering research is more than evident. Its title notwithstanding, Prairie Capitalism does not accomplish this end. Richards and Pratt have, rather, assembled what in effect is a series of essays-some better than others-s-conceming the role ofthe governments of Alberta and Saskatchewan in the development of oil, natural gas, and potash in their respective provinces; an important beginning, but not the kind of comprehensive study of the region that the title of the book suggests. 293

It is their contention that, over time, the governments of Alberta and Saskatchewan have come to play an entrepreneurial role in resource development. They reject the view that a reliance on the development of staples, particularly for export, results in provinces becoming dependent on and captives to external capital (p. 9): What begins as a relatively simple and highly unequal, often exploitative relationship evolves into a much more complex pattern of relations as the provincial government moves up a learning curve of skills and negotiating expertise and the foreign company faces the steady erosion of its monopoly power. In two of the better chapters of the book, Richards and Pratt describe the complex formation of public policy in the province of Alberta towards the exploration for and exploitation ofoil and natural gas prior to the election of the Conservative Party in that province in 1971. The historical record is anything but straightforward, and the authors have done a commendable job ofexploring and analyzing the clash of competing interests and the resolution of divisive issues. This period was dominated by the Social Credit government (1935-1971) which, in the end, deferentially accepted the international oil com­ panies' agenda for exploration and development, content to confine the role of the state to granting leases, collecting rent, and creating what Ernest Manning would later call "a good business climate." The transition to what Richards and Pratt refer to as an interven­ tionist and entrepreneurial phase on the part of the Alberta govern­ ment was triggered, they argue, by a number of considerations and events. Among them, the authors draw p-articular attention to the dramatic change in the character of the international oil market in the 1970s; the decision of the province's indigenous capitalists (lawyers, professionals, construction contractors, oil-exploration and service companies, real-estate and development entrepreneurs, etc.) to back the rejuvenated Conservative Party under the leadership of Peter Lougheed; the determination of Lougheed to rescue the future of Alberta from dependency on a dwindling, non-renewable resource; the provincial election of 1971 in which the Tories and the urban bour­ geoisie finally triumphed over the diminished agrarian populist base of the Social Credit party. It will come as a surprise to some to discover that the record ofthe Saskatchewan CCF government (1944~1964) in respect of oil explora­ tion and exploitation was no less timid than that of Social Credit in Alberta. In spite of unequivocal resolutions from the party faithful demanding public ownership and control, and subsequent, more cautious prodding from the "Fabian" technocrats in the Planning Board to increase and assert more public control over exploration and exploitation, the Cabinet, led by Clarence Fines and .John Brockel­ bank, acquiesced in most important matters to the demands of the international oil companies. A quote on p. 184 attributable to the late 294

John Brockelbank is revealing: "Our relations with industry have been quite satisfactory and I consider it my responsibility [emphasis added by reviewer] to maintain that condition if at all possible." Potash was to become another matter. Richards and Pratt trace the early, unsuccessful endeavours of the CCFgovernment to promote and become involved in potash development. The private sector, of course, prevailed, and the authors offer a fascinating overview of the anxious antics of governments (the Liberals in Saskatchewan and the Republicans in New Mexico) committed to "private enterprise" attempting to retrieve the "public interest" from the "bust" in the potash market in the late 1960s. It is not without irony that the resolution of the problem of "over­ production" to which the government of the late Ross Thatcher consented would set the stage for but further dissension within the industry, persuading an NDP government to intervene directly in the mining and production of potash. Richards and Pratt conclude that, insofar as oil, natural gas, and potash are concerned, there has been a significant break with dependent regional capitalism. In their judgement, the break was a direct consequence of interventionist development strategies fashioned by provincial governments of different political persuasion and commit­ ments (p. 328): ... the break with rentier traditions has occurred when provincial governments have determined to exploit the region's comparative advantage in mineral staples, and have mobilized the requisite domestic and entrepreneurial skills to capture the potential benefits from oil, gas, and potash development. . . . they have succeeded by and large in the 1970s where they have exploited favourable market conditions in their resource industries and have concentrated their bargaining power in order to maximize the provincial share of rents and of closely linked industries. Richards and Pratt have assembled a useful inventory of data concerning oil, gas and potash development in two of the three prairie provinces, and for this reason alone, Prairie Capitalism will become an important reference book. However, their account or interpretation of the development they describe will fare less well. They do not, as they claim, persuasively demonstrate that a real and effective break with a tradition of regional, dependent capital in respect of these resources has taken place. That provincial governments should become exercised, make demands and become involved in resource development clearly presents a challenge to non-regional or international capital; to amend the rules of the game, though, is not to reject it for another. Moreover, in the case of potash in Saskatchewan, the authors neglect to emphasize that the limited nationalization of the industry was financed in part through the international money market: hardly a manifestation. of economic independence. And in the case of the Heritage Savings 295

Trust Fund in Alberta, the authors are obliged to acknowledge that "no clear pattern ofinvestment has yet developed." Whether this "rent" from a dwindling, non-renewable resource can provide a basis for establishing an indigenous manufacturing sector remains to be seen. To their credit, Richards and Pratt make an effort to explore the relation between resources development and class. Their good inten­ tion, however, has not resulted in an adequate analysis. In the case of Alberta, they identify what they call a new middle-class or arriviste bourgeoisie, made up of professionals, construction contractors, businessmen involved in oil-related exploration and service activities. Sincethey have no theory of class, the reader is left with a concept defined by example: at best a starting point for analysis. There is no comparable attempt to explore the question of class in Saskatchewan. In the final chapter, a number of erroneous statements are made concerning the economic homogeneity.of dry-land farmers. Considerable attention is given to a cluster of middle-level and senior civil servants of "Fabian" persuasion, and the working class is barely mentioned at all-a strange omission on the part of two academics with political reputations on the Canadian left! Finally, while Richards and Pratt have made an important contribution in empirically demonstrating the similarities which have linked opposing political parties in respect of oil and gas development, a deeper, theoretical insight into the role of the state in capitalist development escapes them. They reject Marxism, and they have nothing to offer in its place. James N. McCrorie, Sociology and Social Studies, University of Regina

Peter Lougheed, by Allan Hustak. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979. 249 pp., $14.95, cloth.

In a touching confrontation at a sandstone mansion in Calgary between a 10-year-old boy and part of his past, Allan Hustak intro­ duces Peter Lougheed. In 1938, as Lougheed wandered through the twenty-six rooms of his grandfather's old house and observed the luxurious furnishings that were to be auctioned, he recognized his family's state of fallen wealth- and power. His ambition became the restoration of the family to public esteem and affection. This book is the story of Lougheed's climb back up the social ladder and how, once he became Premier of Alberta, his ambition changed; he decided to ensure that Alberta would playa leading role within Confederation. Allan Hustak, a westerner by birth, has been a reporter for the 296

Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and spent four years as a reporter covering Peter Lougheed's activities as Premier of Alberta. The material for the biography was gathered during these years and includes numerous interviews with Lougheed, his family, friends and colleagues. To help explain the springs of Peter Lougheed's action, Hustak begins by discussing Peter Lougheed's grandfather, James Lougheed, and how he led his family to prominence in Alberta. A young lawyer from Ontario, James Lougheed moved to Calgary in 1883, speculated in land, made a fortune, and assured his family a position of distinc­ tion in the West. Appointed to the Senate at the age of 35, he rose in Conservative party ranks, served in Sir Robert Borden's cabinet, became the only Albertan to receive a knighthood, and in 1920 assumed the leadership of the West in Arthur Meighen's government. Sir James Lougheed died in 1925 and thus failed to witness the gradual loss of the family's wealth during the Depression. Peter Lougheed's father, Edgar, was left to preside over the collapse of the family fortune. In 1951, as the Lougheed financial situation improved, Edgar died. Peter accepted his grandfather's legacy of public service and the challenge to return the family to its former status in society. After graduating at law and marrying the attractive and cultured Jeanne Rogers, Peter Lougheed studied at the Harvard Business School. A school for talented young men destined for public service, Harvard stressed the importance of teamwork and organizational competence through the study of speculative theory. Following graduation from Harvard, Lougheed returned to Calgary and practised law before joining the Mannix Construction Company in 1955. With this inter­ nationally respected firm, he demonstrated administrative ability and business acumen. After five years, he left Mannix and established his own law firm, Lougheed, Ballem and McDill, which eventually fell apart once Lougheed entered public life. The lure of politics drew Lougheed into the leadership of the provincial Conservative party in 1965 and finally to the Premiership of Alberta six years later. Through a judicious use of Alberta's wealth from natural gas and oil, Lougheed hoped "to dictate economic change in Canada" and to ensure that Alberta played a decisive role within Confederation. At the end of the biography, Lougheed, who has now lifted his family back to a position of distinction, continues his struggle to raise Alberta to dominance within Canada. Allan Hustak has written a good biography that I thoroughly enjoyed reading. He does a splendid job of illuminating the character of Peter Lougheed; the strengths and weaknesses of the Alberta Premier make him an interesting, even fascinating, individual. The , reader is left with a sense of the man in the round. Born with a "silver spoon in his mouth," Peter Lougheed was never insufferable. From his mother he learned to relish competition whether in sports, business or 297 politics. He is a man "who seldom makes jokes himself' but "is a man who likes to laugh." An extrovert, he was always a leader; he is confident, determined and possesses an extraordinary vitality. Hustak has successfully placed Lougheed within the context of his family's patrician tradition. Even in discouraging circumstances, Lougheed's mother refused to compromise the family's dignity and maintained the trappings of position, such as a maid, formal dinners, and private schooling for her children, as far as money and circumstance- would allow. Consequently, Lougheed grew up with an appreciation of the upper-class prerogatives of money and power. Thus equipped, the gifted young Peter Lougheed worked tirelessly at school and sport to achieve success. His legal and business experience prepared him well for the Premiership of Alberta. This study is more, however, thanjust a source of opinion and information about Lougheed's character. Hustak correctly highlights Peter Lougheed's preoccupation with the questions of energy and of Alberta's role within a renewed Confederation. The Premier desires the economic centre of Canada to shift "from the 'golden triangle' of Windsor-Montreal-Ottawa to Western Canada." Alberta would become the hub of economic power within this new context. But to realize Alberta's development, Lougheed requires a fair price for the province's energy resources, particularly natural gas and oil. If Alberta can control the price of her resources, Lougheed argues, he will be able to ensure a competitive advantage for petrochemical and other provincial industries based on these resources. Consequently, from the outset of his administration, Lougheed has personally paid special attention to natural gas and oil pricing and taxing policy. His government reviewed natural resource royalties in 1971, fostered the. Syncrude project and established the Alberta Heritage Trust Fund. Opposition to Lougheed's economic policies has come from central Canadians and their mouthpiece, the federal government. Lougheed, nicknamed the "blue-eyed Arab" by his detractors, has argued long and hard to bring prices for Alberta natural gas and oil closer to the international level. At the same time, he has fought to ensure that Albertans keep a fair share of this money to 'assure industrial development ofthe province and the maintenance of a viable natural gas and oil industry. In a sympathetic fashion, Hustak explains Lougheed's position and outlines the difficulties he has faced in bargaining with the federal government, which wishes to take the lion's share of any profits from the sale of Alberta's oil resources. In connection with his discussion of Lougheed's conflict with Ottawa over oil pricing and taxing, Hustak examines the Premier's views on the nature of Confederation. Lougheed is very jealous of provincial rights. Since coming to power in 1971, he has been fighting to prevent Ottawa from encroaching on areas defined as provincial under the British North America Act. In particular, Lougheed is 298 determined to protect the right that Alberta received through the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement of 1929 to control its own natural resources. Despite repeated attempts by the federal Liberals to invade provincial jurisdiction and tax Alberta's non-renewable re­ sources, Lougheed has successfully blocked such action. The Alberta Premier, however, is not willing to keep the status quo; he favours a less centralized Confederation. According to Hustak, he seeks eco­ nomic sovereignty for Alberta in a cultural union with the other provinces and territories. Many of Lougheed's demands and actions flow from his wish to see each province control its own economic destiny. For example, he advocates provincial representation on the Canadian Wheat Board, the National Energy Board, and the Cana­ dian Transportation Commission-all federal regulatory boards and agencies that have influence on regional growth and development. His entry into the international arena flows from this same concern. Lougheed is explicit: "Any Canadian Premier who doesn't have an awareness of what's happening internationally isn't doing his job very well." His trip to the Soviet Union, the Middle East and Europe in 1977 was undertaken to keep abreast of world events. In the Soviet Union he found that the prospects for long-term sales contracts for Alberta grain were nearly hopeless, as the Soviet government insisted that negotia­ tions for such purchases be handled at the federal level. Consequently, Lougheed felt justified in blaming the federal Canadian Minister in charge of the Wheat Board, Otto Lang, for the poor performance in the sale of Alberta grain. This analysis of Lougheed's constitutional position is one of the great strengths of Hustak's book. This biography, however, has two major weaknesses. First, Hustak claims that the Lougheed victory in 1971 was "a triumph of style rather than of substance." Hustak surely is wrong to suggest that there was no substantive change in political philosophy. Like Lough­ eed, the Social Credit government stressed "free enterprise" and claimed to be dedicated to "good government." There are, however, fundamental differences between the two administrations. Unlike his Social Credit predecessors, Lougheed has attempted to shift the economic heartland from central Canada to Alberta and to develop industrial strategy based on Alberta's energy resources. Social Credit never attempted such a fundamental restructuring of the economy. Lougheed desires control of the pricing and taxing powers in order to ensure supplies. For the same reason, his government entered a consortium with the Ontario and federal governments and several oil companies to build the Syncrude plant which extracts oil from the Athabasca tar sands. He acknowledges that industries based on these supplies face difficulties in becoming competitive with those of central Canada. Alberta, land-locked and many miles from any major markets, requires efficient and inexpensive means of transportation to be viable. In addition, the federal government's tariff policy, parti- 299 cularly with respect to petrochemical products, hinders the growth of that industry within Alberta. To overcome these problems, Lougheed's Conservatives have constantly demanded that railway freight rates be reduced and tariff rates be adjusted to serve Alberta's interests better. The Lougheed government also bought Pacific Western Airlines to ensure that it would expand and serve some of Alberta's special needs for air transportation. Besides his views on the economy, Lougheed differs from his Social Credit predecessors in his understanding of the Parliamentary system. The Conservative party, while very much the creation of Peter Lougheed himself, is a party in the traditional sense. Social Credit was both a movement and a party, and thus vacillated nervously between its doctrinaire prescription for creating a more humane society and the realities of seeking and holding power. The Social Credit League, whose members espoused agrarian radicalism and populism mixed with Christian fundamentalism, trapped the party in an outmoded ideology and rhetoric. Social Credit philosophy is opposed to parties because they divide people and distract them from real issues. Thus, the Assembly becomes a forum where representatives of the people come to express their views and leave the implementation of their will to experts. On the other hand, Lougheed appreciates the true nature of the adversary system within the Assembly between parties. To highlight the Assembly's importance and to aid its proper functioning, Lougheed introduced a provincial "Hansard" and television cameras into the Legislature. This praiseworthy innovation has been marred somewhat because "Sound jacks for television cameras were only put in behind opposition benches, forcing cameras to face the government side of the house. Opposition speakers cannot be filmed head-on and as a result they appear on the screen as disembodied voices." Besides Hustak's refusal to recognize real differences between Lougheed and Social Credit, a second disappointing feature of the biography is that he fails to underline" important aspects of Lougheed government policy. Hustak devotes less than a page to the Alberta Bill of Rights. This law was a replica of the Canadian Bill of Rights that made all Supreme Court decisions based on the federal bill applicable to the province. Lougheed, forgetting that Saskatchewan had adopted a Bill of Rights in 1947, regarded his provincial legislation as a laudable precedent for other provinces to follow and, more importantly, saw the bill as a cornerstone for his policy of social justice. Hustak similarly omits any mention of Lougheed's ideas on education. The Premier's concern to industrialize the province has led him to stress utility and applicability over pure research and spiritual fulfilment. Consequently, the humanities suffer at the hands of technical schools and professional faculties at universities; the pure desire to know is not treated equally with the application of knowledge for immediate social benefit. Worthwhile projects of government in the cultural and recreational 300 field, such as the Capital City Park in Edmonton, are not mentioned by Hustak. These omissions unduly reduce the many-faceted nature of Lougheed as leader of the provincial government and restrict the worth of the biography. These defects, however, including the inexcusable lack of an index, do not overshadow the real merits of the book. Hustak's biography of Lougheed compares favourably with David L. Humph­ rey's Joe Clark and George Radwanski's Trudeau. None of these studies presents as complete a picture of the particular political leader in question as does Geoffrey Stevens's Stanfield. Nevertheless, Hustak is the first to admit that "A biography written at midpoint in a politician's career inevitably has.its limitations." Hustak has succeeded in removing some of the mystery surrounding this exceptional politician who is working to change the very nature of Confederation. For that reason alone, Peter Lougheed should have a wide audience. Kenneth Munro, Department of History, University of Alberta

Merchants of Grain, by Dan Morgan. New York: Viking Press, 1979. Pp. xiv, 387, $15.95 (cloth).

In the mid-1970s the following practices were proven (in courts of law and through quasi-judicial hearings) to have been engaged in by the private grain trade in the United States: false grading, underweigh­ ing, illegal grade mixing, bribery, kickbacks, price tampering (over­ pricing and underpricing), collusion with 'railways on the assignment of boxcars, and fraud. During the hearings it was revealed that these were even more "normal" practices in the companies' offshore dealings. Despite these revelations, to date nothing has been done to control and regulate the grain trade in the U.S. to prevent a repetition of such criminal "commercial" practices. As Morgan notes, it is business as usual. He concludes his wide-ranging study of the multi­ nationals involved in the grain trade thus: The size of their [the five grain giants-,--Cargill, Continental, Dreyfus, Bunge, and Andre] organizations, their sudden, unwel­ come exposure to public scrutiny, and the new volatility of the markets as the world entered a period of scarce basic resources must tax their ingenuity and make their ultimate survival at least , questionable, If the experts are right, the companies will have to be more forthright and governments finally will have to pool their courage and their wisdom to tame the grain tiger-beginning with reforms needed in their own societies. But until then, the merchants of grain are still the ringmasters (pp. 361-62). After reading the analysis, quite frankly, the informed reader is hard pressed to share Morgan's fragile, modest and heavily qualified 301 optimism. So deeply entrenched in the international commercial food trade, so wealthy and powerful, so global in reach, so diversified in holdings, the five majors of the international grain trade seem immune from everything but a socialist world revolution. Even then, they would doubtless be busily selling grain for profit right up to the day of final reckoning. They have survived-and profited handsomely from­ war, famine, and revolution before. Indeed, governments of revolu­ tions that expelled them from activity in certain areas ofthe world have now become major and profitable clients of the grain giants. Before reading this book I used to believe that the arms trade profited enor­ mously and cynically from human misery and suffering. Morgan has taught me that no one profits more on a daily basis from human suffering and misery than the grain multinationals. A crop failure in the U.S.S.R., bread riots in Poland, drought in Africa, diseased rice in Asia, civil war in Angola-all these mean windfall profits for the grain companies. Morgan's study is fascinating and disturbing. It is global in sweep-because the grain majors are global. At one point he says, "Study grain long enough and the world shrinks" (p. xiv). Decisions taken in Bangkok cannot be fully understood except in the context of related events in Minneapolis, Winnipeg, New Orleans, and Tokyo. Morgan tries to bring that kind of perspective to bear on understand­ ing the modern grain trade and its surprisingly recent origins. But it is more than a study ofthe grain trade, it is a study of U.S. foreign policy as well as the national policies (or lack thereof) of a series of major nation-states on the world stage. If that is one of the strengths of the book, it is also one ofits main weaknesses. Morgan spreads himselftoo thinly and, as a result, his book is mainly about the American grain trade and U.S. foreign and food policy. But that is a great deal, since the U.S. exports one-half of all grain which moves into world trade, and Cargill and Continental together handle one-half of the grain exported from the U.S. Consequently, the two American-based grain multinationals control about one-quarter of the total world trade in grain. Increasingly grain became "one of the foundations of the post­ war American Empire" (p. vii). Inevitably, the grain majors prospered. In 1973, Cargill reported net sales of$5.2 billions, net income of$107.8 millions, and a net worth of $352.4 millions encompassing 1.40 affiliates or subdivisions in 36 countries. We don't really know the figures on the others; as privately-owned companies, the grain majors are not compelled by law to provide much information, The only reason we have the 1973 figures on Cargill is that the company had to release the information as a precondition ofacquiring another holding. An important contribution' of Morgan's book, therefore, is the information he provides on the five major private grain companies. He shines a much-needed spotlight on the companies whose activities are pivotal in distributing crucial food staples around the world. Morgan's 302 biggest surprise when he decided to write the book was the incredible lack of information on the grain majors. Until the 1972 scandal over the $1 billion grain sale to the U.S.S.R.-the so-called "great grain robbery"~the companies were virtually and serenely unknown. The adjectives Morgan uses to describe the majors tell the story: shadowy and unknown.discrete, suspicious, reticent, paranoid, obscure, and so on. Cargill could boast, "99 per centofourcustomers have never heard of us." Continental's Fribourg would "rather lose a million dollars than get his name in the papers." At Bunge, public relations means "keeping the company out of the limelight" (pp. 161-2). To quote Morgan: What distinguishes the grain multinationals from their corporate contemporaries is their uniquely private structure. Seven families are all-powerful: the Fribourgs at Continental; the Hirsches and Borns at Bunge; the Cargills and MacMillans at Cargill, and the Louis-Dreyfuses and Andres at the companies with those names. Members of these families not only own most of the stock of the companies, but also serve as board chairmen, presidents, and chief executives at each of them. It is as if the Rockefeller family were still in absolute, day-to-day control of Exxon, or the Carnegies still dictated every major decision of U.S. Steel. In the grain companies, it is possible to observe a social and economic phenomenon of some historical note: a functional oligopoly that has survived right into the contemporary, post-industrial age (p. 7). This is why the grain majors are able to continue to operate secretly, virtually immune from public or legal scrutiny. They are vast and powerful, but they are still "family businesses" run by patriarchs who control the enterprise and demand, and generally receive, almost feudal fealty. If Morgan's book does no other service than this it is well worth reading: he has brought .together and organized much of the information available, and the picture he is able to paint is tantalizing though incomplete. It is the tip of the iceberg. The public needs to know the rest. A major failure of the book is the material Morgan marshals on the Canadian grain trade. Canada is, after all, second only to the U.S. in the world grain trade-a distant second, yes, but a second nonetheless. He really doesn't exhibit an adequate understanding of the history and character of the Canadian grain trade. This is a serious failure since many of the abuses in the American trade that Morgan ------~~--- reports and regrets have been, for most practical purposes, eliminated in the Canadian trade. If the U.S.were to have wheat pools like Canada's, a wheat board like the Canadian Wheat Board, and the grain regulation laws and enforcement agencies similar to those that exist in Canada, many of the abuses apparent in the U.S. system would disappear. Farmers would get a better deal. The situation would be less chaotic. The public would have relatively full access to the nuts and bolts of the grain trade" Yet, as Morgan points out, such reforms would 303

not solve the problems of the world grain trade-it is still a commer­ cial trade based on the anarchy of the free competitive market. The same ruthless international game is played by the Canadian Wheat Board as is played by Dreyfus and the others. If Morgan's book shows anything, it shows that only a World Wheat (or Grains) Board, combined with world regulation and enforcement, and a general, rational world food policy, can produce a food production and distribution system that can be all things to all men: that can feed the hungry of the world while also providing a fair return to the producers, the handlers, the processors, the transporters. But then such a system would not need the big five grain merchants. J. F. Conway, Department of Sociology, University of Regina