Calls for Questioning President Menem LADB Staff
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Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗
Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗ William F. Maloneyy Felipe Valencia Caicedoz July 1, 2016 Abstract This paper offers the first systematic historical evidence on the role of a central actor in modern growth theory- the engineer. We collect cross-country and state level data on the population share of engineers for the Americas, and county level data on engineering and patenting for the US during the Second Industrial Revolution. These are robustly correlated with income today after controlling for literacy, other types of higher order human capital (e.g. lawyers, physicians), demand side factors, and instrumenting engineering using the Land Grant Colleges program. We support these results with historical case studies from the US and Latin America. A one standard deviation increase in engineers in 1880 accounts for a 16% increase in US county income today, and patenting capacity contributes another 10%. Our estimates also help explain why countries with similar levels of income in 1900, but tenfold differences in engineers diverged in their growth trajectories over the next century. Keywords: Innovative Capacity, Human Capital, Engineers, Technology Diffusion, Patents, Growth, Development, History. JEL: O11,O30,N10,I23 ∗Corresponding author Email: [email protected]. We thank Ufuk Akcigit, David de la Croix, Leo Feler, Claudio Ferraz, Christian Fons-Rosen, Oded Galor, Steve Haber, Lakshmi Iyer, David Mayer- Foulkes, Stelios Michalopoulos, Guy Michaels, Petra Moser, Giacomo Ponzetto, Luis Serven, Andrei Shleifer, Moritz Shularick, Enrico Spolaore, Uwe Sunde, Bulent Unel, Nico Voigtl¨ander,Hans-Joachim Voth, Fabian Waldinger, David Weil and Gavin Wright for helpful discussions. We are grateful to William Kerr for making available the county level patent data. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
The Argentine Financial Crisis: a Chronology of Events
Order Code RS21130 January 31, 2002 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web The Argentine Financial Crisis: A Chronology of Events J. F. Hornbeck Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Argentina’s current crisis resulted from a confluence of events, some external to Argentina’s policy process, others directly related to its political and economic choices. Although it is not easy to discern at what specific point in time Argentina’s economic situation turned into a crisis, it is clear that by early 2001, political, economic and social events had taken a significant turn for the worse. The following is a summary of these events from before Argentina’s adoption of the currency board in 1991 to developments in early 2002. This report will be updated periodically. Chronology of Events1 1980s Argentina suffers through an extended period of economic instability including the Latin American debt crisis and hyperinflation. 1989 Peronist candidate Carlos Menem is elected President of Argentina and appoints Domingo Cavallo as Minister of Economy. Together they enact a major structural adjustment program including tax reform, privatization, trade liberalization, deregulation, and adoption of a currency board. April 1, 1991 Argentina’s Congress enacts the Convertibility Law, which legally adopts the currency board guaranteeing the convertibility of peso currency to dollars at a one-to-one fixed rate and limiting the printing of pesos only to an amount necessary to purchase dollars in the foreign exchange market. Effectively, each peso in circulation is backed by a U.S. dollar and monetary policy is forcibly constrained to uphold that promise. -
Argentine Government Embarrassed by Weapons Sale to Ecuador LADB Staff
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 3-31-1995 Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador." (1995). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/ 11861 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 56184 ISSN: 1060-4189 Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador by LADB Staff Category/Department: Argentina Published: 1995-03-31 The alleged shipment of 75 tons of weapons from Argentina to Ecuador, apparently delivered during the five-week war between Ecuador and Peru, is proving to be an embarrassment to the government of President Carlos Saul Menem. On March 10, Menem ordered a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding the sale, but little progress has been made. Meanwhile, the opposition is calling for the resignation of those responsible, including Defense Minister Oscar Camilion. Argentina is one of the four guarantor countries along with the US, Chile, and Brazil of the 1942 Rio de Janeiro Protocol between Peru and Ecuador. When fighting broke out in a disputed area on the border between the two countries in January, the four guarantor countries worked diligently to broker a new peace agreement. The US declared an arms embargo against Peru and Ecuador on Feb. -
A R G E N T I
JUJUY PARAGUAY SALTA SOUTH FORMOSA Asunción PACIFIC TUCUMÁN CHACO SANTIAGO S OCEAN NE CATAMARCA SIO DEL ESTERO MI CORRIENTES á River an LA RIOJA Par BRAZIL SANTA FE SAN JUAN CÓRDOBA ENTRE RÍOS SAN LUIS URUGUAY MENDOZA Santiago Buenos Aires ARGENTINA Montevideo LA PAMPA BUENOS AIRES CHILE NEUQUÉN RÍO NEGRO SOUTH CHUBUT ATLANTIC OCEAN SANTA CRUZ Islas Malvinas TIERRA DEL FUEGO 0 200 miles david rock RACKING ARGENTINA opular protest erupted on the streets of Argentina through the hot December nights of 2001.1 Crowds from Pthe shanty towns attacked stores and supermarkets; banging their pots and pans, huge demonstrations of mainly middle- class women—cacerolazos—marched on the city centre; the piqueteros, organized groups of the unemployed, threw up road-blocks on high- ways and bridges. Twenty-seven demonstrators died, including five shot down by the police beneath the grand baroque façades of Buenos Aires’ Plaza de Mayo. The trigger for the fury had been the IMF’s suspension of loans to Argentina, on the grounds that President Fernando De la Rúa’s government had failed to meet its conditions on public-spending cuts. There was a run on the banks, as depositors rushed to get their money out and their pesos converted into dollars. De la Rúa’s Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo slapped on a corralito, a ‘little fence’, to limit the amount of cash that could be withdrawn—leaving many people’s savings trapped in failing banks. On December 20, as the protests inten- sified, De la Rúa resigned, his helicopter roaring up over the Rosada palace and the clouds of tear gas below. -
Private Investment Response to Neoliberal Reforms: Implications of the Argentine Case, 1989-1996
Private Investment Response to Neoliberal Reforms: Implications of the Argentine Case, 1989-1996 March 1997 Juan J. López Assistant Professor Department of Political Science The University of Illinois at Chicago 1007 West Harrison Street (M/C 276) Chicago, IL 60607-7137 Phone: (312) 413-3783 Fax: (312) 413-0440 E-mail: [email protected] Draft: comments welcome Prepared for delivery at the 1997 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Continental Plaza Hotel, Guadalajara, Mexico, April 17-19, 1997. 1 Introduction Warren Christopher, then the U.S. Secretary of State, in visit to Buenos Aires in February 1996 declared that Menem and Cavallo "had done in Argentina one of the great economic successes of the century."1 This is the official line in Argentina, echoed by fervent supporters of neoliberal economic reforms abroad. If one only looked at some official statistics on economic growth and investment, one might conclude that economically Argentina is doing wonderfully. Budget deficits have been significantly reduced.2 Since April 1991, after the Convertibility Plan, inflation has been kept at low levels. For the period 1990 to 1995, the annual average rate of GDP growth was 5 percent.3 Gross domestic investment grew at an average annual rate of 12 percent between 1990 and 1995.4 Yet a sober look at the data on the economic situation in Argentina raises serious doubts as to whether a solid foundation is being build in the country for sustainable economic growth. The economic growth since 1991 is to a large extent due to the influx of dollars from abroad and to the utilization of idle productive capacity that firms had.5 Unemployment and 1 Clarín, Edición Internacional, February 27 to March 14, 1996, p. -
Working Paper 3
WORKING PAPER 3 The International Dimensions of Democratization: The Case of Argentina Andrés Malamud, Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia, Instituto de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa WORKING PAPER n.º 3 The International Dimensions of Democratization: The Case of Argentina Andrés Malamud Introduction Argentine politics are usually described as eccentric or, at least, unconventional. This is so for a number of reasons. From an economic perspective, Argentina was a rich country that went all the way from wealth to bankrupt in less than seventy years –between 1930 and 2001. From a social perspective, it has always had the most developed middle class and the most educated population in Latin America, a region where strong middle classes and universal education are extremely rare. From a political perspective, it saw the emergence and predominance of rather autochthonous political movements, which included Peronism as the most relevant and elusive example. From an international perspective, it was the country in the Western Hemisphere that most frequently opposed American foreign policies apart from Cuba –although it never sided openly with either Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. Argentina was also the most economically developed and one of the least politically stable country in Latin America, a paradox that was first explained by O’Donnell in the 1970s (1973). In spite of all these particularities, the cycles of Argentine politics since 1930 can be matched with the international developments taking place at the time. This chapter argues that both the frequent democratic breakdowns and the processes of re-democratization that followed were linked to international factors, which were present as either causes or consequences or both of the domestic moves. -
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eOtifr' I DEN'l? IAL CONFIDENT/At 7663 THE WH ITE HOUSE WASHI NGTON MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION SUBJECT: Meeting with President Carlos Menem of Argentina PARTICIPANTS: The President Nicholas Brady, Secretary of the Treasury John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Lawrence Eagleburger, Deputy Secretary of State Robert M. Gates, Assistant to the President and Deputy for National Security Affairs David C. Mulford, Under Secretary of Treasury for International Affairs Terence Todman, Ambassador to Argentina Bernard Aronson, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Everett Ellis Briggs, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Latin America and the Caribbean Carlos Menem, President of Argentina Domingo Cavallo, Foreign Minister of Argentina Guido Di Tella, Argentine Ambassador to the United States Nestor Rapanelli, Minister of Economy of Argentina Alberto Kohan, Chief of Staff to President Menem Humberto Toledo, Spokesman for President Menem DATE, TIME September 27, 1989, 11:50 a.m.-12:40 p.m. EST AND PLACE: The Cabinet Room The President received President Menem at 11:40 a.m. in the Oval Office, after which the two stopped briefly at the edge of the Rose Garden for a friendly exchange with the media pool before going to the Residence to meet Mrs. Bush. They returned to the Cabinet Room at noon for the formal meeting. The President: I wanted to show President Menem the White House and introduce Mrs. Bush to him. And I wanted our press to see for themselves the affection we feel for this president and friend. -
Argentina Postpones Plan to Create National Security Ministry LADB Staff
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of New Mexico University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 5-27-1994 Argentina Postpones Plan to Create National Security Ministry LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Argentina Postpones Plan to Create National Security Ministry." (1994). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/ 11499 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 56755 ISSN: 1060-4189 Argentina Postpones Plan to Create National Security Ministry by LADB Staff Category/Department: Argentina Published: 1994-05-27 In mid-May, President Carlos Menem announced plans to create a new National Security Ministry to "combat delinquency, drug trafficking and terrorism." The nature of the new ministry, and the timing of the announcement, however, led to charges that the move was essentially a maneuver executed by Menem's powerful Economy Minister, Domingo Cavallo. Critics assailed the proposal, suggesting that creation of the new ministry was actually aimed at controlling social unrest leading up to the 1995 presidential elections. The ensuing cabinet crisis was the worst Menem has faced in the last three years. The crisis unfolded in the days just prior to inauguration of a new Constituent Assembly, which will consider, among other things, a change in the Constitution to allow Menem to run for reelection in 1995. -
Neoliberal Policies Vs. Democracy Diferent Disciplinary Assumptions
Judith A. Teichman. The Politics of Freeing Markets in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and Mexico. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. xv + 273 pp. $55.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8078-4959-0. Reviewed by Marc Becker Published on H-LatAm (January, 2002) Neoliberal Policies vs. Democracy different disciplinary assumptions. Teichman, Based on the case studies of Chile, Argentina, professor of political science at the University of and Mexico, Judith Teichman argues that electoral Toronto, blames the failure of reform in Latin democracy allows for broader societal input into America on an "Iberian legacy of clientelism, cor‐ the nature of neoliberal reforms in Latin America poratism, and patrimonialism" (p. 10). My gradu‐ (p. 9). The recent collapse of Fernando de la Rua's ate school training in history was deeply ground‐ government in Argentina on December 20, 2001, ed in a dependency theory approach that found in the face of a "social explosion," however, se‐ such a critique to be antiquated and perhaps even verely challenges this argument. Although carried racist, preferring instead to place blame for out under a functioning electoral democracy, poverty in Latin America at the feet of an indus‐ Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo's austerity trial core that held the region at the periphery of measures which were intended to win support economic development. Teichman fails to critique from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the assumptions of corporatism and never failed to take into account the needs of the vast presents alternative perspectives to this hypothe‐ majority of people in Argentina. -
HISTORIA SOCIAL DA ARGENTINA 08 05 V.9.Indd
Relações coleção coleção Internacionais História social da Argentina contemporânea MINISTÉRIO DAS RELAÇÕES EXTERIORES Ministro de Estado Aloysio Nunes Ferreira Secretário ‑Geral Embaixador Marcos Bezerra Abbott Galvão FUNDAÇÃO ALEXANDRE DE GUSMÃO Presidente Embaixador Sérgio Eduardo Moreira Lima Instituto de Pesquisa de Relações Internacionais Diretor Ministro Paulo Roberto de Almeida Centro de História e Documentação Diplomática Diretor Embaixador Gelson Fonseca Junior Conselho Editorial da Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão Presidente Embaixador Sérgio Eduardo Moreira Lima Membros Embaixador Ronaldo Mota Sardenberg Embaixador Jorio Dauster Magalhães Embaixador Gelson Fonseca Junior Embaixador José Estanislau do Amaral Souza Embaixador Eduardo Paes Saboia Ministro Paulo Roberto de Almeida Ministro Paulo Elias Martins de Moraes Professor Francisco Fernando Monteoliva Doratioto Professor José Flávio Sombra Saraiva Professor Eiiti Sato A Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão, instituída em 1971, é uma fundação pública vinculada ao Ministério das Relações Exteriores e tem a finalidade de levar à sociedade civil informações sobre a realidade internacional e sobre aspectos da pauta diplomática brasileira. Sua missão é promover a sensibilização da opinião pública para os temas de relações internacionais e para a política externa brasileira. Torcuato S. Di Tella História social da Argentina contemporânea 2ª Edição revisada Brasília – 2017 Direitos de publicação reservados à Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão Ministério das Relações Exteriores Esplanada dos Ministérios, Bloco H Anexo II, Térreo 70170 ‑900 Brasília–DF Telefones: (61) 2030‑6033/6034 Fax: (61) 2030 ‑9125 Site: www.funag.gov.br E ‑mail: [email protected] Equipe Técnica: Eliane Miranda Paiva André Luiz Ventura Ferreira Fernanda Antunes Siqueira Gabriela Del Rio de Rezende Luiz Antônio Gusmão Título original: Historia social de la Argentina contemporánea. -
Argentina's Quarter Century Experiment with Neoliberalism
P. Cooney – Argentina‘s Quarter Century Experiment with Neoliberalism... 7 ARGENTINA’s QuARTER CENTURY EXPERIMENT WITH NEOLIBERALISM: FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEPRESSION* Paul Cooney** ABSTRACT Argentina set a new historical mark in 2002, having experienced the largest debt default by any country ever. In order to understand how Argentina could go from one of the most developed countries of the Third World, to experi- encing the crisis of 2001 and then enter a depression in 2002 with over half the population living in poverty, requires an evaluation of the last quarter century of economic policies in Argentina. The shift toward neoliberalism began during the dictatorship of 1976, deepened during the Menem administration, and was sup- ported throughout by the IMF. This paper aims to identify why the crisis occurred when it did, but also to understand how the underlying shifts in the political econ- omy of Argentina over more than two decades led to two waves of deindustrializa- tion, an explosion of foreign debt and such a marked decline in the standard of living for the majority of Argentinians. Key words: neoliberalism, development, foreign debt, IMF JEL Code: O10, F02, F33, F34 * Article received on August 29, 2005, and approved on September 19, 2006. ** Núcleo de Pesquisa Econômica (NUPEC), Programa de Pós-Graduação em Economia (PPGE), Uni- versidade Federal do Pará (UFPA), e-mail: [email protected] R. Econ. contemp., Rio de Janeiro, 11(1): 7-37, jan./abr. 2007 7 8 R. Econ. contemp., Rio de Janeiro, 11(1): 7-37, jan./abr. 2007 EXPERIMENTO DE UM QUARTO DE SÉCULO DE NEOLIBERALISMO NA ARGENTINA: da DITadURA À DEPRESSÃO RESUMO Em 2002, a Argentina atingiu um novo marco histórico, ao experimentar o maior default da dívida externa, não somente pela sua própria história, mas tam- bém do mundo.