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Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13504-8 — Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies Edited by Beatrice Heuser , Eitan Shamir Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-13504-8 — Insurgencies and Counterinsurgencies Edited by Beatrice Heuser , Eitan Shamir Index More Information Index 9/11 Attacks, 45, 148, 360 Al-Dawla al-Islamiyya fi al-`Iraq, 299 Abbas, Ferhat, 196 Alderson, Alexander, 29, 41 Abbas, Mahmoud, 242 Aleppo, 289, 294–6, 300–1, 303–4, 307 Aberystwyth University, 10 Algeria, 20, 47–54, 57–73, 126–7, 136, Abu Ghraib prison, 144 193–9, 202, 204–5, 207–9, 211, 226–7, Abu Marzuq, Mousa, 238 285, 326, 328, 337–9, 347–8, 354, Abu-Mazen. See Abbas, Mahmoud 356–8, 365 Adams, Gerry, 218 Autonomous Zone of Algiers, 205 Aden, 26, 30, 38 Nationalist uprisings 1945, 197 Acheson, Dean, 322 Palestro, 199 Aerial Rocket Artillery, 132 Tribal uprisings of 1845, 1871, 1864, Aeschylus, 2 1881 and 1916, 196 Afghan National Army, 261–2 Algerian Front de Libération nationale. Afghan war, 89 See FLN Afghanistan, 20, 25–6, 30, 41, 46, 74, 76, 81, Algerian National Liberation Army. 88, 136–44, 146–8, 246–8, 251–2, 254– See ALN 6, 259–61, 263–5, 306, 348, 354, 356–7, Algerian National Movement. See MNA 359, 362, 365–6, 370 Algerian People’s Party, 198 Herat, 262 Algerian War 1954–1962, 19, 126, 193–5, Soviet withdrawal 1989, 261 211, 314, 330, 336, 349, 361 Africa, 28, 47, 51, 53, 73, 223, 334, 341, Algerian wars, 366 346, 364 Algiers, 65–7, 193, 199, 204–5 African slave trade, 114 Al-Haraka al-Tashihiyya, 294 Afrika Korps, 171 Allard, General Robert, 66 Age of Battles, 10 Alloush, Zahran, 305 Agent Orange, 131 ALN, 49, 63, 65–6, 194–211, 354 Agitprop, 229 Alon, Yigal, 170 AGM-114 Hellfire, 145 Al-Qaeda, 45, 88, 141, 147, 240–1, 264 Aguinaldo, Emilio, 119–20 Al-Qaeda in the Sinai Peninsula, 240 Air France, 176 Al-Qaeda, 299 AirLand Battle, 135 Al-Qaeda in Iraq, 299 Aït Ahmed, Hocine, 198–9 Al-Quds Brigades, 235 AKP, 306 American Civil War, 5, 114–15, 120–2, Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, 218 223, 337 Al Qaeda, 221, 338 American Revolution, 113–16, 145 Kidnapping Manual 2004, 344 Amir ul Moomineen. -
The Future of Israeli-Turkish Relations
The Future of Israeli- Turkish Relations Shira Efron C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2445 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018947061 ISBN: 978-1-9774-0086-4 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2018 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: cil86/stock.adobe.com Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Since their inception, Israel-Turkey relations have been characterized by ups and downs; they have been particularly sensitive to developments related to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Throughout the countries’ seven-decade history of bilateral ties, Turkey has downgraded its diplomatic relations with Israel three times, most recently in 2011. -
The Gaza Freedom Flotilla Comes to Madison!
The Gaza The Gaza Freedom Flotilla Freedom Flotilla comes to comes to Madison! Madison! Since 2008, the Freedom Flotilla movement has sent 35 ships Since 2008, the Freedom Flotilla movement has sent 35 ships attempting to break Israel’s illegal, US-backed military blockade of attempting to break Israel’s illegal, US-backed military blockade of Gaza that has denied 2 million people –half of them children -- access Gaza that has denied 2 million people –half of them children -- access to food, clean water, fuel, medicine, employment and basic human to food, clean water, fuel, medicine, employment and basic human dignity for 13 years. On July 24 and 25th, the Madison-Rafah Sister dignity for 13 years. On July 24 and 25th, the Madison-Rafah Sister City Project (MRSCP) welcomes the Freedom Flotilla’s North American City Project (MRSCP) welcomes the Freedom Flotilla’s North American Boats to Gaza campaign to Madison. Boats to Gaza campaign to Madison. JULY 24, WEDNESDAY EVENING JULY 24, WEDNESDAY EVENING A pontoon will give visibility to the crisis in Gaza on Lake Mendota A pontoon will give visibility to the crisis in Gaza on Lake Mendota offshore from the Union Terrace and The Edgewater. offshore from the Union Terrace and The Edgewater. JULY 25, THURSDAY, 7 PM JULY 25, THURSDAY, 7 PM James Reeb Unitarian Congregation • 2146 E. Johnson Street, Madison James Reeb Unitarian Congregation • 2146 E. Johnson Street, Madison Free • Refreshments • Desserts including Baklava • Gaza children’s artwork Free • Refreshments • Desserts including Baklava • Gaza children’s artwork Former Freedom Flotilla participants Kathy Kelly and Kit Kittredge Former Freedom Flotilla participants Kathy Kelly and Kit Kittredge will talk about Gaza, the importance of the Flotilla and plans for the will talk about Gaza, the importance of the Flotilla and plans for the next international sailing in 2020. -
Unpacking the Global Campaign to Delegitimize Israel. Drawing The
SWP Research Paper Gil Murciano Unpacking the Global Campaign to Delegitimize Israel Drawing the Line between Criticism of Israel and Denying Its Legitimacy Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 7 June 2020, Berlin Abstract ∎ In the last two decades, international delegitimization of Israel has become a new mode of operation for those denying Israel’s right to exist. It encompasses a wide range of civil-society and grassroots organizations. ∎ The campaign attempts to imitate the logic of the struggle against the South African apartheid regime – hence to undermine Israel’s inter- national legitimacy in a manner that would lead to its isolation and even- tually cause it to collapse. ∎ In its current phase, the campaign functions as a long-term effort to grad- ually change the discourse and mindset of Israel’s critics in the West. Its main goal is to mainstream delegitimization – hence to reposition anti- Zionism from the radical margins into the mainstream of Western liberal- progressive circles, with specific emphasis on critics of Israel’s policies. ∎ A key strategy to mainstream delegitimization is to blur the differences between criticism of Israeli policy and challenges to Israel’s basic legiti- macy. This includes efforts to turn items of the delegitimization agenda into an integral part of the political debate about Israel. ∎ As a result, many critics of Israel’s policies end up supporting efforts that are led by the delegitimization campaign. The discussion in the West on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is gradually developing into a dichotomous encounter between supporting Israel and its policies unquestioningly or supporting anti-Zionism. -
What Happened on the Mavi Marmara? an Analysis of the Turkel Commission Report
TÜRKİYE ORTADOĞU ÇALIŞMALARI DERGİSİ Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Cilt: 1, Sayı: 2, 2014, ss.31-53 What Happened on the Mavi Marmara? An Analysis of the Turkel Commission Report Norman Finkelstein* Abstract On 31 May 2010, Israeli commandos killed nine Turkish citizens aboard the Mavi Marmara, the flagship vessel of a humanitarian flotilla headed for besieged Gaza. The Israeli attack evoked international outrage, which caused Israel to appoint an official commission of inquiry chaired by former Israeli Supreme Court Judge Jacob Turkel. In January 2011, the Turkel Commission released a 300 page report that allegedly established what happened in the course of the Israeli assault. In fact, and unsurprisingly, the report was a grotesque whitewash of Israeli acti- ons. Nonetheless this mendacious report effectively shielded Israel from further international scrutiny. A panel of inquiry created by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to resolve differences between Turkey and Israel over the Mavi Marmara killings “fully associated itself” - in the bitter words of the Turkish representative on the panel - with the the Turkel report’s findings. To date, no independent rese- archer has exposed in detail the dishonesty and fraud of the Turkel report. The purpose of my article is to fill this gap. Keywords: Mavi Marmara, Israel, Turkey, International Law, Turkel Report * Assoc. Prof., Sakarya University, Center for Middle Eastern Studies - [email protected] 31 TURKISH JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi Vol: 1, No: 2, 2014, ss.31-53 Mavi Marmara’da Ne Oldu? Turkel Komisyonu Raporunun Analizi Norman Finkelstein* Özet 31 Mayıs 2010 tarihinde kuşatma altındaki Gazze’ye yardım götürmekte olan Mavi Marmara gemisinde bulunan 9 Türk vatandaşı İsrailli komandolar tarafın- dan öldürüldü. -
“Boycott Israel, a Moral Duty”
“Boycott Israel (BDS), A Moral Duty” BACBI-Dossier N° 3: Part 1: Apartheid Herman De Ley (Draft) Belgian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel 2018 “Boycott Israel (BDS), A Moral Duty” (1) 1 Arab refugees stream from Palestine on the Lebanon Road, Nov. 4, 1948. These are Arab villagers who fled from their homes during the recent fighting in Galilee between Israel and Arab troops. (Fred Csasznik, copyright expired) This year, 2017, the United Nations' partition plan for Palestine (Resolution 181 of the UN General Assembly, 29 November 1947) is 70 years old. The resolution was almost immediately followed (December of the same year) by the start of what the Palestinians since call the "Nakba" or "Catastrophe”, i.e. the mass expulsion of Palestinians from their ancestral homeland, more than 500 villages being razed to the ground. Zionist paramilitaries (subsequently the Israeli army), indeed, in order to establish a Jewish-majority state in Palestine, forced between 750,000 and one million native inhabitants to flee and become refugees. Since then, the Palestinian people has been subjected to the unrelenting ethnic cleansing and dispossession of its land, wealth and culture, as well as to brutal human rights violations carried out as a matter of policy. A recent report by a UN commission on Israel's treatment of the Palestinian people concludes “that Israel has established an apartheid regime that dominates the Palestinian people as a whole. Aware of the seriousness of this allegation, the authors of the report conclude that available evidence establishes beyond a reasonable doubt that Israel is guilty of policies and practices that constitute the crime of apartheid as legally defined in instruments of international law". -
Blockade on Gaza Strip: a Living Hell on Earth
Journal of Political Studies, Vol. 23, Issue - 1, 2016, 157:182 Blockade on Gaza Strip: A Living Hell on Earth Khalid Manzoor Butt and Anam Abid Butt* Abstract Since the imposition of Israeli blockade on Gaza in 2007, a humanitarian crisis has emerged in the region. Gaza has turned into a vast ‘Human Cage’ on the eastern Mediterranean where 1.8 million human beings have been trapped, seems, they have no chance of escaping from their grave condition. Israeli occupation along with its prolonged and comprehensive blockade has been associated with numerous violations International Humanitarian Law. By restricting trade and people’s movement, the blockade has ruined spectrum of civilians’ basic rights and is halting the essential rehabilitation efforts. The blockade has led to extensive erosion of livelihoods, and a destruction of infrastructure and other essential social services. The repercussion for the civilian population is intense, pervasive and difficult. The blockade put big question mark on the responsibilities of Israel as an occupant to look after safety and well-being of civilians in Gaza. The International Community is of the view that the blockade amounts to a collective punishment of people in Gaza. On the other hand, Israel upholds that the blockade is lawful and is required to stop Hamas’s hostile activities and rocket attacks on its cities and to check Hamas arms supply from abroad. However, because of this situation the common citizens of this thin strip find themselves caught between the fusillades of two uncompromising, hard-headed opponents and paying the excessive cost in their blood. At present, the issue has become very complex and intractable in the Arab world and can cause threats to its peace and security. -
Dictionary of Palestinian Political Terms
Dictionary of Palestinian Political Terms PASSIA Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, Jerusalem PASSIA, the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, is an Arab, non-profit Palestinian institution with a financially and legally indepen- dent status. It is not affiliated with any government, political party or organization. PASSIA seeks to present the Question of Palestine in its national, Arab and interna- tional contexts through academic research, dialogue and publication. PASSIA endeavors that research undertaken under its auspices be specialized, scientific and objective and that its symposia and workshops, whether interna- tional or intra-Palestinian, be open, self-critical and conducted in a spirit of har- mony and cooperation. Copyright PASSIA 3rd updated and revised edition, December 2019 ISBN: 978-9950-305-52-6 PASSIA Publication 2019 Tel.: 02-6264426 | Fax: 02-6282819 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.passia.org PO Box 19545, Jerusalem Contents Abbreviations ……………………………………………………………………………………………. i Foreword …………………………………………………………………….….…………..……………. iii Dictionary A-Z ………………………………………………………………………….………………. 1 Main References Cited…………………………………………..……………………………… 199 Abbreviations ACRI Association for Civil Rights in PCBS Palestinian Central Bureau of Israel Statistics AD Anno Domini PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation AIPAC American Israel Public Affairs of Palestine Committee PFLP-GC Popular Front for the Liberation ALF Arab Liberation Front of Palestine – General ANM -
Israel Advocacy Handbook
The Israel Advocacy Handbook Justice for Jews and Israel: Making the case for Israel An Introduction to Israel Advocacy, Activism and Information Second Edition Copyright Copyright © 2009, 2010 Ami Isseroff, Zionism-Israel.com and Zio-Web volunteers Version of 5-Oct-10 11:50 This document is on the Web at http://zionism-israel.com/israel_advocacy.pdf which has the most updated reviewed version Table of Contents Executive Summary............................................................................................................1 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 2 2 Statement Of Need ............................................................................................................ 4 3 Basic Concepts ................................................................................................................ 11 4 Basics Of Advocacy And Persuasion ............................................................................. 18 5 How People Form Opinions ........................................................................................... 34 6 The Audience .................................................................................................................. 52 7 Narratives And Issues ..................................................................................................... 56 8 Language And Persuasion ............................................................................................ -
EU Parliament Presentation
Prepared Statement for European Parliament session on the “Situation of NGOs and Civil Society in Israel,” 23 June 2010 Prof. Gerald M. Steinberg I thank the committee for inviting me to address this important forum. Before my remarks, I wish to note that I have no connection with, nor receive any funding from the Israeli or any other government, and do not speak on behalf of anyone other than myself and NGO Monitor, which is an independent Israeli civil society organization. I am here to discuss the policies of and the role played by the European Union (EU) in funding numerous Palestinian, Israeli, and other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and “civil society” organizations (CSOs). The EU provides large sums of taxpayer funds for political advocacy through programs such as Partnership for Peace, the European Instrument for Human Rights and Democracy (EIDHR), EMHRN, and the Anna Lindh Foundation. The declared intentions are positive, but when the details of this funding are examined, many problems emerge. Projects supported by the EU systematically ignore Palestinian attacks, while condemning Israeli responses, with blanket accusations of “racism,” violations of “all international human laws and rules,” “torture”, “never ending colonial and expansionist desires,”1 sexual attacks against Arab women,2 and similar incendiary allegations. EU projects fund Palestinian-led conferences to plan the “Extra-judicial Executions and Prosecution of Israelis 1 ARIJ, Toward annexing Palestinian lands to the Israeli State: “New Israeli Military Orders to Fortify the Apartheid Israeli Segregation Plan in Hebron Governorate,” February 7, 2009. 2 Mada al-Carmel, “My Land, Space, Body and Sexuality: Palestinians in the Shadow of the Wall,” November 9, 2009. -
The Office of the Prosecutor
Report on Preliminary Examination Activities (2013) 25 November 2013 Report on Preliminary Examination Activities 2013 November 2013 1 Contents A.INTRODUCTION B.SUBJECT-MATTER JURISDICTION Afghanistan Honduras Registered Vessels of Comoros, Greece and Cambodia Republic of Korea C.ADMISSIBILITY Colombia Georgia Guinea Nigeria D.COMPLETED PRELIMINARY EXAMINATIONS Mali Palestine 2 A. INTRODUCTION 1. The Office of the Prosecutor (“Office” or “OTP”) of the International Criminal Court (“Court” or “ICC”) is responsible for determining whether a situation meets the legal criteria established by the Rome Statute (“Statute”) to warrant investigation by the Court. For this purpose, the Office conducts a preliminary examination of all situations that come to its attention based on the statutory criteria and information available.1 2. The preliminary examination of a situation by the Office may be initiated on the basis of: a) information sent by individuals or groups, States, intergovernmental or non-governmental organisations; b) a referral from a State Party or the Security Council; or (c) a declaration accepting the exercise of jurisdiction by the Court pursuant to article 12(3) lodged by a State which is not a Party to the Statute. 3. Once a situation is thus identified, the factors set out in article 53(1) (a)-(c) of the Statute establishes the legal framework for a preliminary examination. 2 It provides that, in order to determine whether there is a reasonable basis to proceed with an investigation into the situation the Prosecutor shall consider: jurisdiction (temporal, either territorial or personal, and material); admissibility (complementarity and gravity); and the interests of justice. 4. -
Turkish-Hamas Relations: Between Strategic Calculations and Ideological A!Nity
Turkish-Hamas Relations: Between Strategic Calculations and Ideological A!nity Gallia Lindenstrauss and Süfyan Kadir Kıvam Introduction While the deterioration in Israel-Turkey relations over the past decade is rooted in many factors, perhaps what exemplifies this deterioration most is the closeness forged between the Justice and Development Party- led government and Hamas. The Mavi Marmara incident of May 2010, which sparked the deep crisis in Israel-Turkey relations that has persisted since, should be seen against the backdrop of this relationship. Hence, understanding the dynamics underlying Turkey-Hamas relations and the strengths and weaknesses of this relationship is extremely important from an Israeli perspective. Since the fall of Mohamed Morsi’s government in Egypt in July 2013 and the cooled relations between Hamas and Iran in context of the Syrian civil war, Turkey, joined by Qatar, has been heralded as a primary funder of Hamas. While there is some debate over the exact sums, it seems as though Turkey has at least pledged to provide Hamas between $250-300 million annually. 1 Still, the unity deal between Hamas and Fatah from April 2014, and the attempts by Hamas to lure back Iran 2 have shown that Turkey and Qatar are not strong enough partners from the perspective of Hamas and cannot by themselves help Hamas grapple with the difficult conditions it faces. In order to assess the future prospects of Turkish-Hamas relations, the article first explores the developments in recent years in Turkey-Hamas relations and then analyzes what were the main causes that drove Turkey to strengthen its relations with Hamas.