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Rural Youth Within Changing Education, Formal Labour Market and Informal Economic Conditions During Postsocialist Transformation Period in the Kyrgyz Republic

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Rural Youth Within Changing Education, Formal Labour Market and Informal Economic Conditions During Postsocialist Transformation Period in the Kyrgyz Republic Rural Youth Within Changing Education, Formal Labour Market and Informal Economic Conditions During Postsocialist Transformation Period in the Kyrgyz Republic by Rakhat Zholdoshalieva A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto © Copyright by Rakhat Zholdoshalieva 2016 Rural Youth within Changing Education, Formal Labour Market and Informal Economic Conditions during Post-Soviet Transformation Period in the Kyrgyz Republic Doctor of Education 2016 Rakhat Zholdoshalieva Department of Social Justice Education University of Toronto Abstract This qualitative case study examines the experiences, expectations and aspirations of education, employment, and future prospects of a group of rural youth growing up in the postsocialist era in southern Kyrgyzstan. Despite popular conceptions that youth are the authors of their life projects with an abundance of choice (Du Bois Reymond, 1995), the socially determining categories of social class, gender, ethnicity, and place still structure these choices and shape the life chances of contemporary youth (Roberts, 2010). This study shows how the postsocialist transformation has increased the burdens and uncertainties of young people and undermined the stability and security of their futures (DeYoung, 2010; Korzh, 2014; Roche, 2014; Walker, 2011). It identifies educational and social inequalities persisting from traditional Kyrgyz and Soviet society, as well as those emerging in the post-Soviet period, and analyzes the effects of these on the experiences and aspirations of rural Kyrgyz youth. Three types of rural Kyrgyz youth emerged from the data set of the study and three illustrative cases were: the trajectory of youth from the rural intelligentsia class with aspirations for a professional future; that of youth from the emerging successful stratum of kommersants (merchants) with aspirations for an entrepreneurial future, and that of youth from the former kolkhoz (Soviet collective farm) working class, who face the ii precarious future of the migrant worker. These three social trajectories are explained, following Bourdieu, as manifestations of the class and gendered habitus of the rural Kyrgyz youth and their families. The findings of the study reveal the ways that the social resources of kinship-oriented families, specifically their economic, cultural, social, and symbolic forms of capital, determine rural youth experiences and future chances in postsocialist transformation in Kyrgyzstan. iii Acknowledgments This thesis could not have been completed without the help and support of many people and institutions. First and foremost, I would like to extend my gratitude to the young people and their parents/guardians who participated in this research on which this thesis is based. These young people’s ambitions, imaginations, and wishes keep me hopeful about positive changes in their own and their families’ lives in the conditions of postsocialist transformation in rural Kyrgyzstan. I want to apologize if I have misrepresented them in any way. I also thank two rural schools, which opened their doors for me to recruit, inform and engage youth in the study. My gratitude goes to the members of my thesis committee: Peter Sawchuk, Diane Farmer, and Alan DeYoung. Peter’s supportive guidance and continued questioning helped me engage with the data, raise questions and evaluate ideas critically. Throughout this program his teaching, guidance and support were enriching experiences to have. Diane taught me how to read and employ Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts more critically in my research project. Alan’s guidance extended from being a scholar who has been closely investigating changing post-Soviet Kyrgyz education towards one of a mentor in publishing collaborative scholarly works on rural Kyrgyzstan. I thank all of these and other professors, who engaged me in the critical analysis of postsocialist education and society, and hope that I would be able to demonstrate such professional and educational qualities they bring into the field of education and learning. I would like to thank my Pakistani academic mentor in particular, Dr. Bernadette Dean, whose educational activism and academic mentorship inspired me to pursue this doctoral degree in education for social equity and inclusionary citizenship. I was able to complete my doctoral program with the generous financial support that these institutions have provided during my five years of the program: The Aga Khan Foundation (Switzerland), the University of Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan), the Aga Khan University-Institute for Educational Development (Pakistan), Margaret McNamara Memorial Fund (USA), the Open Society Institutes (USA), and the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto (Canada). I hope I continue to have strength to contribute my knowledge, skills, and expertise in the educational institutions of Central and South Asia and beyond. iv I am specifically thankful for the members of the Koshmatova and Zholdoshaliev family who did not only provide financial and moral support in this lengthy program, but also extended their help with typing my handwritten interviews in Kyrgyz and escorting to the houses of the participants despite dark evenings, heavy rains and stormy winter days. I would like to thank both my parents – Koshmatova Ibadat and Zholdoshaliev Kapar - for reviewing my research questions to make them less academic more close to a southern rural Kyrgyz speech, and provide information about the historical context of this rural community and the schools. Their knowledge of the school histories along with the village helped me locate these rural youth’s experiences in larger historical, political, cultural and economic contexts. I also thank for their unconditional support throughout my life, as a child as well as an adult and value the knowledge that I received at home, in the kinship community, the village, and schools. I especially thank my sister, Umut and Toktayim, and my brother, Suiun, for typing the Kyrgyz interview transcripts and handling the research data professionally. Thanks are due to my partner, Shiv Kumar, who has not only been a constant emotional support, but also a critical reader of my earlier chapters. Along this doctoral program my friends in Canada, Germany, Australia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, the US and around the world extended their support continuously. I thank especially Victorina Baxan, Kendra Ann-Pitt, and Stephen Bahry for not only being supportive friends but also reading my chapters and providing feedback on improving the earlier drafts. I am also thankful to all of the friends and colleagues for being there for me in this individualizing period of thesis project and having lengthy conversations on theories, concepts, experiences, research and life: Kat Schultz, Valerie Damasco, Philip Thaucher, Duishon Shamatov, Serhyi Kovalchuk, Farrukhsho Fraidonov, Sue Carter, Lars Albert, Jessica Schwittek, Farah Ali Akbar, Jia Luo, Christina Galego, Kristina Stoney, and Youssef Sawan. I would like to thank Tim Addis for his support in editing the later versions of the chapters. I want to specifically thank two Canadian-Central Asian families who welcomed me as their sister with their warm hearts and hospitality: the family of Nouria Esengulova, Feriba and Karim Zargars, and Safar Khan Mohammad, and the family of Sayora Faromuz, Nilufar, Ali, Davlat, and Dadikhuda. I would like also to extend my gratitude to several people who were kind and supportive along this journey and made me feel welcome to their houses, families, parties, and conversations to ease the emotional labour of the doctoral program requirements: Lira Kydyralieva, Jill Sawchuk, Janet Teibo, Joe Curnow, Elmira Mamaeva, Syrga Salieva, Liza v Rahmetova, Gulnara Kuramaeva, Nurgul and many others. All of these people made my life in Canada personally and professionally enriching and fulfilling. I cannot mention and thank all of the people and many others who have made substantial contribution to my wellbeing as well as to the completion of this research project. vi Table of Contents Acknowledgments.......................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents.......................................................................................................................... vii Chapter 1 Young lives and new forms of rural inequalities in postsocialist rural Kyrgyzstan ...... 1 1.1. Introduction......................................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Personal account: Growing up in a rural Soviet and post-Soviet Kyrgyz village .............. 1 1.3. The statement of the problem ............................................................................................. 4 1.4. Research questions............................................................................................................ 10 1.5. The significance of the study ............................................................................................ 11 1.6. The structure of the thesis................................................................................................. 12 Chapter 2 Youth, education, and future: Social class, gender, and place ..................................... 16 2.1. Introduction......................................................................................................................
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