Robert M. Andrews the CREATION of a PROTESTANT LITURGY

COMPASS THE CREATION OF A PROTESTANT LITURGY The development of the Eucharistic rites of the First and Second Prayer Books of Edward VI ROBERT M. ANDREWS VER THE YEARS some Anglicans Anglicanism. Representing a study of have expressed problems with the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer's (1489-1556) Oassertion that individuals who were liturgical revisions: the Eucharistic Rites of committed to the main tenets of classical 1549 and 1552 (as contained within the First Protestant theology founded and shaped the and Second Prayer Books of Edward VI), this early development of Anglican theology.1 In essay shows that classical Protestant beliefs 1852, for example, the Anglo-Catholic were influential in shaping the English luminary, John Mason Neale (1818-1866), Reformation and the beginnings of Anglican could declare with confidence that 'the Church theology. of England never was, is not now, and I trust Of course, Anglicanism changed and in God never will be, Protestant'.2 Similarly, developed immensely during the centuries in 1923 Kenneth D. Mackenzie could, in his following its sixteenth-century origins, and 1923 manual of Anglo-Catholic thought, The it is problematic to characterize it as anything Way of the Church, write that '[t]he all- other than theologically pluralistic;7 nonethe- important point which distinguishes the Ref- less, as a theological tradition its genesis lies ormation in this country from that adopted in in a fundamentally Protestant milieu—a sharp other lands was that in England a serious at- reaction against the world of late medieval tempt was made to purge Catholicism English Catholic piety and belief that it without destroying it'.3 emerged from. Thus the Anglo-Catholic myth of the late nineteenth century—namely, that Background Anglicanism escaped being founded on Prot- estant principles—has remained influential For almost a century prior to Cranmer's li- among some conservative Anglo-Catholics,4 turgical revisions of 1549 and 1552, the most even if recent scholarship has questioned widely used Eucharistic rite of the pre-Ref- most of its factual basis.5 Indeed, as Eamon ormation Catholic Church in England was that Duffy asserted in 1995: 'The Founding commonly referred to as the 'Sarum Use'.8 Fathers of the Church of England saw Like most of the Eucharistic rites that had themselves first and foremost as Protestants, developed in medieval England, the Sarum and as different from the Church of Rome as Use was named as such after its origins at the chalk from cheese.'6 Cathedral of Salisbury (in Latin: Sarum). As this paper will further elucidate, this Previous to Sarum's dominance, there had is the most honest reading of the historic been a number of local rites scattered period that saw the beginnings of throughout England, these also similarly 28 THE CREATION OF A PROTESTANT LITURGY named after their places of origin (in theory Dr Robert Andrews is the metropolitan Church of the province).9 an Honorary Research Thus Cranmer, in his preface to the First Associate in the Prayer Book of 1549, states that there existed School of Arts, in England prior to the Reformation at least Murdoch University. five different usages: those of Salisbury, Her- eford, Bangor, York, and Lincoln10—and this was not even an exhaustive listing.11 When Cranmer drew up the first Eucha- ristic rite of 1549, he drew heavily upon the Sarum Use. Though this reliance upon Sarum changed significantly with the advent of the Numerous other references could be second Eucharistic Rite of 1552, it was, in given to show that the Sarum Use conveyed the beginning, dominant. Like all Eucharistic both the Catholic doctrines concerning the rites then in use in the Catholic Church, the Eucharistic sacrifice and the real presence. Sarum Use was a liturgy that expressed a As recent scholarship has shown, within the Eucharistic theology that was definite and context of late medieval English Catholicism, clear as to its nature and purpose. This such doctrines were popular and widely theological purpose principally revolved believed.15 In other words, they did not around two doctrines that essentially made represent abstract theological teachings the Mass the Sacrament that it was: those divorced from the reality of living a Christian being the doctrines of the Eucharistic life far from it; instead, embodied within the Sacrifice and the Real Presence (or, as it had liturgy of the Mass, such doctrines been termed in the West from around the represented the heart of Catholic belief and thirteenth century onwards: 'Transubstantia- piety, which, prior to the Reformation in tion').12 The Eucharistic Sacrifice was the England, had little in the way of popular belief that in the Eucharist, Christ's one and discontent.16 only sacrifice on the cross was made substan- tially present on the altar. The following quo- Henry VIII tations from the Sarum Use illustrate the presence of these two doctrines. The first, When Henry VIII broke from Rome in 1534 that being the Prayer of Oblation, asserts religious convictions had not been his main quite unambiguously the doctrine of the Eu- impetus, at least in the way they had been on charistic Sacrifice: the Continent. As Diarmaid MacCulloch puts Receive, O Holy Trinity, this oblation, which I, it, 'the King's quarrel was only ambiguously unworthy sinner, offer to Thy honour, and that of with traditional religion, and much more Blessed Mary and All Saints, for my sins and straightforwardly with the Pope'.17 A break offences: for the health of the living and the from Rome was, of course, a religious con- repose of all the faithful departed.13 viction in the sense that the king no longer Regarding the real presence, the prayer believed the Pope to possess the divine right said by the priest to the consecrated Host to ecclesiastically govern England,18 but, prior to receiving Communion suffices: apart from this issue, Henry's quarrel and Hail through all eternity, most Holy Flesh of eventual break from Rome was not over the CHRIST, my chiefest delight, before all things fundamental points of the Catholic faith. Of and above all things. May the body of our LORD course, this does not mean that Henry was not JESUS CHRIST be to me a sinner the way and in any way influenced by Protestantism. The the life. 14 Ten Articles of 1536, for example, were a 29 COMPASS clear instance of how Protestantism did—if Kenneth Clark, 'owed nothing to the past'25 only moderately—influence his actions.19 Yet (one could, perhaps, make allowances for his despite this Henry was, for the most part, a age, but it must be said that the young King religious conservative who for most of his demonstrated a remarkable clarity of convic- reign resisted the Protestant ideas that were tion when it came to his religious prefer- slowly gaining hold in England20 (this was ences).26 Under his reign the familiar Sarum especially true regarding his unwavering Use of the Mass, said in Latin and familiar to belief in Transubstantiation).21 all, would, in the space of five years, be re- One of the key figures central to Henry placed with a service that looked, sounded, and VIII's break from Rome was the Cambridge read, like something completely foreign. And scholar and eventual Archbishop of Canter- at the centre of all this—suggesting, advising, bury, Thomas Cranmer. Born in 1489 to a encouraging, and for all intents and purposes, family of humble but respectful parentage, orchestrating the whole affair—was the first Cranmer had taken Holy Orders sometime Protestant Archbishop of Canterbury, Cranmer. prior to 1523 after many years of study at Under the reign of Edward VI liturgical Cambridge.22 In 1532, after having formed a change began to take place rapidly. The first working relationship with the Henry VIII, thing to go was Latin, which was removed Cranmer was sent abroad as the resident from the liturgy through a number of rapid— ambassador to the Court of the Emperor of but nonetheless staged—insertions of the ver- the Holy Roman Empire, Charles V. It was nacular, until, by mid 1548, entire Masses abroad that Cranmer came under the influence were being said in English.27 Earlier in that of Lutheranism, effectively becoming same year, a short document authored by Protestant in his convictions.23 In true Cranmer and entitled: The Order of the Lutheran style, Cranmer also took a wife (the Communion, was published.28 This was not a niece of Nuremberg's leading Lutheran new Eucharistic rite as such, simply a booklet theologian, Andreas Osiander).24 She would, that was to supplement the Mass with however, have to remain a secret, for in 1533 vernacular exhortations to those receiving Cranmer was consecrated Archbishop of Communion to receive it worthily and in a Canterbury. spiritual manner. The booklet also contained In England, Cranmer became a key player a ritual for the administration of Commun- in Henry's desire to annul his marriage (which ion under both kinds.29 Though it is impor- subsequently occurred), as well as giving the tant to note that none of these changes, in and king the theological arguments needed for of themselves, went against anything the pre- declaring himself the supreme governor of the Reformation Church had taught in a dogmatic Church of England. Yet owing to Henry's reli- sense, it is, however, likely that such changes gious conservatism, Cranmer's desires for were intended by Cranmer to be calculated Church reform along more explicit Protestant steps in the direction away from traditional lines remained largely unfulfilled for well over Catholic belief and practice, a means of a decade, that is, until Henry died in 1547 leaving introducing Protestantism in stages, so as not the English Crown in the hands Edward VI.

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