Extension and Renomination of the “Ancient Maya City of Calakmul, Campeche”)
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With the Protection of the Gods: an Interpretation of the Protector Figure in Classic Maya Iconography
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2012 With The Protection Of The Gods: An Interpretation Of The Protector Figure In Classic Maya Iconography Tiffany M. Lindley University of Central Florida Part of the Anthropology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Lindley, Tiffany M., "With The Protection Of The Gods: An Interpretation Of The Protector Figure In Classic Maya Iconography" (2012). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 2148. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/2148 WITH THE PROTECTION OF THE GODS: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTECTOR FIGURE IN CLASSIC MAYA ICONOGRAPHY by TIFFANY M. LINDLEY B.A. University of Alabama, 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2012 © 2012 Tiffany M. Lindley ii ABSTRACT Iconography encapsulates the cultural knowledge of a civilization. The ancient Maya of Mesoamerica utilized iconography to express ideological beliefs, as well as political events and histories. An ideology heavily based on the presence of an Otherworld is visible in elaborate Maya iconography. Motifs and themes can be manipulated to convey different meanings based on context. -
Polities and Places: Tracing the Toponyms of the Snake Dynasty
Polities and Places: Tracingthe Toponymsof the Snake Dynasty SIMON MARTIN University of Pennsylvania Museum ERIK VELÁSQUEZ GARCÍA Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México One of the more intriguing and important topics to thonous ones that had at some point transferred their emerge in Maya studies of recent years has been the his- capitals or splintered, each faction laying claim to the tory of the “Snake” dynasty. Research over the past two same title. The landscape of the Classic Maya proves decades has identified mentions of its kings across the to have been a volatile one, not simply in the dynamic length and breadth of the lowlands and produced evi- interactions and imbalances of power between polities, dence that they were potent political players for almost but in the way the polities themselves were shaped by two centuries, spanning the Early Classic to Late Classic historical forces through time. periods.1 Yet this data has implications that go beyond a single case study and can be used to address issues of general relevance to Classic Maya politics. In this brief Placing Calakmul paper we use them to further explore the meaning of The distinctive Snake emblem glyphs and their connection to polities and emblem glyph is ex- places. pressed in full as K’UH- The significance of emblem glyphs—whether they ka-KAAN-la-AJAW or are indicative of cities, deities, domains, polities, or k’uhul kaanul ajaw (Fig- dynasties—has been debated since their discovery ure 1).3 It first came to (Berlin 1958). The recognition of their role as the scholarly notice as one personal epithets of kings based on the title ajaw “lord, of the “four capitals” ruler” (Lounsbury 1973) was the essential first step to listed on Copan Stela A, comprehension (Mathews and Justeson 1984; Mathews a set of cardinally affili- Figure 1. -
The Terminal Classic Period at Ceibal and in the Maya Lowlands
THE TERMINAL CLASSIC PERIOD AT CEIBAL AND IN THE MAYA LOWLANDS Takeshi Inomata and Daniela Triadan University of Arizona Ceibal is well known for the pioneering investigations conducted by Harvard University in the 1960s (Sabloff 1975; Smith 1982; Tourtellot 1988; Willey 1990). Since then, Ceibal has been considered to be a key site in the study of the Classic Maya collapse (Sabloff 1973a, 1973b; Sabloff and Willey 1967). The results of this project led scholars to hypothesize the following: 1) Ceibal survived substantially longer than other centers through the period of the Maya collapse; and 2) the new styles of monuments and new types of ceramics resulted from foreign invasions, which contributed to the Maya collapse. In 2005 we decided to revisit this important site to re-examine these questions in the light of recent developments in Maya archaeology and epigraphy. The results of the new research help us to shape a more refined understanding of the political process during the Terminal Classic period. The important points that we would like to emphasize in this paper are: 1) Ceibal did not simply survive through this turbulent period, but it also experienced political disruptions like many other centers; 2) this period of political disruptions was followed by a revival of Ceibal; and 3) our data support the more recent view that there were no foreign invasions; instead the residents of Ceibal were reorganizing and expanding their inter-regional networks of interaction. Ceibal is located on the Pasión River, and a comparison with the nearby Petexbatun centers, including Dos Pilas and Aguateca, is suggestive. -
Found.1 the Two Best Known Examples Are Copan and Quirigua, and in Each Case Local Stones Were Quarried
VI. TWO UNUSUAL MAYA STELAE John A. Graham and Howel Williams As is generally known, the Maya lowlands comprise a vast province of massive limestone deposits. Since these limestones are usually exposed or only slightly buried, ready material in unlimited abundance was ordinarily available for the cutting of building stone, for reduction to lime for mortar, and for the carving of sculptures and other monuments. At a number of Maya lowland sites quarries have been observed in the sites, or their immediate vicinity, and there has been little reason to suspect the long distance transport of large and heavy stone for monuments as was characteristic of the ancient Olmec civilization in its principal sites of La Venta and San Lorenzo. For the most part it is only on the peripheries of the Maya lowlands that major non-limestone monuments and architectural constructions are found.1 The two best known examples are Copan and Quirigua, and in each case local stones were quarried. At Quirigua in the lower Motagua Valley, separated from the Maya lowlands proper by the Santa Cruz range, ignimbrites, not immediately available but probably transported from no great distance, and local sandstones were employed in monument carving as well as in archi- tecture. At Copan in the foothills of southwestern Honduras, even farther removed from the true Maya lowlands, ignimbrite from the Copan Valley was preferred to the local limestone. At Maya sites within the lowlands proper, non-limestone monuments or architectural constructions are very rare, and the major example is Altar de Sacrificios on the lower Pasion where during the Early Classic period local sandstone supplied the material for both monuments and architecture until after 9.10.0.0.0 (A.D. -
The PARI Journal Vol. XII, No. 3
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute Volume XII, No. 3, Winter 2012 Excavations of Nakum Structure 15: Discoveryof Royal Burials and In This Issue: Accompanying Offerings JAROSŁAW ŹRAŁKA Excavations of Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University NakumStructure15: WIESŁAW KOSZKUL Discovery of Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University Royal Burials and BERNARD HERMES Accompanying Proyecto Arqueológico Nakum, Guatemala Offerings SIMON MARTIN by University of Pennsylvania Museum Jarosław Źrałka Introduction the Triangulo Project of the Guatemalan Wiesław Koszkul Institute of Anthropology and History Bernard Hermes Two royal burials along with many at- (IDAEH). As a result of this research, the and tendant offerings were recently found epicenter and periphery of the site have Simon Martin in a pyramid located in the Acropolis been studied in detail and many structures complex at the Maya site of Nakum. These excavated and subsequently restored PAGES 1-20 discoveries were made during research (Calderón et al. 2008; Hermes et al. 2005; conducted under the aegis of the Nakum Hermes and Źrałka 2008). In 2006, thanks Archaeological Project, which has been to permission granted from IDAEH, a excavating the site since 2006. Artefacts new archaeological project was started Joel Skidmore discovered in the burials and the pyramid Editor at Nakum (The Nakum Archaeological [email protected] significantly enrich our understanding of Project) directed by Wiesław Koszkul the history of Nakum and throw new light and Jarosław Źrałka from the Jagiellonian Marc Zender on its relationship with neighboring sites. University, Cracow, Poland. Recently our Associate Editor Nakum is one of the most important excavations have focused on investigating [email protected] Maya sites located in the northeastern two untouched pyramids located in the Peten, Guatemala, in the area of the Southern Sector of the site, in the area of The PARI Journal Triangulo Park (a “cultural triangle” com- the so-called Acropolis. -
Late Classic Maya Political Structure, Polity Size, and Warfare Arenas
LATE CLASSIC MAYA POLITICAL STRUCTURE, POLITY SIZE, AND WARFARE ARENAS Arlen F. CHASE and Diane Z. CHASE Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Central Florida Studies of the ancient Maya have moved forward at an exceedingly rapid rate. New sites have been discovered and long-term excavations in a series of sites and regions have provided a substantial data base for interpreting ancient Maya civili- zation. New hieroglyphic texts have been found and greater numbers of texts can be read. These data have amplified our understanding of the relationships among subsistence systems, economy, and settlement to such an extent that ancient Maya social and political organization can no longer be viewed as a simple dichoto- mous priest-peasant (elite-commoner) model. Likewise, monumental Maya archi- tecture is no longer viewed as being indicative of an unoccupied ceremonial center, but rather is seen as the locus of substantial economic and political activity. In spite of these advances, substantial discussion still exists concerning the size of Maya polities, whether these polities were centralized or uncentralized, and over the kinds of secular interactions that existed among them. This is espe- cially evident in studies of aggression among Maya political units. The Maya are no longer considered a peaceful people; however, among some modern Maya scholars, the idea still exists that the Maya did not practice real war, that there was little destruction associated with military activity, and that there were no spoils of economic consequence. Instead, the Maya elite are portrayed as engaging predo- minantly in raids or ritual battles (Freidel 1986; Schele and Mathews 1991). -
Who Were the Maya? by Robert Sharer
Who Were the Maya? BY ROBERT SHARER he ancient maya created one of the Belize, Honduras, and El Salvador until the Spanish Conquest. world’s most brilliant and successful The brutal subjugation of the Maya people by the Spanish ca. 1470 CE civilizations. But 500 years ago, after the extinguished a series of independent Maya states with roots The Kaqchikel Maya establish a new Spaniards “discovered” the Maya, many as far back as 1000 BCE. Over the following 2,500 years scores highland kingdom with a capital at Iximche. could not believe that Native Americans of Maya polities rose and fell, some larger and more powerful had developed cities, writing, art, and than others. Most of these kingdoms existed for hundreds of ca. 1185–1204 CE otherT hallmarks of civilization. Consequently, 16th century years; a few endured for a thousand years or more. K’atun 8 Ajaw Europeans readily accepted the myth that the Maya and other To understand and follow this long development, Maya Founding of the city of Mayapan. indigenous civilizations were transplanted to the Americas by civilization is divided into three periods: the Preclassic, the “lost” Old World migrations before 1492. Of course archaeol- Classic, and the Postclassic. The Preclassic includes the ori- ogy has found no evidence to suggest that Old World intru- gins and apogee of the first Maya kingdoms from about 1000 sions brought civilization to the Maya or to any other Pre- BCE to 250 CE. The Early Preclassic (ca. 2000–1000 BCE) Columbian society. In fact, the evidence clearly shows that pre-dates the rise of the first kingdoms, so the span that civilization evolved in the Americas due to the efforts of the began by ca. -
12 the Terminal Classic in the Area of the Yaxha Lagoon
12 THE TERMINAL CLASSIC IN THE AREA OF THE YAXHA LAGOON, PETÉN Bernard Hermes Gustavo Martínez Keywords: Maya archaeology, Guatemala, Petén, Yaxha, Topoxte, Terminal Classic period The time span comprised approximately between AD 850 and AD 950 has been denominated Terminal Classic in the Central Petén area. The archaeological evidence suggests that this period witnessed several upheavals which affected most of the cities that flourished during the Late Classic period. However, in the area of the Yaxha Lagoon, evidence provided by archaeological works conducted there suggests that the situation had a different development than that of some other centers investigated so far. The information gathered through the analysis of archaeological materials suggests that during the Terminal Classic period, the site was inhabited by a hierarchical society, led by an elite group that tried to maintain the sociopolitical system of the Late Classic rulers. Yaxha lies in the northwestern region of Petén. Located on the northern bank of the lagoon with the same name, it extends along a large scarp that runs parallel to the lagoon bank along a distance of 3 km. It includes a number of buildings, plazas and causeways built after the ground was arranged through leveling and terracing, in a descending east-to-west order. The occupation of the site began in the Middle Preclassic period, and just like all the other sites from Central Peten, it witnessed a strong development during the Late Preclassic, which extended throughout the first half of the Early Classic period. The poor evidence of activity during the second half of this period and the first half of the Late Classic period, allows for presuming that the site underwent a hiatus, which came to an end around the beginning of the second half of the Late Classic, when the city achieved its largest proportions. -
Where Is Lowland Maya Archaeology Headed?
Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 3, No. L 1995 Where Is Lowland Maya Archaeology Headed? Joyce Marcus 1 This article isolates three important trends in Lowland Maya archaeology during the last decade: (1) increased use of the conjunctive approach, with renewed appreciation of context and provenience; (2) waning use of the label "unique" to describe the Maya; and (3) an effort to use the Lowland Maya as a case study in social evolution. KEY WORDS: Maya archaeology; conjunctive approach; direct historic approach. INTRODUCTION I have been asked to review the last decade of Lowland Maya ar- chaeology and discuss any major trends that can be discerned. The task presents numerous problems, not the least of which is the fact that one has little time to deliberate on data so newly produced. I also do not want to run the risk of extolling current research at the expense of that done by our predecessors. Finally, the volume of literature on Maya archaeology has been increasing so rapidly in recent years that one cannot hope to do more than cite a fraction of it. I have tried to compensate for this by in- cluding a 400-entry bibliography at the end of the review. At least three major trends can be seen in the last decade of Lowland Maya archaeology, and I organize my presentation around them. The first trend is a substantial increase in the integration of multiple lines of evi- dence-in effect, what Walter W. Taylor (t948) called "the conjunctive ap- proach" (Carmack and Weeks, 1981; Fash and Sharer, 1991, Marcus, 1983; Sabloff, 1990). -
Lost World of the Mayans
Lost World of The Mayans Detailed Itinerary Guatemala, Mexico, Honduras and Belize May 30/20 Chichen Itza ElderTreks’ 20-day journey to the Lost World of the Mayans is probably the most exhilarating Mayan Facts & Highlights • 20 land days • Maximum 16 travelers • Start in Cancun, Mexico trip you will ever encounter. This fantastic adventure and finish in Antigua, Guatemala • All meals included • Explore includes the great Mayan cities of Tikal (Guatemala), Tikal and its main rival, the seldom-visited Calakmul • Visit 13 magnificent Mayan sites including Palenque, Chichen Itza, Tikal, Copan (Honduras), Caracol or Xunantunich (Belize), Calakmul, Caracol (or Xunantunich) and Copan • 9 UNESCO Sites • Visit the colonial gems of Antigua, Campeche and Merida Palenque, Uxmal, Chichen Itza and Tulum (Mexico). • Hear the call of howler monkeys • Superb bird watching at We also journey to seldom-visited Calakmul, Tikal’s most Mayan sites, as well as river excursions along Rio Dulce and the lagoon at Celestun • Search for crocodiles, toucans, great rival. We explore remote Yaxchilan, accessible macaws, hummingbirds and monkeys • Visit the colorful market in Chichicastenango • Enjoy the Caribbean culture of Livingston only by boat, before crossing the border into • Boat journey on Lake Atitlan, surrounded by volcanoes Guatemala. Visit Quirigua, the site which includes Departure Dates & Price the stelae with its Mayan calendar referring to in Jan 12 - Jan 31, 2021 - $5995 USD the “end of the world” predictions for Dec 21, 2012. Jan 11 - Jan 30, 2022 - $5995 USD The demise of the Mayan civilization - the end of the Activity Level: 2-3 *Some (optional) steep climbs of world as foretold in the astrology and beliefs of the temples involved. -
The Dynastic Sequence of Dos Pilas, Guatemala
PRE-COLUMBIAN ART RESEARCH INSTITUTE MONOGRAPH 1 The Dynastic Sequence of Dos Pilas, Guatemala Stephen D. Houston Peter Mathews Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute San Francisco, California April 1985 The Dynastic Sequence Of Dos Pilas, Guatemala STEPHEN D. HOUSTON, Yale University and PETER MATHEWS, Peabody Museum, Harvard University o the west of Lake Petexbatun, Peten, Guatemala, lies a region in which no fewer than five sites occur within an area of 45 square kilometers (Figure I). T The largest of these sites, and the one with the greatest number of known ~onuments, is Dos Pilas (Figure 2). This paper reconstructs the dynastic sequence of Dos Pilas, documenting five rulers, and traces the historical connections between Dos Pilas, neighboring centers near Lake Petexbatun, and relevant sites along the Pasion River and in northeastern Peten. I The Emblem Glyph of Dos Pilas and environs was first detected by Heinrich Berlin (1960:26-27), who called it the "Laguna Petexbatun" Emblem Glyph and who noted its resemblance to the Emblem Glyph of Tikal. Berlin nonetheless believed that the Copyright © 1985 by The Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be repro duced in any form or by any means, without written permission of the copyright owner. Lithographed and printed by Herald Printers, Inc., Monterey, Fig. I Map showing the location ofDos Pitas and neighboring sites. (Map by Peter California. Mathews.) 2 3 63 2526 57 60[D] 58 ~59 ~ 90 5., 5 !~~1 6·, 1 CJ 1 ~ 7" o 234 154 26 27 25 TEST PIT" 28 ~~2~ 4~~~~·~7'45"W@ at Plaza) MN 100 50 m !! rrn 31 [==J LOOTER'S PIT lLJj 33 32 ~ § SOH Fig. -
An Interpretation of the Protector Figure in Classic Maya Iconography
WITH THE PROTECTION OF THE GODS: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE PROTECTOR FIGURE IN CLASSIC MAYA ICONOGRAPHY by TIFFANY M. LINDLEY B.A. University of Alabama, 2009 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2012 © 2012 Tiffany M. Lindley ii ABSTRACT Iconography encapsulates the cultural knowledge of a civilization. The ancient Maya of Mesoamerica utilized iconography to express ideological beliefs, as well as political events and histories. An ideology heavily based on the presence of an Otherworld is visible in elaborate Maya iconography. Motifs and themes can be manipulated to convey different meanings based on context. An example of this mutability can be witnessed in the depiction of Otherworld gods. Maya gods were not like Old World pantheons; gods were fluid and could function in multiple roles. Protector gods are an example of the fluidity of Maya deities. Scenes of protector gods are closely related, indicative of a specific theme and meaning. This thesis aims to define a specific iconographic theme, centered around a “protector,” based on the similarities of the composition of each scene in the sample set of images found on monuments. In conjunction with archaeological evidence and epigraphy, I suggest the protector theme depicts deities in the role of a protector. iii DEDICATION For my parents, Hollis and Kim, my brother, Chris, and my sister, Shelby. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are a lot of people who have supported and assisted me in the past couple of years.