Notes

Place of publication unless otherwise stated.

PROLOGUE: MAKING SHIff

1. Record Office (hereafter ERO) DIP 202118113 n.d. postmarked 1801. 2. W. Cobbett, Cottage Economy (1822; 17th edn 1850), p.115. 3. O. Hurton, 'Women without men: widows and spinsters in Britain and France in the eighteenth century' Journal of Family History, 9:4 (1984), p. 363. See also O. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-century France 1750- 1789 (Oxford, 1974). 4. ERO DIP 94/18/42 291511825.

1 INTRODUCTION: WOMEN ADAPTING TO CAPITALISM

1. T. Fuller, The Worthies (1662; abridged, ed. J. Freeman, 1952), p. 318. 2. For more background on Essex's economic history in this period see A.FJ. Brown, Essex at Work 1700-1815 (, 1969); K.H. Burley, 'The economic development of Essex in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries' (PhD thesis, University of London 1957). 3. MJ. Dobson, 'Population, disease and mortality in south-east 1600-1800' (D. Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1982); "'Marsh fever" - the geography of malaria in England', Journal of Historical Geography, 6:4 (1980), pp. 357-89; 'When malaria was an English disease', Geo• graphical Magazine (Feb. 1982), pp. 94-9. 4. See, for example, K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (New York, 1979). 5. J. Lown, Women and Industrialisation: Gender at Work in Nineteenth• century England (Oxford, 1990). 6. Thomas Wright, The History and Topography of the County of Essex Vols 1 & 2 (1842). 7. For looking at visual imagery of the poor more generally, see J. Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting 1730-1840 (Cambridge 1980). 8. See work in progress on north Essex towns by Neil Raven, research stu• dent at University of Leicester, e.g. N.D. Raven, 'City and countryside: London and the market town economies of southern England c.1770- 1851', unpublished paper New Researchers session of the Economic His• tory Society conference, Nottingham University, April 1994. 9. J. Boys, 'Agricultural notes, taken in a ride from Betshanger to Bradfield, and back by the ', Annals of Agriculture, XXI (1793), pp.69-83.

154 Notes 155

10. M. Berg and P. Hudson, 'Rehabilitating the industrial revolution' Econ• omic History Review, XLV (1992), pp. 24-50. 11. See the comments of J.D. Marshall, 'Some items for our historical agen• da: considerations old and new', The Local Historian, 22 (1992), pp.14- 17. He argues there has been no methodological progress in local history since the agricultural history of the 1950s and that it has failed to absorb the demographic, urban or oral history developed since then. As a result the parish or country seat generally remains the focus of studies. 12. F.J. Fisher, 'The development of London as a centre of conspicuous con• sumption in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 30 (1948), pp. 37-50; 'Of all forms of histori• cal writing, that which deals with particular places is perhaps the most pregnant with the possibilities of boredom, for the general reader can seldom hope to share the parochial enthusiasms by which the study of local history is so often inspired' (p. 37). 13. C. Phythian-Adams, Societies, Cultures and Kinship /550-1850: Cul• tural Provinces and English Local History (Leicester, 1993). 14. C. Phythian-Adams, 'Local history and societal history', Local Popula• tion Studies, 51 (1993), pp. 30-45 (p. 44). 15. E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth 1963); EJ. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of La• bour (1964) and S. Alexander, A. Davin and E. Hostettler, 'Labouring women: a reply to Eric Hobsbawm', History Workshop Journal, 8 (1979), pp. 174-82. For women in riots see J. Bohstedt, 'Gender, household and community politics: women in English riots 1790-1810', Past and Present, 120 (1988), pp. 88-122. 16. The local history sources - mainly court or poor law records-are 'texts', mediated before I see them and by me when I go on to construct my own stories with them. Post-structuralist ideas can inform us as econ• omic historians because they force us to look at the history of the con• cepts and constructions that we work with, see J. Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988). I have used sources here that would be useless for any sort of quantitative analysis. Stories, told by poor people, written down as evidence in court, or in approaches to the over• seers to get more poor relief, provide mere snippets of information, but are nevertheless telling reflections of 'making shift', even if they often record a thread of a greater story, rather than a complete narrative. Since they are also life stories, because some features of women's work are a continuum, and because Essex has such a good collection of them, I have included oral history recordings and essays written by elderly people about their recollections. See C. Steedman, Landscape for a Good Woman: A Story of Two Lives (1986); C. Steedman, The Radical Soldier's Tale: John Pearman 1819-1908 (1988) for the use of stories in creating histo• ries. See also M. Chamberlain, Fenwomen (1975) for an early project in the oral history of women. I have used interviews in the University of Essex Sociology department Family Life Archive (hereafter 'Family Life Archive'); the Recalled Archive and the BBC Essex Sound Archive as well as elderly people's essays for various Age Concern com• petitions run in Essex. For some problems with 'experience', see J.W. 156 Notes

Scott, 'The evidence of experience', Critical Inquiry, 17, (1991), pp. 773-97. 17. Useful overviews are P. Hudson and W.R. Lee (eds), Women's Work and the Family Economy in Historical Perspective (Manchester, 1990), esp. introduction; J. Humphries, "'Lurking in the wings ...": women in the historiography of the industrial revolution', Business and economic history, 20 (1991), pp. 32-44; E. Richards, 'Women in the British economy since about 1700: an interpretation' , History, LIX (1974), pp. 337-57; J. Thomas, 'Women and capitalism: oppression or emancipation?: a review article' Comparative Studies in Society and History, 30 (1988), pp. 534-49. 18. M. Berg, The Age of Manufactures 1700-1820 (1985); M. Berg, 'Wom• en's work, mechanisation and the early phases of industrialisation in Eng• land' in R.E. Pahl (ed.), On Work (Oxford, 1988), pp. 61-94; reprinted from P. Joyce, (ed.), The Historical Meanings of Work (Cambridge, 1987). 19. A. Clark, Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century (1919; 3rd ed. 1992); I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution 1750-1850 (1930; 3rd ed. 1981). 20. B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics in the Eighteenth Century England (Oxford, 1989). 21. R.C. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman (Oxford, 1992); 'The growth of labor productivity in early modern English agriculture', Explorations in Economic History, 25:2 (1988), pp. 117-46. 22. Snell, Annals, pp. 15-66. 23. J. Humphries, 'Enclosures, common rights and women: the proletarianisation of families in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries', Journal of Economic History, 50 (1990), pp. 17-42. 24. E.A. Wrigley, 'Urban growth and agricultural change: England and the continent in the early modern period', Journal of Interdisciplinary His• tory, 15 (1985), pp. 683-728. 25. K.D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 270- 319. 26. P. Earle, 'The female labour market in London in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries', Economic History Review, 42 (1989), pp. 328-53; L. D. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation (Cam• bridge 1992), pp. 14-22. 27. S. Alexander, 'Women's work in nineteenth century London', in J. Mitchell and A. Oakley (eds), The Rights and Wrongs of Women (1976), pp. 59-Ill. 28. For recent research see 1. Styles, 'Clothing the north: the supply of non• elite clothing in the eighteenth century north of England', Textile Histo• ry, 25 (1994), pp. 139-66. 29. P. Linebaugh, The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eight• eenth Century (1991), p.148. 30. M. Berg, 'What difference did women's work make to the industrial rev• olution?' History Workshop Journal, 35 (1993), pp. 22-44. As recently put by S.L. Engerman, 'Expanding proto-industrialisation', Journal of Family History, 17:2 (1992), pp. 241-51, (250): [within proto-industry] 'the existence and persistence of gender differences in occupational struc• tures and in relative incomes remains an important puzzle, both in their own right and also as a guide to past (and present) gender politics'. 31. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, pp. 1-4. Notes 157

32. R.S. Neale, Writing Marxist History: British Society, Economy and Cul- ture since 1700 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 120-21. 33. T. Sokoll, Household and Family among the Poor (Bochum, 1993). 34. Berg, 'Women's work', (1988), p. 88. 35. O. Hufton, 'Women and the family economy in eighteenth-century France', French Historical Studies, 9 (1975), pp. 1-22, p. 3. 36. N. McKendrick, 'Home demand and economic growth: a new view of the role of women and children in the Industrial Revolution', in N. McKendrick (ed.), Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society (1974), pp. 152-210. McKendrick's analysis was flawed, however, by seeing women's paid employment as a new phenomenon in the eighteenth century. A more sophisticated argument for the import• ance of women in consumer demand stimulating the supply side of the industrial revolution is J. de Vries 'Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understanding the household economy in early modern Europe', in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds) Consumption and the World of Goods (1993), pp. 85-132. 37. Anon, 'The Discarded Spinster, or a Plea for the Poor on the Impolicy of Spinning Jennies' (1791). 38. L. Davidoff and C. Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the Eng• lish Middle Class 1780-1850 (1987). 39. AJ. Vickery, 'Golden age to separate spheres? A review of the catego• ries and chronology of English women's history', Historical Journal 36:2 (1993), pp. 383-414. 40. N. Zemon Davis, 'Women's history in transition: the European case', Feminist Studies (1976), pp. 83-103. 41. Scott, Gender and the Politics of History. 42. S. Rose, Limited Livelihoods: Gender and Class in Nineteenth-Century England (1992). 43. M. Prior, 'Women in the urban economy: Oxford 1500-1800', in M. Prior (ed.), Women in 1500-1800 (1985), pp. 93-117; P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class (Berkeley, 1989), p. 160. 44. Sir William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (1753), Vol. 1, pp. 441-2. 45. A.L. Erickson, 'Common law versus common practice: the use of mar• riage settlements in early modern England', Economic History Review 43 (1990), pp. 21-39; A.L. Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (1993); S. Staves, Married Women's Separate Property in Eng• land 1660-1833 (Cambridge, Mass., 1990). 46. A.L Erickson, 'The comfortable estate of widowhood is the only hope that keeps up a wife's spirits': the economic fortunes of the widowed from the late seventeenth to the early nineteenth century' (unpublished paper presented at Berkshire conference on women's history, June 1990). 47. Clark, Working Life, pp. 6-8. 48. Journal 7/6/1778. 49. ERO Q/SBb 40/36. 50. ERO Q/SR 209/108. 51. ERO Colchester Draft Minutes of Session 1/1/1795. 158 Notes

52. ERO PICoRlOB 30/5/1765 Elizabeth Guyon let herself to him as a domestic servant c.1745. 53. ERO Q/SBb 146/6 54. Ipswich Journal 221911753 55. ERO DIP 268/18/2 Listing of Bocking 1793 56. Adrian Corder-Birch provided me with valuable information on female brickmakers. 57. ERO T/Z 25/233. 58. In the early eighteenth century see ERO Q/SBb 9911 and Q/SBb 100/33 Mary Nutman widow, and her son of West Bardfield made bricks and tiles. 59. At c.1880 one master brick maker Orbell Cornish em• ployed all twelve of his children, six sons and six daughters in brick• works. 60. Family Life Archive 311. 61. M. Spufford, The Great Reciothing of Rural England (1984). 62. ERO Q/SR 83/42. 63. ERO Q/SBb 226/21. 64. ERO P/Ca17 13/311838. 65. ERO Q/SBb 8/13. 66. Recent research has started to consider female consumption patterns in the past: L. Weatherill, 'A possession of one's own: women and con• sumer behaviour in England 1660-1740', Journal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 131-56; A.J. Vickery, 'Women and the world of goods: a Lancashire consumer and her possessions 1751-81', in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds), Consumption and the World of Goods (1993), pp. 274-301. 67. ERO Q/SBb 7/28; Q/SBb 8/13. 68. S. D'Cruze, 'To Acquaint the Ladies: women traders in Colchester c. 1750-1800', The Local Historian, 17:3 (1986), pp. 158-62. She found journeywomen milliners earning six shillings a week. The apprenticing of girls to millinery and mantua-making in Essex is explored in D. Simonton, The education and training of eighteenth century English girls, with special reference to the working classes' (PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1988). 69. S. Golding, 'The importance of fairs in Essex 1750-1850', Essex Jour• nal, 10:3 (1975), pp. 50-67; R.W. Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1973), p. 149, mentions that in 1761-2 there were two standing orders in quarter sessions prohibiting 24 fairs and several more orders followed later in the century. These were 'pretend fairs' as they had no charter. 70. ERO Q/SBb 24511. 71. ERO Q/SBb 343/25-26. 72. A.G. Credland, 'The Fairlop Oak and Fairlop Fair', Essex Journal, 14 (1979-80), pp. 7-14. 73. ERO DIDP A82 Petre papers. 74. ERO Draft Minutes of Session Colchester 6/211787. 75. C. Johnson, 'A proto-industrial community study: in Essex cI500-1750', (PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1990), pp. 46-8. 76. ERO P/LwRIO 16/511797. 77. ERO Q/SBb 426177. Notes 159

78. ERO Q/SR 188/33. 79. ERO DIP 94118/39 Chelmsford casual pay book. 80. ERO Q/SR 11110. 81. ERO Q/SR 33211 06. 82. ERO Q/SBb 317. 83. ERO Q/SBb 9/44. 84. ERO DIDP M992 Petre MSS. 85. Victoria County (hereafter VCH) (1907), Vol. 2, pp. 425-39. 86. ERO PILwR 4 22110/1759. 87. ERO P/CoR9 16/8/1781 concerns the assault of a Colchester milk seller. Women's activities in eighteenth-century Essex market towns compare with those described by W. Thwaites, 'Women in the market place: Ox• fordshire c. 1690-1800' Midland History, IX (1984), pp. 23-42. 88. J. Thirsk, 'Women's initiatives in early modern England: where are they?', paper given at 'Women's initiatives in early modern England 1500-1750'. Conference of The Achievement Project, London 4/611994. 89. ERO DIP 203/18/1 311011811. 90. D. Valenze, The First Industrial Woman (New York, \995).

2 DE-INDUSTRIALISATION AND THE STAPLE: THE CLOTH TRADE

1. D. Defoe, Tour through the Eastern Counties, (1724), (Ipswich, 1949 edn), p. 26. Spinning in Essex conforms to the model of J. Thirsk, 'In• dustries i{l the countryside' in F.J. Fisher (ed.) Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor and Stuart England (1971),70-88; reprinted in J. Thirsk (ed.), The Rural (Oxford, 1984), pp. 217-233. 2. M. Gervers, 'The textile industry in Essex in the late 12th and 13th cen• turies: a study based on occupational names in charter sources', Essex Archaeology and History, 20 (1989), 34-73; L.R. Poos, A rural society after the Black Death: Essex 1350-1525 (Cambridge, 1991), especially pp. 58-72; See also R.H. Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester 1300-1525 (Cambridge, 1986). 3. G. Unwin, 'The history of the cloth industry in ', in R.H. Tawney (ed.) Studies in Economic History: the Collected Papers of George Unwin (1927), pp. 262-301; D. Dymond and A. Betterton, Lavenham: 700 Years of Textile Making (Woodbridge, 1982). 4. D.C. Coleman, 'An innovation and its diffusion: the new draperies', Econ• omic History Review, 2nd ser, 22 (1969), 417-29. 5. E. Howard, 'Colchester Bays, Says and Perpetuanas', Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, VIII (1903), 223-5. 6. C. Fiennes, 'My Great Journey to Newcastle and to Cornwall (1698)" part III of C. Morris (ed.), The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes c. 1682-c.1712 (1982 edn), p. 132. 7. Victoria County History of Essex, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 394. There were 1535 Dutch 'strangers' in Colchester in 1622. 8. J.E. Pilgrim, 'The cloth industry of Essex and Suffolk 1558-1640', (MA 160 Notes

thesis, London School of Economics, 1938), p. 26. 9. L. Roker, 'The Flemish and Dutch community in Colchester in the six• teenth and seventeenth centuries', (MA thesis, University of London, 1963). N. Goose, 'The "Dutch" in Colchester: the economic influence of an immigrant community in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries' Immi• grants and Minorities, 1:3 (1982), pp. 261-80, estimated that there were about 1500 Dutch in c. 1650. 10. E. Kerridge, Textile Manufactures in Early Modern England (Manches• ter. 1985), p. 61. W. Crouch, 'Bays, says and perpetuanas', Essex Re• view, 42:XI (1902), pp. 109-12 quotes Evelyn's Diary of c. 1656 stating that Colchester was the only place where bays and says were still made in the original way. In ERO QISBb 312/37, 38 when Bocking clothier, Thomas Nottidge had some cloth stolen from the mill yard at Bulford Mill in Cressing in 1783, it consisted of green and white bays. 11. A.FJ. Brown, Essex at Work (Chelmsford, 1969), p. 1. 12. N. Goose, 'The "Dutch" in Colchester: the economic influence of an immigrant community in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', Immi• grants and Minorities, 1:3 (1982), pp. 261-80, thought the industry was certainly in decline when the Dutch arrived; Public Record Office (here• after PRO) ASSI 351912 1566/7, see J.S. Cockburn, Calendar of Assize Records: Essex Indictments, Elizabeth I (1978), p. 51. 13. PRO ASSI 351912 1566/7; Cockburn, Calendar p. 51. 14. ERO QISR 1771112. A case at the Essex Quarter Sessions in 1606 con• cerned Benjamin Cleere of Boxted who prevented the searchers when they came to his house to look for a certain cloth, 'an azure', then un• lawfully stretched on the tenters. 15. Quoted in Essex Review, 22:VI, (1897), p. 123. E. West, 'Anti-Dutch feeling in Essex 1570-1728' Essex Journal, 23 (1988), pp. 51-3 reported that in the 1620s the Dutch were denounced for the introduction of new looms which worked from 12 to 24 shuttles at once and were believed to threaten the livelihood of the poor. 16. C. Johnson, 'A proto-industrial community study: Coggeshall in Essex c. 1500-1750' (PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1990), pp. 46-8. 17. Defoe, Plan of the English Commerce (1728), pp. 267-9, quoted in Brown, Essex at work, p. 16. 18. ERO Laver papers, Clothier's Petition 1642, complain of having short Suffolk coloured cloths lying on their hands for 18 months and seek state intervention to promote them. 19. G.C. Homans, 'The Puritans and the clothing industry in England' New England Quarterly, XIII, (1940), pp. 519-29; N.C.P. Tyack, 'Migration from East Anglia to New England before 1660', (PhD thesis, University of London, 1951); A.R. Pennie 'The evolution of Puritan mentality in an Essex cloth town: Dedham and the Stour valley 1560-1640', (PhD the• sis, University of Sheffield, 1989). 20. lE. Pilgrim, 'The rise of the new draperies in Essex' University of Bir• mingham Historical Journal, VII:l, (1959), pp. 36-59, see p. 51. 21. Quoted in J.D. Walter, 'Orain riots and popular attitudes to the law: and the crisis of 1629', in J. Brewer and J. Styles (ed.), An Ungovernable People: the English and their Law in the Seventeenth and Notes 161

Eighteenth Centuries (1980), pp. 47-84, p. 66. 22. A. Clark, 'Essex Woollen Manufactures 1629', Essex Review, 68:XVII (1908), p. 206. 23. ERO QISR 2661121. 24. British Museum, Additional MS 39,245 fo. 51, 52. 25. A. Young, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex (1807), p. 393. 26. Issac Boggis letter book in A.FJ. Brown, Essex People 1750-1900 (Chelms• ford, 1972), pp. 80-9. 27. J.H. Round, 'The Coggeshall Clothiers', Transactions of the Essex Ar• chaeological Society, X (1909), pp. 361-2. 28. ERO Dlcd AI-6 Savill's diary. Reprinted in Brown, Essex People, pp. 41-9. 29. K.H. Burley, 'A note on a labour dispute in early eighteenth century Colchester', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, XXIX, 80, (1956), pp. 220-30. 30. ERO QSBb 184/1 April 1749. 31. D.T. Jenkins and K.G. Ponting, The British Wool Textile Industry 1770- 1914 (1982), p. 9; Brown, Essex at Work, pp. 6, 22. 32. P. Morant, The History and Antiquities of the Most Ancient Town and , Vol. I (1748) (Chichester, 1970 edn), p. 79. 33. ERO Colchester Borough Quarter Sessions Bundle 1778. 34. Young, 'A fortnight's tour in Kent and Essex', Annals of Agriculture, II (1784), p. 34. 35. Annals of Agriculture, IX (1788), p. 271. 36. ERO Q/SBb 335126. 37. A. Young, 'A fortnight's tour in Kent and Essex', p. 35. 38. ERO DIP 129118/10. 39. For example, John Cater, weaver, of Colchester P/CoRI2 17/911788. 40. A. Young, A Six Weeks Tour through the Southern and Wales (3rd edn, 1772), p. 75. 41. ERO P/COR II. 42. A.FJ. Brown, 'Colchester in the eighteenth century', in L. M. Munby (ed.) East Anglian Studies (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 146-73; S. D'Cruze, 'The middling sort in provincial England'; B. Short, 'The de-industriali• sation process: a case study of the Weald 1600-1850', in P. Hudson, (ed.) Regions and Industries: a Perspective on the Industrial Revolution in Britain (Cambridge, 1989) pp. 156-74 argues that the de-industrialisa• tion of the south- can only be explained if we give more weight to cultural factors. P. Borsay, The English Urban Renaissance: Culture and Society in the Provincial Town 1660-1770 (Oxford, 1989) puts similar developments in other towns into context. For more detail see P. Sharpe, 'De-industrialisation and re-industrialisation: women's em• ployment and the changing character of Colchester 1700-1850', Urban History, 21 (1994), pp. 77-96. 43. Morant, History and Antiquities, p. 80. 44. 'TB' and Arthur Young, 'On spinning among the poor' , Annals of Agri• culture, II (1784), pp. 417-22; C. Vancouver, General View of the Agri• culture of the County of Essex (1795), p. 197. 162 Notes

45. J.K. Edwards, 'The decline of the Norwich textile industry', Yorkshire Bulletin of Economic and Social Research, 16 (1964), p. 37. 46. Lord Rosebery, Pitt, (1892), p. 169. Quoted in L.A. Clarkson, 'Small land holdings in Essex 1780-1830' (unpublished BA thesis, University of Nottingham, 1954), p. 52. 47. ERO DIP 203118/3 Survey of the parish poor of St Botolph's from the letter 'C', c.1794. 48. Brown, Essex People, pp. 41-9. 49. J.E. Archer, 'By a flash and a scare': incendiarism, animal maiming and poaching in East Anglia 1815-1870 (Oxford, 1990). 50. E.L. Jones, 'Agriculture and economic growth in England 1650-1815: economic change', in E.L. Jones (ed.), Agriculture and the industrial revolution (Oxford 1974), p. III; D.C. Coleman, 'Growth and decay during the industrial revolution: the case of East Anglia', Scandinavian Econ• omic History Review, 10:2 (1962), pp. 115-27. 5t. Young, General view . .. Essex, II, p. 392. 52. H. Laver, 'The last days of baymaking in Colchester', Transactions of the Essex Archaeology Society, X (1909), pp. 47-54: collected reminiscences of Devall's workers, including a weaver, who were in Colchester work• house in the I 890s. 53. ERO DIP 94118/39. 54. R.G. Wilson, 'The supremacy of the Yorkshire cloth industry in the eight• eenth century' in N.B. Harte and K.O. Ponting (eds) Textile History and Economic History (Manchester 1973), pp. 225-46; J. Smail, 'The sources of innovation in the woollen and worsted industry of eighteenth century Yorkshire' (unpublished paper, 1995). Recent literature stresses the im• portance of demand-side considerations in economic growth, e.g. J. de Vries, 'Between purchasing power and the world of goods: understand• ing the household economy in early modern Europe', in J. Brewer and R. Porter (eds), Consumption and the World of Goods (1993), pp. 85- 132; B. Fine and E. Leopold, The World of Consumption (1993). 55. Brown, Essex at Work, p. 10. 56. K.H. Burley, 'The economic development of Essex in the later seven• teenth and early eighteenth centuries' (PhD thesis, University of Lon• don, 1957), p. 102. 57. Inventories of pauper's possessions, usually made when they entered the workhouse, show that most poor households had one or more spinning wheels. D. Defoe, A Plan of the English Commerce (1728), p. 65, com• ments: 'The county of Essex, for near 40 miles, every way where the bay-making trade is carried on'. Exactly how far spinning spread beyond the north-east of the county is not clear, although references to spinning equipment are certainly found well outside of the bay-making area. For example, DIP 197/18/5 a pauper inventory of Widow Marsh's goods in , in the south-east of the county in 1782 included two spinning wheels and a reel. 58. O. Gullickson, Spinners and Weavers of AUffay: Rural 1ndustry and the Sexual Division of Labour in a French Village 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1986) describes an area of Normandy comparable to Essex. Here cotton production coexisted with market-orientated cereal agriculture. Agricul- Notes 163

ture workers' wives engagement in domestic industry effectively subsi• dised farm labour and meant that seasonal migration was not necessary. 59. T.M. Hope, 'Essex cloth workers 1636-1' Transactions of the Essex Ar• chaeological Society, XXIII (1942), pp. 177-9. In 1636 Essex quarter sessions ordered all spinners to spin five knots to a penny and those that could not earn 8d were to be supplemented by poor relief. To meet the cost clothiers were to be rated for more poor relief than others. 60. ERO Q/SR 136/82. 61. ERO Q/SR 2661120. R. Braun, 'The impact of coUage industry on an agricultural population', in D. Landes (ed.), The Rise of Capitalism (New York, 1966) pp. 53-64 and R. Braun, Industrialisation and Everyday Life (Cambridge, 1960; English translation 1990) says that men were spinning in the Zurich Highlands. There is also evidence that men were spinners in upland areas of Britain. This suggests that the sexual division of labour in the south-east may have been more rigid than elsewhere, as is also suggested by the evidence on agricultural employment. It also may not be the case that men were always weavers elsewhere. T. Keirn 'Parliament, legislation and the regulation of English textile industries', in L. Davison, T. Hitchcock, T. Keirn and R.B. Shoemaker (eds), Stilling the Grumbling Hive: the Response to Social and Economic Problems in England 1689-1750 (Stroud, 1992), p. 14, cites an interesting case from the weavers of Taunton in Somerset c. 1700, complaining of women en• gaging in weaving without apprenticeship 'because they can geU a little more by weaving than by going to service, and because they can have more Liberty than in service aU Housewifery'. 62. PRO C 104117 Papers of Thomas Grigg of Ballingdon near Sudbury 1725- 1758. Putting out yarn was only one of Griggs's many interests but his accounts show that he paid different rates to spinners for different yarn qualities. See K.H. Burley, 'An Essex clothier of the eighteenth centu• ry', Economic History Review, 2nd ser., II (1958), pp. 289-301. 63. ERO Q/SR 4001110, p. 131. Unwin, 'The history of the cloth industry', p. 271, quotes the petition of Suffolk clothiers in 1575 experiencing the same problems 'The custom of our country is to carry our wool out to carding and spinning and put it to divers and sundry spinners, who have in their houses divers and sundry children and servants that do card and spin the same wool. Some of them card upon the new cards and some upon old cards and some spin hard and some soft ... by reason whereof our cloth falleth out in some places broad an some narrow, contrary to our mind and greatly to our disprofit ... '. 64. ERO Q/SR 48/61. 65. 'Senex', in The East Anglian newspaper 14/211832 quoted by J. James, History of the Worsted Manufacture in England (1857; 1968 edn) pp. 272-3. 66. Brown, Essex People, pp. 80-9. 67. Assizes winter 1736-7, quoted in S. D'Cruze, 'The middling sort in pro• vincial England: politics and social relations in Colchester 1730-1800' (PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1990), p. 312. 68. ERO Colchester Borough Sessions Roll, Law Inquest Presentment Mid• summer 1737. 164 Notes

69. PRO ASSI 35 180/9; J. Booker, Essex and the Industrial Revolution (Chelmsford, 1974) believed that the flying shuttle was not adopted because of resistance to mechanisation. I disagree with him but it is certainly the case that anti-machinery agitation was common. For example, the setting up of a rowing mill by Colchester clothier Issac Boggis in 1762 led to a threatening letter. See A.F.J. Brown, English History from Essex Sources 1750-1900 (Chelmsford, 1952), p. 4. 70. Quoted in Kerridge, Textile Manufactures, p. 172. 71. A. Young, 'A five days tour to Woodbridge', Annals of Agriculture, II (1784), p. 109. 72. ERO Q/SBb 18411 April 1749 Bayweavers of Colchester petition. It was not the case that there were no women engaged as weavers under the traditional production methods but the cases are unusual. For example, ERO D/P 299114/1 Terling apprenticeship indentures contains the inden• ture of 10/411737 of Susannah Handley daughter of a husbandman putting herself apprentice to Thomas Watts of Braintree to learn the art of bay• weaving. 73. ERO Colchester Draft Minutes of Session, 1765. 74. ERO P/LwRI. 75. Clark. Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century, (1919; 3rd edn 1992), p. 115. 76. Estimates from Burley 'The economic development of Essex', pp. 134- 5; Brown, Essex at Work, p. 133, found that spinners averaged about 2s a week in Bocking in 1793; Vancouver, General View, p. 196 gave 4d a day as a normal amount. It must not be overlooked that a hidden econ• omy based on embezzlement of yarn and false reeling grew up when spinning was prosperous. See J. Styles, 'Embezzlement. industry and the law in England 1500-1800', in M. Berg, P. Hudson and M. Sonescher (eds), Manufacture in Town and Country before the Factory (1983), pp. 173-208 (p. 178) on the case of Abigail Russel of Colchester, who in 1678 'put out as much of her ... master's yarne as did make her hus• band a pair of stockings and last weeke as much as knitt a pair of childs stockins and stockt a paire for her selfe'. Some people gathered ends and wastes for six or seven years then had them spun see ERG Q/SR 420/89 1669 case. In 1760 Michael Brise, believed that his stolen coarse bay had been taken by a female 'End-gatherer', because of the resale value of leftovers (ERO P/LwR 4). There was also the 1786 case of Elizabeth Webb, single woman, who by the desire of her father, carried ends or wastes of yarn to John Field, a weaver to sell. She carried 21b of yarn and got 3d for it (ERG P/Cor lla). 77. ERO Q/SBb 223/313/811760. 78. Annals of Agriculture, X (1787-8) pp. 587-8. 79. C. Shammas 'The decline of textile prices in England and British Ame• rica prior to industrialisation', Economic History Review, 47 (1994), pp. 483-507. 80. Annals of Agriculture, XI (1788) p. 267. 81. Unwin, 'The history of the cloth industry', pp. 262-301; J. Fiske (ed.). The Oakes Diaries; Business, Politics and the Family in Bury St Edmunds 1778-1827, Vol. I, 1778-1800 (Bury St Edmunds, 1990), J.K. Edwards, Notes 165

'The decline of the Norwich textiles industry' Yorkshire Bulletin of Economic and Social Research, 16 (1964), pp. 31-41. 82. PRO CI041l7. 83. James, History of the Worsted Manufacture, p. 272. 84. Fiske, The Oakes Diaries, p. 43; Young, General View of the Agricul• ture of the County of Suffolk, (1813), pp. 232-3. 85. Brown, Essex People pp. 83-8. 86. A.E. Murray, A History of the Commercial and Financial Relations be• tween England and Ireland from the Period of the Restoration (1903; New York, 1970) p. 108; L.M. Cullen, An Economic History of Ireland since 1660 (1972), p. 66. 87. S.D. Chapman, 'The pioneers of worsted spinning by power', Business History, 7 (1965), pp. 97-116. 88. Brown, Essex at Work, p. 20. 89. ERO P/CoR4. 90. ERO DIP 203112/18. 91. A. Young, 'A five days tour to Woodbridge', p. 109. 92. l. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution (1930), pp. 162-6, dated the rise in women weaving from 1788 and an increase in their numbers from 1793 when male weavers were in the militia. 93. Brown, Essex at Work, p. 186. 94. ERO P/CoR 15. 95. ERO P/CoR 19. 96. Reports from the Assistant Commissioners: Poor Law Report: Parlia• mentary Papers 1834 Vol. XXVIII, 229a. 97. Report on the Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Par• liamentary Papers 1843 Vol. XII, 228. 98. 'AB' 'Observations on the Detriment that it is supposed must arise to the family of every cottager from the loss of spinning by the introduc• tion of machines that work' (1794).

3 RE-INDUSTRIALISATION AND THE FASHION TRADES

1. M. Bentham-Edwards (ed.), Autobiography of Arthur Young (1898), p. 367, quoted in B. Hill, Eighteenth-century Women: An Anthology (1984), p. 212. 2. G. Unwin, 'The history of the cloth industry in Suffolk', in R.H. Tawney (ed.), Studies in Economic History: The Collected Papers of George Unwin (1927), pp. 262-301. 3. A. Young, A Six WeekS Tour through the Southern Counties of Eng• land and Wales (3rd edn, 1772), p. 70. 4. J.H. Clapham, 'The Spitalfields Acts', Economic Journal, XXVI (1916), 459-71; M.D. George, London Life in the Eighteenth Century (1925), pp. 178-96. 5. W.M. Jordan, 'The silk industry of London 1760-1830' (MA thesis, University of London, 1931), p. 200. There is no satisfactory published history of the silk industry. 6. A. Young, 'A five days tour to Woodbridge', Annals of Agriculture, II (1784), p. 106. 166 Notes

7. A.F.J. Brown, 'The silk manufacture in Colchester 1790-1886', Colchester Civic Society Quarterly Bulletin, 1:9 (1967), p. 12. In ERO Colchester Minutes of Session bundles 1776 Michael Boyle has a black silk hat stolen. In Bailey's British Directory for 1784 (p. 794) he was a linen draper on High Street. ERO P/CoR lOb described him as a ribbon manu• facturer in 1785. 8. ERO DIP 203/12123 6/311778. 9. S. D'Cruze, 'To acquaint the Ladies': Women traders in Colchester c. 1750-1800', The Local Historian, 17:3 (1986) (p. 160) states that Boyle was a schoolmaster when he married milliner Mary Walford. 10. F.M. Eden, The State of the Poor, Vol. 2, (1797), p. 178. 11. Brown, 'The silk manufacture in Colchester ... ', p. 12. 12. Victoria County History of Essex (hereafter VCH), Vol. 2 (1907), p. 462. 13. D.C. Coleman, Courtaulds: An Economic and Social History, Vol. I (Oxford, 1969); 1. Lown, Women and Industrialisation: gender at work in nineteenth century England: The latter is a study of women workers at Courtaulds in and provides far greater detail of the silk in• dustry in the mid- and late nineteenth century than is given here. See also F. Driver, 'Labour in the silk industry of Suffolk and Essex 1770- 1900' (thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982), p. 25. 14. AF.J. Brown, Essex People 1750-1900 (Chelmsford, 1972). Savill's di• ary for 1810 records that Newman's silk machinery at Bocking End had burnt down. 15. G.B. Hertz, 'The English silk industry in the eighteenth century', Eng• lish Historical Review, XXIV (1909), pp. 710-27 (713). 16. Coggeshall WEA, The Story of Coggeshall 1700-/900 (Coggeshall, 1951), p.4. 17. Brown, Essex People. 18. The close competition in London is brought out by John Castle in Brown, Essex People, pp. 118-32. The Chelmsford Chronicle advertised a large number of silk mill sales in the 1820s. For example, on 911111821 the machinery and furniture of Mr Thomas Terrible, silk throwster, were advertised at the barrack ground in Maldon. 19. Reports from the Assistant Commissioners: Poor Law Report: Parlia- mentary Papers 1834, XXVIII, p. 229a. 20. ERO DIP 264/18/24. 21. ERO DIP 203/1811 191911828. 22. ERO PIWM2 25/311826. 23. ERO DIP 264118124 7/911832. This is also apparent in Braintree overseers' letters more generally. St Botolph's overseers' account book shows a significant increase in 'no work' for men from 1827 (DIP 203112/45). 24. ERO DIP 264118124. 25. See, for example, D. Herlihy, Opera muliebra: Women and Work in Medieval Europe (New York, 1990). 26. ERO PICoR 9,10 from 1770s and 1780s large number of widows and single women come into the centre of Colchester. 27. For example, ERO PICoR 12 James Mansfield, bay-maker of Colches• ter reported that in 1788, Elizabeth Potter, the wife of a mariner, had Notes 167

the woof and chain to manufacture a bay but had left off and was work• ing for another master. P/CoR 15 contains many cases of weaver's fail• ing to keep to agreements in the 1790s. 28. Young, 'A five days tour to Woodbridge', p. 106. 29. N.K. Rothstein, 'The silk industry in London 1702-1766' (MA thesis, University of London, 1961). Women also predominated in narrow loom ribbon weaving in Coventry. In the nineteenth-century silk industry, women formed most of the handloom weavers for Courtaulds in Essex in the 18308. In the late 1820s when paupers were taught to weave silk in Sible Hedingham, the majority of those taught were women. 30. ERO DP 203/18/1 2/10/1815. 31. ERO DP 203/18/1 1111211815. 32. ERO DP 203/1811 1911211815. 33. ERO DP 203/1811 251111819. 34. ERO DIP 96113/4 1821. 35. J. Lown, Women and Industrialisation, p. 47. Sarah Smith's high level of pay is an excellent example of what Maxine Berg describes as typi• cal of the development of new industries, see her 'What difference did women's work make to the industrial revolution?, History Workshop Journal, 35 (1993), pp. 22-44. 36. George, London Life, pp. 184-6. 37. See for example, S.R.H. Jones, 'Technology, transactions costs and the transition to factory production in British silk industry 1700-1870' Journal of Economic History, 47:1 (1987), pp. 71-96. 38. Clapham, 'The Spitalfields Acts', p. 463. 39. J. Booker, Essex and the Industrial Revolution (Chelmsford, 1974), p. 60. 40. PJ. Langdon, 'John Castle of Colchester', Essex Journal, 17 (1982-3), p.3. 41. F. Driver, 'Labour in the silk industry of Suffolk and Essex 1770-1900' (thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982), p. 11. 42. F. Warner, The Silk Industry of the : Its Origin and Development (1921), p. 302. 43. In 1837/8 men earned 7s 2d and women 5s Id per week at Courtaulds. This could be specific to the employer, however. In Coggeshall in 1840, by contrast, there were 54 men and 15 women weavers. The men earned 8s to 8s 6d per week and women 4s 6d to 5s. 44. Jordan, 'The silk industry of London 1760-1830', pp. 69-70 45. Parliamentary Commission on the Handloom Weavers: Parliamentary Papers 1840, Vol XXlll, pp. 78-9; 289. 46. See M.B. Rose, 'Social policy and business: parish apprentices and the early factory system 1750-1834', Business History, XXI (1989), pp. 5-32. 47. ERO DIP 36/18/3. 48. S.A. Hagger, in 'Children of the poor in Essex', Essex Journal, 1:2 (1966), pp. 94-100, finds records of children from Essex apprenticed to the cotton industry from in 1792, Halstead in 1799 and Chelmsford in 1799. F.G. Emmison, 'Essex children deported to a Lan• cashire cotton mill 1799', Essex Review, 209:LIII (1944), pp. 77-81, describes in more detail the case of ten children taken from Chelmsford to Pendleton in Lancashire in 1799 by an initiative from their potential 168 Notes

employer. By the time of the settlement examination of John Maddox a labourer at Thorpe Le Soken (P/Ca5 91511817) the case had a certain notoriety. After living in Chelmsford workhouse for a year and a half he was apprenticed to John Douglas of Pendleton township, Eccles, Lan• cashire, cotton manufacturer until he was 21. Taken there by wagon he said he was 'one of the children who had to work at the spinning busi• ness by night'. III-used and beaten, after five months he absconded to a country wake. He then worked at several factories, by the piece, be• fore enlisting. 49. Warner, The silk industry, p. 638. 50. ERO DIP 167/8/3. 51. ERO DIP 264/14/10 3/911818. 52. P. Sharpe. 'Poor children as apprentices in Colyton 1598-1830', Con• tinuity and Change, 6:2 (1991), pp. 253-70. 53. Reports from the Assistant Commissioners: Poor Law Report: Parlia• mentary Papers 1834 Vol XXVIII, 223A said that silk manufacturers had wages made up by poor relief according to a scale in Essex. a.R. Boyer. An Economic History of the English Poor Law 1750-1850 (Cam• bridge. 1990), p. 234n. 54. Report from the Committee on the Bill to Regulate the Labour of Chil• dren in the Mills and Factories of the United Kingdom: Parliamentary Papers, 1831-2, XV, p. 535, QI0718. 55. Ibid .• Q.10713. 56. Ibid., Q.I0714. 57. Ibid., Q.10714. 58. Ibid., Q.10717. 59. Ibid .• Q.10728. 60. Ibid., Q.10723. 61. Ibid., Q.10725. 62. Inspectors Reports, xxviii, p. 8 (1844) quoted in I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers in the Industrial Revolution 1750-1850 (1930; 3rd edn 1981), p. 190. While the silk mills were not thought to constitute a health risk it is noticeable that most of those suffering from chest diseases reported to poor law overseers lived in silk towns. For example. the case of Elizabeth Poter from Braintree, who raised blood each time she coughed. ERO DIP 264118124 12/1/1834. 63. M. Berg, 'What difference did women's work make?' 64. H. Cunningham. 'The employment and unemployment of children in England c. 1680-1851', Past and Present, 126 (1990), ll5-50. 65. Pigot's Directory 1823, p. 287. 66. Ibid .• p. 288. 67. Coggeshall WEA, The Story of Coggeshall 1700-1900 (Coggeshall, 1951). p.4. 68. Booker, Essex and the Industrial Revolution. p. 55. 69. Ibid., p. 56. 70. ERO DIP 94/8/4 16/6/1823. 71. ERO P/LwR 22. 72. Coggeshall WEA. The Story of Coggeshall, p. 5. 73. ERO DIP 36/8/5. In 1832/3 he wrote a series of letters to the Braintree Notes 169

overseers (e.g. ERO DIP 264118/24 3/1111832; 116/1833; 516/1833), asking them to relieve one of his employees, Issac Wright, who seems to have been suffering from tuberculosis. He had a wife and four small chil• dren. Mill work was proving too heavy for him and he had been 'seriously ill for some time with spitting of blood and coughing'. By June 1833 he was 'so weak by a general decay of constitution, that he is unable to earn one penny.' 74. ERO DIP 203/812 7/1211824. 75. Pigot's Directory 1826, p. 528. A.FJ. Brown, Colchester 1815-1914 (Chelmsford, 1980), p. 10. The other factory in Colchester was set up later by Harrison and Lloyd of Cheap side in the former Napoleonic war barracks of the Royal Mortuary on Military Road. John Castle worked for this firm after Beckwith's in Coggeshall failed. It seems to have been mainly a weaving depot employing a few dozen female warpers and winders and mainly male weavers. 76. Brown, 'The silk manufacture in Colchester 1790-1886' p. 12. 77. ERO DIP 203112/45 St Botolph's overseers paid for girls to be em• ployed there. DIP 203/8/3 17/1/1827 The silk mills requested the over• seers to be able to employ boys and girls from the workhouse. The overseers resolved that if their parents refused their allowance would be stopped. 78. ERO DIP 203118/1 6110/1828. 79. The Essex Standard 27/10/1848. Early in 1848 Brown and Moy were convicted for employing some females for two and a half hours an evening after other workers had left, thus employing them continuously for thir• teen hours. 80. The Essex Standard 141711832. 81. ERO PIWM 112. I thank Janet Gyford and Arthur Brown for a copy of these cases. Morse South was very litigious and appears in the assize records several times in the 1810s and early 1820s regarding property crimes. 82. ERO PIWM 112 211911824. 83. ERO PIWM 112 20/911825. 84. ERO PIWM 112 3/511825 and the following cases. 85. Colchester Gazette, 20/8/1828. 86. Reports from the Commissioners on Handloom Weavers: Parliamentary Papers 1840, XXIII p. 291. 87. Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Parliamentary Papers 1843, XIV, f. 259. 88. Ibid., f. 262. 89. Select Committee on the Silk Trade: Parliamentary Papers 1832, XIX Q6727, p. 383. When asked why he would not take local agricultural labourers Hall claimed 'They will spoil the work; we cannot take an agricultural workman into a ribbon manufactory to make saleable goods.' (Q6722 , p. 373). He had tried to bring in workers from Coventry but they had only stayed a week: 'they had a combination among them, and would rather keep those men out of employ, to keep up their bad machinery, than to suffer them to work for me.' 170 Notes

90. Lown, Women and Industrialisation, p. 36. In 1838 in the Halstead mill there were a total of 325 women and 65 men. Fifteen of the women were under 13; 98 were aged 14-18 and 212 were over 19. Driver ('Labour in the silk industry of Suffolk and Essex 1770-1900', p. 19) gi ves the sex and age structure of the silk labour force. 91. Lown, Women and Industrialisation. 92. Driver, 'Labour in the silk industry', p. 48. 93. F. Warner, The Silk Industry, p. 459. 94. Report from the (Sadler) Committee on the Bill to Regulate the Labour of Children in the Mills and Factories of the United Kingdom: Parlia• mentary Papers, 1831-2 XV, pp. 535-6. 95. VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 464, quoting Cromwell's 'Excursions through Essex', ii, p. 145. 96. Chelmsford Gazette, 12/91 1823, quoted in A.F.J. Brown, English His• tory from Essex Sources 1750-1900 (Chelmsford, 1952), p. 9 97. Quoted in VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 464, from Lord Braybrooke, The History of Audley End and , p. 159. 98. M. Valverde, 'The love of finery: fashion and the fallen woman in nineteenth century social discourse', Victorian Studies, 32:2 (1989), pp. 168-88 explores this but tends to see it as a purely nineteenth-century phenomenon. J. Norris, 'Well fitted for females: women in the Macclesfield silk industry', in lA. Jowitt and A.J. McIvor (eds), Employers and Labour in the English Textile Industries 1850-1939 (1988), pp. 187-202, com• ments on the refined image of Macclesfield silk workers: 'perceptions of women's work are closely bound up with values attached to the industry they are employed in, values which may have little to do with the actual work performed' (p. 200). 99. Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Parliamentary Papers, Part 1 1843 XIV f. 260. 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid., f. 262. 102. J. Dudding, Coggeshall Tambour Lace: A Short History (private publi• cation, 1978), p. 12. Chelmsford Chronicle, 14/2/1817, reported the bankruptcy of Haddon, Rudkin and Thomas Johnson worsted and silk manufacturers. This must have marked the point where Johnson decided to trade independently. 103. Pigot's directories for the 1820s show Thomas Johnson as a lace manu• facturer with a London address. Appendix to the Childrens Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manu• factures, Parliamentary Papers, Part 1 1843 XIV: f. 259 makes it clear that the tambouring industry was London-based. 104. A.M. Bullock, Lace and Lacemaking (1981), p. 107. 105. I am grateful to Neil Raven for help with directory details. 106. W.H. Webb, 'The history of the machine made lace manufacture', Tex• tile Recorder, 15/6/1916, p. 41; P. Earnshaw, Lace Machines and Ma• chine Laces (1986), p. 26. 107. Colchester Gazette, 1/5/1824. 108. ERO D/P 36/8/5 and D/P 36/8/7 Coggeshall Vestry Minutes. Notes 171

109. Dudding, Coggeshall Tambour Lace, p. 14. 110. W. Felkin, A History of the Machine-Wrought Hosiery and Lace Manu• factures (1867), p. 333. Ill. The development of Limerick lace is considered in much more detail in P. Sharpe, and S.D. Chapman 'Women's employment and industrial or• ganisation: commercial lace embroidery in early nineteenth century Ire• land and England', Women's History Review (forthcoming). 112. Coggeshall WEA, The Story of Coggeshall, p. 7. 113. Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Parliamentary Papers 1843 XIV f. 260. 114. Ibid., ff. 260-1. 115. Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Parliamentary Papers Part 1 1843 XIV f. 47 describing lace runners earnings in Nottingham. Children's Employment Commission: Parliamentary Papers 1863, XVIII describes spring as the busiest season in the Devon trade. 116. S. Levey, Lace: A History (1983), p. 104. At the 1851 exhibition, Jonas Rolph of Coggeshall showed a dress with two flounces, a fall, a bertha and lappets made 'in imitation of Brussels point lace in tambour work' but the Essex industry is not mentioned in Mrs Palliser's classic work, A History of Lace (1865). 117. Vancouver, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex (1795), p.27. 118. Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, Vol. 1 (1798), 163-5. 119. The anonymous author of Observations on the Detriment that it is sup• posed must arise to the family of every cottager throughout the king• dom from the loss of spinning by the introduction of machines that work (1794), p. 15, mentions that Dunstable probably supplied the de• mand of the market, but is likely to be describing the situation just before the start of the Wars. 120. Young, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex (1807), p.395. 121. A. Young autobiography, quoted in Hill, Eighteenth-Century Women, (1984) p. 212. 122. A. Young, General View . .. Essex, (1807) p. 395; VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), 375-9. An account of a similar introduction of straw-plaiting in circum• stances of declining wool-spinning in Wiltshire in 1800-01 is given in T. Bernard, 'Extract of an Account of the introduction of Straw Platt at Avebury' The Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, IV (1803), pp. 93-111. Plaiting was introduced by a local gentle• man farmer and a teacher was brought in from London. Women and children were instructed in two rooms and were sent home if they were not clean. By August 1802 nearly a hundred women and children were employed and earned from 3s. to lOs. per week, all working at home. 123. I. Chalkey Gould, 'Strawplaiting - a lost Essex industry', Essex Natu• ralist, XIV (1906), pp. 184-92. 124. Bernard, 'Extract of an account' Appendix, pp. 33-37. 125. Pinchbeck, Women Workers (1930), p. 220. 172 Notes

126. VCH, Vol 2. p. 375. 127. Chalkey Gould, 'Strawplaiting', p. 184. The high earnings of the 1800s are confirmed by Bernard 'Extract of an account' 1803, p. 103 where the price was from 8s to 9s a score in summer, 4s in winter. By 1806 it was generally 7s in summer. In a different district, it must have been in the French Wars when Maria Impey, who gave a testament in a Buck• inghamshire settlement case in 1820 (Bucks Record Office QS/JC/4), said she had lived in lodgings without poor relief in Eddlesborough and supported herself by plaiting straw. 128. Young, General View . ... Essex p. 395. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 220 quotes Arthur Young on straw in Hertfordshire in 1801: 'After six weeks learning a girl has earned 8s a week; and some clever girls even 15s. The farmers complain of it as doing mischief for it makes the poor saucy, and no servants can be procured, or any fieldwork done, where this manufacture establishes itself.' A similar report came from Buckinghamshire. Young found in 1806, on account of the prevalence of lace and straw manufactures, dairymaids' wages had risen and 'it is with difficulty they are procured at all.' Quoted A. Armstrong, Farmworkers: A Social and Economic History (1988), p. 55. See also lG. Dony, A History of the Straw Hat Industry (Luton, 1942) and J. Kitteringham, 'Country work girls in nineteenth-century England', in R. Samuel (ed.), Village Life and Labour (1975), pp. 75-138 esp. pp. 119-27. 129. ERO Q/SBb 426/95. This quarter sessions case shows the role of gro• cers as middlemen in both selling straw and finished plait. 130. W. Cobbett, Cottage Economy (1822, 1850 edn), pp. 164-5. 131. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 221. The Chelmsford Chronicle 301121 1825 reported that at the second meeting of the Bath and West of Eng• land Society the English imitation of leghorn by Cobbett's method had been successfully shown so that plait could be produced more cheaply and better than previously. Premiums were also proposed for the chil• dren who made the best plait. 132. For example, the Chelmsford Chronicle 7/511823 carried an advertise• ment of the sale of cases each containing 320 dozen leghorn hats for public sale from a broker at Garraway's coffee house in London. 133. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 221. 134. Chelmsford Chronicle 231111823 letter from 'A Day Labourer'. 135. ERD DIP 94/18/42. 136. ERD DIP 50/1811-2. 137. ERD DIP 299112/8 Terling OAB 30/911835. 'Bottle' is used here to mean bundle; a bundle was usually seven handfuls (Luton Museum sundry notes). 138. Select Committee on the Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1818, V, p.94. 139. ERD DIP 93/18/2. The value of a bundle of straw in 1821 was 6d when one was stolen from an Earls Colne farmer (ERO Q/SBb 463/5). 140. E. Read's Journal of her visit to Luton and Harpenden 1821, ed. R. Hind-Smith (Bedfordshire Record Office Clfs. 150) 1975 p. 10. 141. C. Henry Warren, England is a Village (1940). Warren refers to Hannah Notes 173

as 'Maria Bond' in this work and the village as 'Larkfield' yet it is clear from his other writings that he is describing Hannah Freeman of . Hannah was born 1861. See Luton Museum sundry notes and T.W. Bagshawe, 'Miss Hannah', Hatter's Gazette, Nov. 1936. I am grateful to Marian Nicholls, Keeper of Social History at Luton Museum for this information. 142. Report from His Majesty's Commissioners for Inquiring into the Ad• ministration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1834, XXX, Appendix B 1: Answers to Rural Queries. 143. S. Pennington and B. Westover, A Hidden Workforce: Homeworkers in England 1850-1985 (Basingstoke, 1989), p. 58. 144. VCH, Vol. 2, p. 368. 145. L.D. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 104-06. 146. Bernard, 'Extract of an account' Appendix pp. 84-7. 147. Dony, Straw Hat Industry, p. 48. 148. Ibid., p. 46. 149. J. Burnett (ed.), Useful Toil: Autobiographies of Working People from the 1820s to the 1920s (1974), p. 77. 150. Ibid., p. 73. 151. Illustrated London News, Nov. 1878. 152. Luton News, 917/1936. 153. Edward Bingham of Castle Hedingham's recollections in VCH, Vol. 2, p.376. 154. An ongoing project at Luton museum is identifying types of plait associated with different villages. See also C.H. Warren Corn Country (1940), pp. 50-3 on types of plait. 155. R.C. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman (Oxford, 1992), pp. 259-60. Allen plots straw-plaiters real wages 1700-1850 although his analysis suffers from the paucity of data for the eighteenth century. 156. Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Parliamentary Papers 1843, XIV, A13. 157. Report from His Majesty's Commissioners for Inquiring into the Ad• ministration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1834, XXX, Appendix B 1: Answers to Rural Queries. 158. Reports for the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Pqrliamentary Papers 1843, XII pp. 229-31; in Blything Union it paid 6d to 8d per day. VCH, Vol. 2, p. 376 claims the trade was very prosperous in the 1840s but this seems to be based on an apparent rise in the numbers of plaiters between the 1841 and 1851 census. However, neither of the censuses can be regarded as reliable for analysing women's employment, see E. Higgs, 'Women, occupa• tions and work in the nineteenth-century censuses', History Workshop Journal, 23 (1987), pp. 59-80, and E. Higgs, Making Sense of the Cen• sus (1989), pp. 80-85. 159. J. Lown, Women and Industrialisation describes women's employment in Halstead. The Appendix to the Children's Employment Commission: Second Report of the Commissioners: Trades and Manufactures: Par- 174 Notes

liamentary Papers Part I, 1843, XIV, All claimed that plaiters in Halstead started work at the age of three thus competing unfairly for child labour with the silk mills. By the time they were old enough to go into the mills they had earned more than the mill owners could afford to pay. 160. Ibid., Reports from the Assistant Commissioners: Poor Law Report: Parliamentary Papers 1834 XXVIII p. 229a. 161. Chelmsford Chronicle 28/111881. The 1870 Education Act obviously also affected child employment. See also VCH, Vol. 2. p. 378. 162. See for example Pennington and Westover, Hidden Workforce; D. Blythell, The Sweated Trades: Outwork in Nineteenth Century Britain (1978); J. Schmeichen, Sweated Industries and Sweated Labor: the London Clothing Trades 1860-1914 (Beckenham, 1984). The debates about sweated in• dustry usually assume that it was only a feature of urban areas. 163. J. Rule, The Experience of Labour in Eighteenth-Century Industry (1981), p. Ito, quotes A.FJ. Brown mentioning an Essex newspaper advertise• ment of 1785 threatening of proceedings against shoemakers who had not served a legal apprenticeship. 164. VCH, Vol. 9 (1994), p. 181. 165. S.D. Chapman, 'The innovating entrepreneurs in the British ready-made clothing industry', Textile History, 24: 1 (1993), 5-25. p. 5. 166. Colchester Gazette 23/7/1814. 167. Colchester Gazelle 9/911816. 168. Colchester Gazelle 6/8/1814. 169. The Essex Standard 2512/1848. 170. A.FJ. Brown, Colchester 1815-1914 (Chelmsford, 1980), p. 13. 171. ERO DIP 178/28127. 172. The Essex Standard 61211846. 173. ERO DIP 264118124. See my paper 'Malaria, machismo and medical poor relief: pauper correspondence in a case from Essex 1830-1834', in A. Digby, 1. Innes and R.M. Smith (eds), Poverty and Relief in England from the Sixteenth Century to the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, forth• coming). John Thurtle, the pauper in question is a shoemaker who makes both ready-made and bespoke shoes in very seasonal trade conditions. 174. J. Swann, Shoemaking (Shire Album 155, Princes Risborough, 1986), p. 17 175. Brown, Colchester, p. 25. 176. T. Carter, Memoirs of a Working man (1845), p. 161. 177. Colchester Gazette 14/4/1821. 178. ERO DIP 203112/51. 179. The Essex Standard 211911838. 180. The Essex Standard, 30/411847. 181. The Essex Standard 24/10/1845. I give the Hyams' business principles a more detailed examination in 'Cheapness and economy: manufactur• ing and retailing ready-made clothing in London and Essex 1830-1850' (forthcoming in Textile History, Autumn 1995). 182. The Essex Standard 26/611846 183. Brown, Colchester, p. 19. 184. However, the 1851 census does show that 30 per cent of taiJoresses were neither married nor under 21. Many of them were single and in Notes 175

their twenties or thirties. This figure is consistent through the 1861 and 1871 censuses as analysed by Belinda Westover in 'The sexual division of labour in the tailoring industry 1860-1920' (PhD thesis Essex Uni• versity, 1985, 97n) and also in the 1881 census. The workforce was, then, rather older than the typical silk mill worker, but does not, in the mid-nineteenth century, entirely match the profile of tailoring outworkers in the early twentieth century who were usually married women. 185. B. Taylor, '''The men are as bad as their masters ...." Socialism, fem• inism and sexual antagonism in the London tailoring trade in the early 1830s', Feminist Studies, 5:1 (1979), pp. 7-40; B. Taylor, Eve and the New Jerusalem (1983), pp. 102-.03. S. Alexander, Women's Work in Nineteenth-Century London: A Study of the Years 1820-1850 (History Workshop Journal Centre, 1983), pp. 30-3. Similar expansion of sweated labour took place elsewhere in the 1830s and 1840s, e.g. the expansion of muslin sewing in northern Ireland. See B. Collins 'The organisation of sewing outwork in late nineteenth-century Ulster', in M. Berg (ed.), Markets and manufacture in Early Industrial Europe (1991), pp. 139-56. 186. C. Kingsley, 'Cheap clothes and nasty' (1850) in Alton Locke: Tailor and Poet: An Autobiography (1865, 1900 edn) p. xlilt. 187. Ibid., p. liii. This was first said by Mayhew, see E.P. Thompson and E. Yeo, The Unknown Mayhew: Selections from the Morning Chronicle 1849-50 (1971), p. 267. 188. Thompson and Yeo, The Unknown Mayhew, pp. 157-8. 189. Ibid., p. 219. 190. Ibid., p. 221. 191. Ibid., p. 225. 192. Ibid., p. 226. . 193. Ibid., p. 229. Colchester Recalled project on life in tailoring factories. In living memory, the 'dead horse' imposed a minimum wage whereby in slack times the workers would owe work for busy times. The busy periods were March to August and October to December. In particularly poor years it was possible for there to be five months of slack time in the winter, although the brunt of this must have been borne by the outworkers. See A. Phillips 'Life in the Colchester clothing factories', Essex Journal, 28:1 (1993), pp. 8-13. 194. Booker, Essex and the Industrial Revolution, p. 53; A.FJ. Brown, Essex people, p. 127. 195. VCH, vol. 2, (1907), pp. 483-4. 196. Ibid. 197. Westover, 'The sexual division of labour in the tailoring industry'; B. Westover, "'To fill the kids' tummies" the lives and work of Colches• ter tailoresses 1880-1918', in B. Westover and L. Davidoff (eds), Our Work, Our Lives, Our Words: Women's History and Women's Work (1986), pp. 54-75; Pennington and Westover, Hidden Workforce, p. 71 show that out workers as a proportion of workers were far more numer• ous in Colchester than in Leeds or London. 198. Colchester Recalled Archive 2210. 199. This represented an exceptional amount of work but the average earn- 176 Notes

ings of outworkers are very difficult to determine. Miss MacArthur in 1906, giving evidence to a Committee on Homeworking had estimated 4s 6d a week, whereas in 1909 Maud Davis found Essex women being paid 7s a week. See S.P. Dobbs, The Clothing Workers of Great Britain (1928), p. 108, and C. Black (ed.), Married Women's Work (1915). Con• temporary commentators gathering information on wages and conditions has tended to focus attention on sweated trades in the late nineteenth century. See Pennington and Westover, Hidden Workforce; Schmeichen, Sweated Industries and Sweated Labor and D. Busfield, 'Tailoring the millions: the women workers of the Leeds clothing industry 180-1914', Textile History, 16:1 (1985), pp. 69-92. Also J. Morris, 'The character• istics of sweating: the late nineteenth century London and Leeds tailor• ing trade', in A.V. John (ed.), Unequal Opportunities: Women's Employment in England (Oxford, 1986), p. 92-121, and S. Levitt, 'Cheap mass-produced men's clothing in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries', Textile History, 22:2 (1991), pp. 179-92. It must be noted that 'Work for women was very limited', as Mr E. Wiffen put it (Essex Sound Archive ERO SA508) when describing taking outwork in a pram from the factory to women in early twentieth-century Colchester, echo• ing the comments of most people in oral history interviews. 200. This phrase is appropriated from Leonard Schwarz as used at the ESRC workshop on 'Urban history in the long eighteenth century: the tradi• tional town' at London University in January 1993. 201. N.O. Raven, 'City and countryside: London and the market town economies of Southern England c. 1770-1851', unpublished paper, New Research• ers Session of the Economic History Society conference, Nottingham University, April 1994. 202. D'Cruze, 'To acquaint the ladies'. D. Simonton, 'The education and training of eighteenth-century English girls with special reference to the working classes' (PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1988) looks at the increasing number of Essex girls apprenticed as mantua-makers and milliners. A.V. Sowman, 'The Chelmsford charity school 1713-1878' Essex Journal, 4 (1969), pp. 88-95 found that girls took in sewing at the school from the late eighteenth century and from 1806 were paid to do it. 203. ERO P/CoR17 211711794. Hat-making was a small scale industry in the town. For example, the Chelmsford Chronicle 911111832 reported a fire in the drying room of Mr Baxter's hat manufactory in High Street, Colchester. 204. ERO DIP 20311811 1011211818.

4 AGRICULTURE: THE SEXUAL DIVISION OF LABOUR

1. J. Norden, Speculi Britanniae pars: an historical and chorographical description of the county of Essex (1594, ed. Sir H. Ellis, Camden Society, 1840), p. 7. 2. A. Young, 'A fortnight's tour in Kent and Essex', Annals of Agricul• ture, II, (1784) p. 101. Notes 177

3. K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (New York, 1979) describe Terling as producing grain for the London market. Moving animals nearer to the market of London gave many opportunities for individual enterprise. ERO Q/S 1111 9 Robert Floyd in 1730 claimed 'That he came from London. . . and had then with him between Seven & Eight shillings, and has done no work since he came from London having travelled about 9 miles be• yond Colchester to a place called Brickelsy [? Floyd was not a local] from whence a sow pig followed him near , and from thence he drove it to ... '. Five days after he and the pig had originally joined company, Floyd offered it for sale at a pub in Margaretting. Obviously, he planned to move on further towards Lon• don if he didn't sell it. He stayed the night in an alehouse but when he went to collect the pig the following morning he was pursued on suspi• cion. He ran away but was captured when he got caught in some bushes. ERO Q/SBb 11119A is a similar case, but involving shorter distances in 1768, concerning Samuel Williams of Barking, a labourer accused of stealing geese. He planned to 'drive them to London where there is most need of them' apparently overnight. Unfortunately an agricultural labourer and his father who were on their way to work at 5 a.m. be• came suspicious. 4. T. Tusser, Five Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandry (1573). 5. W. Harrison in F.I. Furnivall (ed.), Harrison's Description of England in Shakespeare's Youth Part I (1877). Harrison, from Radwinter, spoke of the 'multitude of chimnies lately erected', 'the great (although not generall) amendment of lodging' (bedding), and 'the exchange of vessell' (tableware, from wood to pewter or silver). See H. Smith, 'William Harrison and his Description of England' in Essex Review, III: 28 (1919), pp. 100-05. 6. N. Riches, The Agricultural Revolution in Norfolk (1937, 2nd edn, 1967). 7. C. Shrimpton, The Landed Society and the Farming Community in Es• sex in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (New York, 1977), p.244. 8. Young, A Six Weeks Tour through the Southern Counties of England and Wales (1769; 3rd edn, 1772). 9. Vancouver, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex (1795), p. 139. 10. Ibid., p. 168. 11. Young, A Six Weeks Tour, p. 75. 12. Shrimpton, The Landed Society and the Farming Community, p. 308. 13. Young, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk (1813. reprint Newton Abbot. 1969), p. 278. 14. Vancouver, General View, pp. 53, 62. 15. Ibid., p. 167. 16. Shrimpton, The Landed Society and the Farming Community. p. 336. 17. Shrimpton, Ibid., p. 250; L.A. Clarkson, 'Small landholdings in Essex 1780-1830' (unpublished BA thesis, Nottingham University, 1954). A.F.J. Brown. Essex at Work 1700-1815 (Chelmsford 1969), p. 45. 18. T. Ruggles, The History of the Poor: Their Rights, Duties and the Laws 178 Notes

Respecting Them (1793); J. Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape. On the development of a gendered class consciousness in farming, including evidence from Essex, see L. Davidoff, 'The role of gender in the "First Industrial Nation": agriculture in England 1780-1850'. in R. Compton and M. Mann (eds), Gender and Stratification (1986), pp. 190-213. 19. A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England, (Cam• bridge, 1981). 20. D.H. Morgan, 'The place of harvesters in nineteenth-century viJIage life', in R. Samuel (ed.), Village Life and Labour (1975), pp. 27-72, well describes the intensity of the harvest. ERa DIP 94/18/42 contains a note from his employer explaining that Thomas White of in August 1828 'has lost his harvest' due to iJIness and so his family wiJI need a lot of poor law support through the winter. Such notes are com• mon in poor law collections for the county. 21. R.C. Allen, 'The growth of labour productivity in early modern English agriculture', Explorations in Economic History, 25:2 (1988), pp. 117- 46. Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman (Oxford, 1992). This is in clear contrast to I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution /750-1850 (1930; 3rd edn (1981) who argued (p. 100), 'As capitalistic farming developed and with it the desire to lower the cost of produc• tion, women's labour was increasingly in demand.' 22. K.D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor (Cambridge, 1985), Chap• ter I. The merits, or otherwise, of Snell's major source, settlement ex• aminations, will not detain me. I am not questioning the belief that the examinations have the potential to cast a great deal of light on work seasonality and wages of the labouring poor. Indeed, this is a subject which has been very much to the fore in the recent controversy be• tween Keith Snell and Norma Landau, see Continuity and Change, 6 (1991). Their argument, has I think, diverted attention from other sig• nificant problems with Snell's material and interpretation. Snell's analysis has been incorporated into more general texts. e.g. B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1989), Chapter 4. 23. Snell, Annals, pp. 52, 56. 24. A. Clark, Working Life of Women in the Seventeen Century (1919; 3rd edn 1992). 25. P. Earle, 'The female labour market in London in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries', Economic History Review, 42 (1989), pp. 328-53; P. Sharpe, 'Literally spinsters: a new interpretation of lo• cal economy and demography in Colyton in the seventeenth and eight• eenth centuries', Economic History Review, 44 (1991), pp. 46-65. 26. A. Hassell-Smith, 'Labourers in late sixteenth-century England: a case study from north Norfolk', Continuity and Change (1989), 4.1, pp. 11- 52 and 4.3, 367-94. 27. P. Sharpe, 'Time and wages of west country workfolks' forthcoming in Local Population Studies. 28. C. Shammas, 'The world women knew: women workers in the north of England during the seventeenth century', in R.S and M.M. Dunn (eds), The World of William Penn (Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 99-114. Notes 179

29. E.W. Gilboy, 'Labour at Thornborough: an eighteenth century estate', Economic History Review, 3.3 (1932), pp. 388-98. 30. E. Hostettler, 'Gourlay Steell and the sexual division of labour', His• tory Workshop Journal, 4 (1977), pp. 95-100; Pinchbeck, Women Workers, pp.65-6. 31. M. Roberts, 'Sickles and scythes: women's work and men's work at harvest time', History Workshop Journal, 7 (1979), pp. 3-28. 32. E.J.T. Collins, 'Harvest technology and the labour supply in Britain 1790-1870', Economic History Review, 22 (1969), pp. 453-73. Anon, 'Life on an Essex farm sixty years ago', Essex Review, 36, Vol. IX (1900), pp. 220-27. The scythe, which required experience, was not used by women, the Irish or part-time industrial workers. 33. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry; A.L. Erickson, introduction to Clark, Working Life, p. xxvii. 34. L.D. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation, (Cambridge, 1992) pp. 103-07. 35. ERO DIP 203/13/4D 1711011842. 36. Snell, Annals, p. 56. 37. F. Emmison, Catalogue of Essex Parish Registers (Chelmsford, rev. edn, 1966). 38. ERO DIDTa the Tabor family of Bocking's accounts show early eight• eenth-century payments to agricultural labourers being paid partly in kind, and after 1770 just in money. Again these constituted a family payment, a 'reckoning' with a man annotated payments to boys and included things the farm had supplied such as a pair of breeches. Farm products - wood for fuel, flour, mutton, cheese, potatoes, malt and hops were deducted from a family wage. 39. ERO D/DP A21 1589-90. 40. ERO TA287. 41. ERO D/DP AI8-22, A57. 42. ERO D/DA A3. 43. E. Boserup, 'Population, the status of women and rural development', in G. McNicholl and M. Cain (eds), Population and Rural Develop• ment: Institutions and Policy (New York, 1990), reprinted in E. Boserup, Economic and Demographic Relationships in Development (Baltimore, 1990) pp. 161-74. Boserup finds weeding to be one of the most com• mon jobs for women in developing countries. In her essay 'Women in the labour market' (ibid., pp. 154-60) she argues, 'It is a characteristic feature of labor markets all over the world that certain jobs are per• formed only by men, while others are performed only by women. In most societies, there is some work which may be done by both men and women, but this is somewhat exceptional. The general rule is that a particular operation is either a male or a female task. This is true of virtually all agricultural tasks, and it is equally true of a great majority of jobs in urban industries and service establishments.' P. Bowden, 'Ag• ricultural prices, farm profits and rents', in 1. Thirsk (ed), Agrarian History (Cambridge, 1967, p. 662) also finds weeding done by seventeenth-cen• tury women at half the rate for male agricultural labourers. 44. ERO TA 287. 180 Notes

45. P. Earle, 'The female labour market' in London in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries', Economic History Review, 42 (1989), pp. 328-53. 46. C. Shammas, 'The world women knew'. 47. P. Sharpe, 'Time and wages'. 48. H. Best, Rural Economy in Yorkshire in 1641 (Surtees Society, 1857 edn), p. 138. 49. E.W. Gilboy, 'Labour at Thornborough': an eighteenth-century estate', Economic History Review, 3:3 (1932) pp. 388-98. 50. C. Middleton, 'The familiar fate of the Famulae: gender as a principle of stratification in the historical division of labour', in R.E. Pahl (ed.), On Work (1988), pp. 21-47. 51. C. Fell Smith, 'In harvest time', Essex Review, 48:XII (1903), pp. 242-8. 52. M. Segalen's Love and Power in the Peasant Family (Chicago, Eng. version, 1983), while concerned with France, well describes role-shar• ing on small farms. 53. Marshall, quoted in Gilboy, 'Labour at Thornborough', p. 391. One his• torical explanation for this could be that the north moved to a wheaten flour diet far more slowly than in the south of England in the early eightenth century, making women's work of gleaning for family sub• sistence far less crucial there. 54. ERO DIP 48113/4 Castle Hedingham settlement examination 4/911827. Chelmsford casual pay book (ERO DIP 94118/39) shows the extent of casual seasonal agricultural work in the county by recording people passing through Chelmsford on their way to haymaking or harvesting in 1829-30. 55. Anon, 'Life on an Essex farm sixty years ago', Essex Review, 36:IX (1900), pp. 220-27. This use of labour from outside of the village also diluted the outbreaks of violence and incendiarism that resulted from low wages and underemployment. Essex saw much disturbance before 1830 - the year of Captain Swing. 1816 saw the destruction of thresh• ing machines which took away winter employment at Sible Hedingham, for example, ERO Q/SBb 444/83. At in 1823 (ERa QSBb 472119) there was a disturbance for higher (male) wages. J.E. Archer, 'By a Flash and a Scare': Incendiarism, Animal-Maiming and Poach• ing in East Anglia 1815-1870 (Oxford. 1990), among others, shows that incendiarists were generally single men. See also 1. Gyford, "'Men of bad character": the fires of the 1820s' (ERa: Studies in Essex History, I, 1991). 56. Vancouver, General View, p. 162; Anon, 'Life on an Essex farm sixty years ago', Essex Review, 36:IX (1900), p. 224, describes harvest sup• pers c. 1840 as involving only men. 'Before the sickle or scythe was put to the corn there was the "letting supper" when all the men sat down in the chaise house to boiled pork and broad beans. Then the wheat harvest began, and when that was all over, there was another supper of baked plum pudding. When barley, and beans, and all other harvest work was concluded, came the "settling supper" of boiled beef and boiled plum pudding.' 57. Reports from the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children Notes 181

in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 XII p. 229. 58. W.O. Ault, 'By-laws of gleaning and the problems of harvest', Econ• omic History Review, 14 (1961), pp. 210-217. 59. J. Humphries, 'Enclosures, common rights and women: the proletarian• isation of families in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries', Journal of Economic History, 50 (1990), pp. 17-42. 60. P. King, 'Customary rights and women's earnings; the importance of gleaning to the rural labouring poor 1750-1850', Economic History Review, 44:3 (1991), pp. 461-76. Family Life Archive 312. A man born in 1886 in near Newport said that three packs of big white bags of flour would be produced by gleaning which would take his fam• ily through the whole winter after threshing and milling for making bread in the village bakehouse. The scythe was less effective in wet weather so a wet harvest would mean more gleanings in areas where the scythe was being used. Pinchbeck (Women Workers, pp. 56-7) recognised the importance of gleaning but confused the issue by believing it was only worthwhile on open fields. 61. C. Fell Smith, 'In harvest time', p. 246. After the corn was gleaned people would either thresh it themselves on a stone step or 'They would either sell it to the windmiller on the hill beyond the church, or carry it to him to the grind. He would take the 'offal' in exchange for the trans• action, the meal would be the portion of their pig. The long straw they would cut off to make a lower strata for the children's bed. But that is long ago when prices were other from what they are today ... .' Glean• ing continued in all Essex villages up to the First World War. In some it continued well beyond that. Gleaning was still carried out in Wiven• hoe in the 1970s. However, within oral recollection, gleaning was rarely for bread flour as most people found it cheaper to buy bread in the twentieth century. Gleaning was for puddings (Family Life Archive 313. Woman b.1897 Shalford near Finchingfield), to collect corn to feed the chickens (Colchester Recalled Archive 2184/1-2 b. Colchester, 1913) or beans for the pigs. (Family Life Archive 312). 62. Reports from the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 Vol XII p. 229. Pinchbeck (Women Workers p. 22) thought that one woman could glean five or six bushels of wheat and the price of one bushel of wheat would almost double a labourer's weekly wage. On p. 56 she quotes Young describ• ing that in 1791 the gleanings of a woman and three children in were worth nearly £5 and by the price of wheat in 1795 would have been worth £7. The aggregate gleanings of the parish of 200 fami• lies was nearly £400. Urban families probably did not glean as much. For example, in ERO PICoR 106/10/1782 John Lawrence, a weaver of St Mary in the Walls parish, Colchester, reported that he lost out of his dwelling house a sack containing about 9 pecks of flour from the glean• ing corn of his wife and daughter. He named a man with one hand and another weaver as suspects. This was just over two bushels, although they could have been using the flour for a month by this time. Obvi• ously, the size of the gleanings would depend on the size of the family available for the labour and the number of mouths to feed. When con- 182 Notes

sidering the profitability of gleaning it is worth pointing out that theft was common at harvest tim~ because the house was left empty. For example, ERO Q/SBb182120 James Chapman of Barnston appeared in the quarter sessions on 111811748 to say that 'on Tuesday last when he had gone to harvest work at Barnston and his wife and children were gleaning, his house was broken into and his goods worth £8 stolen in• cluding many clothes. 63. R. Wel1s, 'The development of the English rural proletariat and social protest 1700-1850', Journal of Peasant Studies, vi (\978-9), pp. 115- 39. In 1795 Terling overseers restricted gleaning to widows, who had to give notice of their intentions and inform on trespassers (ERO DIP 2991 8/2 11711795). Those who contravened this faced a reduction in their bread allowance. In the 1820s, however, they supplied bread and cheese to women gleaners (ERO DIP 29911217 Terling OAB 1824-30). 64. P. King, 'Gleaners, farmers and the failure of legal sanctions in Eng· land 1750-1850', Past and Present, 125 (1989), pp. 116-50; 'Legal change, customary right and social conflict in late eighteenth-century England: the origins of the great gleaning case of 1788', Law and History Re• view, 10: I (1992), pp. 1-31. 65. 'Various notes on the Gleaning Bel1 in Essex' Essex Review, 125:XXXIV (1925), pp. 106-10. These bells were still used in the twentieth century. Family Life Archive 312. In Wickham Bonhunt gleaning started after the church bell at 9 a.m. 'And if anyone went - inside the field - before the bell rang, when the other - women and children used to get it they used to pull up lumps of stubble which was about as high as that then and throw at 'em.' A 5 p.m. bell denoted the end of gleaning. 66. Letter to T.W. Bagshawe 1933, Luton Museum. 67. ERO Colchester Q/S Bundles 27/811807 Inquest. 68. ERO P/LwR6 21/811788 and 1/911788. See also P/LwR5 26/811785; PI LwR9 1/811794 and Q/SBb 393/52 Information of John Patient, Labourer in Husbandry, 8/9/1803. 69. ERO Q/SBb 244/182411211765. 70. ERO P/LwRIO 17/9/1796. See also Q/SBb 172/335/4/1746; P/LwR651 9/1788; P/LwR7 18/911790; P/LwR11 1011011799; P/LwR3 10/9/1800; P/LwR 15 8/9/1806. 71. Humphries, 'Enclosures, common rights and women', pp. 34-5; P. King, 'Legal change, customary right.' (1992), p. 8. 72. Vancouver, General View, p. 40. 73. ERO P/CoR7 22/8/1777. 74. Humphries, 'Enclosures, common rights and women' p. 32. On the gen• eral issue of common rights see J.M. Neeson, Commoners: Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England 1700-/820 (Cambridge, 1993). 75. P. Horn, Victorian Countrywomen (Oxford, 1992) p. 107-8 cites the diary of Robert Brennall, a farmer from Witham, and the contribution of his wife's 'Cow Box'. On 6 November 1847 he noted that during their previous year their two Alderney cows had yielded £50.6s.6d in• cluding the milk and butter they had consumed at home 'My wife took for her hard labour in managing the two cows £5.0.0 and I received Notes 183

£45.6.6 like all other lazy persons for doing nothing'. While the Bren• nails were not poor, and probably had particularly productive beasts, this is some indication of the profitability of cows. Their products could be sold not only locally but at places like Braintree fair which sold butter, cheese, hops, horses, bullocks and sheep (Chelmsford Chronicle 13/1011820). Humphries, 'Enclosures, common rights and women' p. 24 suggests that in the late eighteenth century. cow-keeping earned 5-6s a week, almost as much as the wages of a male agricultural labourer. 76. T. Wright, The History and Topography of the County of Essex (1842). 77. T.R. MaIthus, Principles of Political Economy in E.A. Wrigley and D. Souden (eds), The Works of Thomas Robert Malthus, Vol 5, (1986) p. 190. 78. C. Emsley, British Society and the French Wars (1979), p. III. 79. a.E. Mingay (ed.), The Agrarian and Wales 1750- 1850 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 684. 80. I. Chalkey Gould, 'Strawplaiting - a lost Essex industry', Essex Natu• ralist, XIV (1906), pp. 184-92, p. 192. J.G. Dony, A History of the Straw Hat Industry (Luton, 1942), p. 70, believed that field work for women was practically unknown in plaiting country. 81. For example ERO DIDJN E5. See P. Sharpe, 'Time and wages of West County workfolks', (forthcoming in Local Population Studies). 82. Vancouver, General View, p. 162. 83. C. Emsley, British Society, p. 74. 84. G.A. Ward, 'Essex Farming in 1801', Transactions of the Essex Ar- chaeological Society, 3rd series, Vol. 5 (1973), pp. 185-201. 85. ERO D/DTA AI-8. 86. ERO DIDJN E5. 87. ERO D/DNMlIl. The account is found in a book containing minutes of the BrightIingsea Methodist chapel. 88. A goaf was a rick of corn in the straw laid upon a barn. 89. Anti-threshing machine agitation is mentioned in Q/SBb 1816444/83,85; 4451105; 446/66/1-2. 90. In Thomas Hardy's Tess of the d'Urbervilles (1891) Tess untied sheaves of corn to pass to the feeder of the threshing machine. Hardy said 'For some probably economical reason it was usually a woman who was chosen for this particular duty ... ' see extract in A. Clayre (ed.), Nature and Industrialisation (Oxford, 1977) p. 386. Tess was chosen because of her strength, quickness and stamina. Snell, Annals, pp. 392-4 rejects this as an accurate picture of Dorset in the 1880s as he sees this as an anachronistic use of female labour. 91. ERO D/DU 224/2, Shrimpton, (The Landed Society and the Farming Community, p. 306) sees Samuel Watkinson of Stantons as a typical tenant farmer. 92. A. Armstrong, Farmworkers: A Social and Economic History (1988), p. 51. See also Anon, An Account of the Essex Society for the Encour• agement of Agriculture and Industry (Bocking, 1793) (copy in ERO). 93. The society also gave prizes for agricultural labourers who had brought up the greatest number of children with the least parochial assistance. 94. Arthur Young, 'A Fortnight's Tour in East Suffolk', Annals of Agricul- 184 Notes

ture, XXIII (1795), pp. 18-51; A. Young, General View . .. Suffolk (l813), pp. 65-6, Rev. Dr Glasse, 'Extract from an account of the superior ad• vantages of dibbling wheat, or setting it by hand', Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, III (1802), pp. 85-92. 95. Young, 'A Fortnight's Tour', pp. 18-51; A. Young, General View ... Suffolk, pp. 65-6. 96. Glasse, 'Extract from an account'. 97. J. Tull, Horse-hoeing Husbandry (1733). Tull's Me as were largely ig• nored for a century. Although the drill was being used in Suffolk in the 17808 for the most intensive rotations it does not seem to have come into general use in Essex before the 1830s. G.E. Mingay (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales, VI: 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 288, 306-07. 98. ERO DIP 299/12/4. 99. ERO DIP 29911215. 100. ERO DIP 299/8/3 3011211811. 101. T.L. Richardson, 'Agricultural labourers and the cost of living in Essex 1790-1840: a contribution to the standard of living debate' in B. Hol• derness and M. Turner (eds), Land, Labour and Agriculture 1700-1920 (1991), pp. 69-90. 102. ERO DIDIN E5. 103. Vancouver, General View. 104. ERO DIDP A59, A214. 105. Public Health Records: Parliamentary Papers 1864 XXVIII. Dr Hunter's reports on the malarial areas of east coast mentioning the frequent use of opium and high levels of infant mortality. I am grateful to Dr Mary Dobson for this reference. 106. Vancouver, General View, p. 68, remarked on the scarcity of hands and reliance on 'trampers' in the district. For example, Chelmsford Chronicle 8/6/1819: 'MOWERS WANTED. Twenty good hands may have Employment till harvest, by applying at Hall.' For Bradwell• on-Sea, Chelmsford Chronicle 251611824: 'WANTED Six or more men to mow Clover and Grass. Good workmen shall have a liberal price and employment till Michaelmas next ... ' P. Sharpe, 'Pauper words and pauper lives: the Halls in Essex and London c.1790-1834', paper presented at Institute of Historical Research 6/1011993, p. 27. Thomas Halls went to Great Wakering near in the summer of 1826, along with a good many other migrant workers for summer work. In view of the fact that D. Defoe, (A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain 1724-6) 1962 edn, p. 13) had particularly stressed the decay of women in the marsh areas it is somewhat ironic that they filled labour shortages. 107. ERO P/Ca6. 108. ERO DIDU 6231183 Found in 'The Roses' public house. 109. Defoe, Tour through the Whole Island, letter i, quoted in VCH, Vol. 2, p.367. 110. Baskerville in 13th Report on Historical MSS. II. 281-3 quoted in I.H. Round, 'Some tours in Essex', Transactions of the Essex Archaeology Society, X (1909), pp. 1-9. Notes 185

Ill. A. Young, 'A Week in Essex' Annals of Agriculture, XVIII (1792), pp. 391-444. 112. J. Boys, 'Agricultural notes taken in a ride from Botshanger to Brad• field and back, by the hundreds of Essex', Annals of Agriculture, XXI (1793), p. 72. 113. ERO DIDE/AI-5. AS is the Hoppickers Account 1808-30. 114. Rev. J. Howlett in Young, General View ..... Essex Vol. II (1807), p. 31, mentions hop-pickers earning 8d a day. liS. Muilman quoted in VCH, Vol 2 (1907), p. 366. Manuscript note in his copy of History of Essex by a Gentleman (ii, 105) now in British Museum. 116. VCH, Vol. 2. (1907), pp. 368-9. 117. Shrimpton, The Landed Society and the Farming Community, p. 306. 118. Reports of the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 XII p. 230. ERO P/Cal7 lane Griffiths ended up in workhouse in October 1838 on becoming ill after leaving her husband in Yorkshire in the expectation of seasonal work in the hopgrounds. Her party included herself, her father, her three children, who were under six, and her aunt. Into the twentieth century, hoppicking in Kent could be a temporary migration for women and children, with men joining their families at weekends (personal communication with Mrs Rosina Walsh). 119. Snell, Annals, Ch. 1; S. McMurry, 'Women's work in agriculture: di• vergent trends in England and America 1800 to 1930', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 34 (1992), pp. 248-70; D. Valenze, 'The art of women and the business of men: women's work and the dairy industry, c. 1740-1840', Past and Present, 130, (1991), pp. 142-69. 120. VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), pp. 369-71. 121. I.H. Round, 'Some tours'. 122. The tithe was paid in winter cheeses in Great Warley ERO D/AED, for example. 123. VCH, Vol. 2, (1907), p. 370. 124. Ibid. p. 371. Q/SBb 322/55 In 1786 G. King of , a horse and cow farmer, sought exemption from jury service on the grounds of the size and importance of his business. He had 2,000 cattle and dealt with 300 employers. 125. W. Marshall, The Review and Abstract of the County Reports to the Board of Agriculture from the Several Agricultural Departments of England, 3 (1811) (Messrs Griggs report 1794-5), p. 485. 126. Vancouver, General view. p. 104. 127. Ibid., p. 57. 128. Mr J. Boys, 'Agricultural notes, taken in a ride from Betshanger to Bradfield, and back by the hundreds of Essex' Annals of Agriculture, XXI (1793), pp. 69-83. 129. Shrimpton. The Landed Society and the Farming Community, p. 302. 130. VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), pp. 359-66; J.H. Round. 'Some tours'. 131. W. Camden, 'Britain' (ed. Holland. 1610). quoted in VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p.439. 132. W. Harrison, 'Description of England' (1587), quoted in VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 359. 186 Notes

133. J. Douglas, 'An account of the culture and management of saffron in England' Phil. Trans. (1728), pp. 566-74, quoted in YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p.364. 134. P. Morant, History of Essex, Vol. II, p. 545, quoted in YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 364. 135. Lord Braybrooke, Audley End and Saffron Walden, p. 146; quoted in YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 365. 136. YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), pp. 366-9; W. Marshall, The Review and Abstract of the County Reports, Vol. 3 (1811), pp. 471-2; John Sewell, Esq., 'Teasel, Caraway and Coriander', Annals of Agriculture, XXI (1793), pp. 53-7, Vancouver; General Yiew, p. 54. 137. YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), p. 423; Marshall, Review and Abstract, (1811). pp. 18-20, giving Griggs' report of 1794. 138. Reports from the Assistant Commissioners: Poor Law Report: Parlia• mentary Papers 1834 XXVIII p. 229a; Coggeshall WEA. The Story of Coggeshall, 1700-1900 (Coggeshall, 1951). 139. YCH, Vol. 2 (1907) pp. 478-80; C. Johnson, 'A proto-industrial com• munity study: Coggeshall in Essex c. 1500-1750' PhD thesis, Univer• sity of Essex, 1990, p. 46; E.M.C. Roper, Seedtime: The History of Essex seeds (Chichester, 1989). 140. ERO T/Z 25/378 1976. 141. VCH, Vol. 2 (1907), pp. 474-7; M. Thick, 'Market gardening in Eng• land and Wales', in Joan Thirsk (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. V:II (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 503-32. 142. Young, Six Weeks Tour (1768), pp. 200-1 describes potato-growing at liford, which seems to have been started by Irishmen who hired small gardens and later taken over by locals. 143. B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics in Eighteenth Century Eng• land (Oxford 1989), pp. 164-8; J. Williams-Davies, 'Merched y Ger• ddi: a seasonal migration of female labour from rural Wales', Folk Life, 15 (1977). pp. 12-23. 144. P/CoR 22A 1118/1800. 145. Report on the Employment of Children, Young Persons and Women in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1867-8. XVII. p. 8. 146. Colchester Recalled Archive 2185. 147. J. Norden, The Surveyor's Dialogue (1607), p. 209, quoted in YCH, Vol. 2 (1907), pp. 477-8. 148. See YCH, Vol. 2 (1907). pp. 477-8, which notes that they were prob• ably new then as Kalm in 1748 had noted that he did not see orchards in Essex like those in Kent. 149. Wilkin & Son, Tiptree was set up in 1864, and started to make jam in 1885. Elsenham jam manufacture was established in 1889. 150. As early as 1818 the Irish were a drain on poor relief in to the extent that the vestry clerk was ordered to prepare a report on it. He wrote 'That the great increase of the Poor are, for the most part, of the class of Irish Labourers, who, in the summer season, go to different parts of the Country to Harvest work, Hop-picking etc, and after these works are over. they return to this parish and are employed in the Neigh• bourhood for a few weeks in getting up Potatoes, and, upon the finish Notes 187

of that work (about the beginning or middle of November) they with their wives and families quarter themselves and are maintained by the Parish until the next Spring and the scarcity of employment has been such that very few get any work to ease the Parish of the burthen of the maintenance of themselves and Families, and altho' the workhouse has been greatly enlarged and improved it is still found very inadequate in size to the increasing number of Poor who apply for admission.' F. Sainsbury, 'Poor law in West Ham 1646-1836', Essex Journal, I (1966), pp. 163-70. 151. ERO T/Z 251247 Old people's essays (1961). 152. ERO TZI 25/280 Old people's essays (1961). 153. For nineteenth-century women's farm work generally see, Hom, Victo• rian Countrywomen, pp. 144-63; Kitteringham, 'Country work girls in nineteenth-century England'; K. Sayer, 'Field-faring women: the resist• ance of women who worked in the fields of nineteenth century Eng• land' Women's History Review, 2:2, (1993), pp. 185-98; K. Sayer, '''Girls into demons": nineteenth-century representations of English working• class women employed in agriculture' (D.Phil thesis, University of Sus• sex, 1991). 154. Report from His Majesty's Commissioners for Inquiring into the Ad• ministration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1834, XXX, Appendix B I: Answers to Rural Queries, p. 188a. 155. Chelmsford Chronicle 10/5/1822 contains a large report on a meeting in Essex about the agricultural distress. 156. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 85. 157. Ibid. pp. 59, 91. The gang system was contract labour, a form of task work at a family wage. 158. E. Higgs, 'Women on the land and women in the census: the employ• ment of women in Victorian and Edwardian agriculture' (paper given at 'Women, Family and Gender' conference, University of Essex, 8 February 1992). There are many problems with using census returns as indicators of women's employment. The census figures for female agricultural la• bourers were collected early in spring, too early in the year for much weeding. See E. Higgs, 'Women, occupations and work in the nineteenth century censuses' History Workshop Journal, 23 (1987), pp. 59-80. 159. C. Miller, 'The hidden workforce; female field workers in G1oucester• shire 1870-1901', Southern History, 6 (1984), pp. 139-61. 160. The district organiser of the NALU in the English Labourer's Chron• icle 16/8/1879. Note that he considers the married women's employ• ment to be a 'custom'. I am grateful to Dr Arthur Brown for this reference. 161. Reports from the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 Vol XII p. 228; 231. The commission reviewed employment in Suffolk and an area of the heavy clays in north Essex. 162. ERO TZ 25/63 (1956-7). 163. Reports from the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 Vol XII p. 234. 164. Report on the Employment of Children, Young Persons and Women in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1867-8 Vol XVII p. 16. 188 Notes

165. Ibid., p. 17. 166. Ibid., p. 16. 167. ERO TZ 25/241 Old People's essays (1961). A man born at Mill Green near in 1879 wrote, 'Before commencing my first regular job I used to go into the fields picking up twitch at sixpence a day. At other times I would be bird scaring, such as scaring the Iinnits and greenfinches off the turnip seed and the rooks off the newly sown corn• fields for the same money. I used to get threepence a bushel for stone picking, very hard and back aching work for a boy.' Reports from the Commissioners: Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843, XII, p. 236 reported for Framlingham, Suffolk 'Every person in the parish employs them that way. I dare say at one time we had 50 or 60 children employed as crow-keepers'. 168. S. Hussey, '''Out in the fields in all weathers": women's agricultural work in north Essex 1919-1939', Essex Journal (Autumn 1993), pp. 48-58. Hussey implies that the sexual division of labour he found in his oral history project may be a result of the mechanisation of cereal operations. However, this chapter suggests that it has a much longer heritage. 169. See J.M. Bennett, 'History that stands still': women's work in the Eu• ropean past', Feminist Studies, 14:2 (1988), pp. 269-83. 170. Earle, 'The female labour market in London'. 171. Pinchbeck, Women Workers, p. 66.

5 SHIrTS OF HOUSEWIFERY: SERVICE AS A FEMALE MIGRATION SERVICE

I. ERO DIP 24511 8/6 Included in the correspondence to the overseers of St Leonard's, Colchester. 2. P. Horn, The Rise and Fall of the Victorian Servant (1975), p. 9, gives a summary of late eighteenth-century legislation affecting servant-keeping and argues that service became more feminised from the 1780s as taxes were imposed on male servants. See also B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics in Eighteenth Century England (Oxford, 1989) pp. 127-9; T. McBride, The Domestic Revolution (1976). See also L. Davidoff, 'Mastered for life: servant and wife in Victorian and Edwardian Eng• land', Journal of Social History, 7:4 (1974), pp. 406-28. The work of Davidoff and Hall suggests that domestic space was increasingly being designated as feminine by the middle classes in the eighteenth century, enormously reinforcing the choice to be a domestic servant rather than a servant in husbandry. See Davidoff, 'The role of gender in the First Industrial Nation: agriculture in England 1780-1850', in R. Compton and M. Mann (eds), Gender and Stratification (1986), pp. 190-213, and L. Davidoff and C. Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the Eng• lish Middle Class 1780-1850 (1987). 3. Far more research has been carried out on servants in France, see S.C. Maza, Servants and Masters in Eighteenth-Century France (Princeton, 1983); C. Fairchilds, Domestic Enemies: Servants and their Masters in Notes 189

Old Regime France (Baltimore, 1984); McBride, Domestic Revolution is also largely about France. J.l. Hecht, The Domestic Servant Class in Eighteenth-Century England (1956) concentrates on household servants in large country houses, especially male ones of the upper echelons of the service hierarchy; see, however, D. Marshall, 'The domestic ser• vants of the eighteenth century', Economica , 9:25, (1929), pp. 15-40 and current work by Tim Meldrum, research student at London School of Economics, on servants in early modem London. 4. McBride, Domestic Revolution, p. Ill. 5. T. Meldrum, 'Domestic servants in Augustan London - some prelimi• nary results' (unpublished paper given at Institute of Historical Research, May 1992) finds that servant migration from areas like Essex falls off after 1700 despite the textile depression. The explanation could be greater demand for indoor servants from gentry farmers. 6. B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics, p. 126 for examples. 7. E. Richards, 'Women in the British economy since about 1700: an in• terpretation;, History, LIX, (1974) pp. 337-57. 8. H. Cunningham, 'The employment and unemployment of children in England c. 1680-1851', Past and Present, 126 (1990), pp. 115-50, and The Children of the Poor: Representations of Childhood since the Seven• teenth Century (Oxford 1991). 9. P. Sharpe, 'The bowels of compation': a labouring family and the law c.1790-1834', in T. Hitchcock, P. King and P. Sharpe (eds), 'Words of the Poor, Lives of the Poor 1700-1840' (forthcoming). 10. M. Thrale (ed.), The Autobiography of Francis Place (1771-1854) (Cam- bridge, 1972), p. Ill. 11. Ibid., p. 124. 12. Ibid., p. 202. 13. P.S. Seleski, 'The women of the labouring poor: love, work and pov• erty in London 1750-1820' (PhD thesis, Stanford University, 1989), p.54. 14. Ibid., p. 59. D.A. Kent, 'Ubiquitous but invisible: female domestic servants in mid-eighteenth century London', History Workshop Journal, 28, (1989), pp. 111-29, reminds us how far down the social scale servants could be employed in London. He finds bricklayers, clear starchers, hatters, milliners and even milk sellers employing them. 15. ERO TZ 25/147. Age concern, 'My First Job' essays. 16. ERO DIP 203/t3/4C. 17. Ipswich Journal, 41711778. 18. Chelmsford Chronicle 12/1/1816. Such women frequently also mentioned that they had needlework skills. D.A. Kent, 'Ubiquitous but invisible', found that the proportion of women over 30 in domestic service in London was higher than the rest of the country. So that it could have been seen as an alternative to marriage there. He argues that for some servants the prospect of regular employment, a cash income and basic security seemed preferable to the position of a supplementary wage earner in a labourer's or craftsman's household. 19. Chelmsford Chronicle 27/9/1816. 20. The Chelmsford Chronicle 3/111823 contains an amusing account of one 190 Notes

in Central Mart, near the Strand. Marshall, 'The domestic servants of the eighteenth century', finds Strand agencies from 1680. 21. A. Young, The farmer's letters to the people of England (2nd edn. 1771), 353-4, quoted in M.D. George, London life in the eighteenth century (1925), p. 157. 22. D. Defoe, Everybody's business is nobody's business (1725), p. 4 quoted in Marshall, 'The domestic servants of the eighteenth century' p. 16. Defoe is describing the upper end of the market and may be exaggerating. 23. Letter quoted in George, London Life, p. 119. 24. ERO DIP 264/13/4. 25. ERO DIP 20311811 28/5/1828. People in provincial towns within Essex also wanted servants from the country, e.g. see advertisements in Chelms• ford Chronicle 29/8/1828. 26. ERO P/Ca4. 27. Brown, 'Colchester in the eighteenth century', p. 158-160. 28. ERO DIP 203112/51 151711812 Bills. 29. ERO DIP 203118/1 7/311828. 30. Defoe, Everybody's business quoted in Marshall, 'The domestic servants of the eighteenth century', p. 22. 31. ERO DIP 203112/51; D/P203/8/2 511111821. 32. ERO DIP 203/18/1 Dec. 1814. The problem of obtaining suitable cloth• ing had not disappeared in the early twentieth century. One of the Age Concern essay writers from Bocking who went to London as a servant in 1910 as a 'between maid' had her box sent on ahead carrying clothes apparently bought on credit - 'I used to send 5sld a month home until my clothes were paid for that my mother bought when 1 started out as they were poor and could not afford to give me them' ERO T/Z 25/303. 33. ERO DIP 129/18/10 Letter 311311785. 34. ERO DIP 94/18/42 Letter 51211825. 35. P. Sharpe, 'Pauper children as apprentices in Colyton 1598-1830', Con• tinuity and Change, 6:2 (1991), pp. 253-70, gives some details of the background and development of the pauper apprenticeship system, al• though it was particularly widespread in Devon, and children were ap• prenticed at younger ages than elsewhere. 36. ERO DIP 299/8/2 2/8/1784. 37. ERO DIP 299/812 161911790. 38. ERO DIP 299/812 2111111791. Again in March 1799 all the Terling poor had to deliver in the names of children aged 12 or over to the vestry to organise putting them into service. 39. ERO DIP 138118/11 Letters 26/9/1813, 511111813. 40. ERO DIP 238/1811 201711833. 41. ERO DIP 129118/10 Letters 5th Apr. 1798; 25th Apr. 1798. 42. Family Life Archive 17. For comparative oral histories of servants in Scotland see L. Jamieson, 'Rural and urban women in domestic ser• vice', in E. Gordon and E. Breitenbach (eds), The World is Ill-divided: Women's Work in Scotland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 136-57. 43. Family Life Archive, 59. 44. Family Life Archive, 310. Notes 191

45. Colchester Recalled Archive 2210/1-8. I am very grateful to Andrew Phillips for access to the recording of this interview. 46. Seleski, 'The women of the labouring poor', p. 91. 47. Ibid. p. 118n. 48. ERO PICoRl 12/6/1761. 49. ERO P/CoR26 4/8/1806. 50. ERP P/Ca7 22/1211818. 51. J.H. Baxter, Settlement Examinations 1728-1830: Rochford, Essex (Es• sex Society for Family History, Benfteet, 1985). Sarah Harris was a servant to Thomas Seacole of South End at variable wages as her mas• ter let lodgings, 11311804. 52. ERO DIP 36/13/4A Settlement examination 1911/1808. 53. For gleanings see ERO PICoR 20 20/11/1797; P/Ca8 161111821; P/Ca12 41111825. For spinning see ERO P/LwR6 121711788. 54. ERO PICoRl 25/911765. 55. K.D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor (Cambridge, 1985), p. 413; RS. Neale, Writing Marxist History: British Society, Economy and Cul• ture since 1700 (Oxford, 1985) p. 121 found no discernible change in annual money wages over period 1730-1865 in Bath for female domes• tic servants so they probably fell substantially as real wages. Yet the amounts earned are higher than those found for Essex. 56. Vancouver, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex (1795). See table of wages and provisions as reprinted in A. Young (edn. 1807), p.378. 57. The high wages in London and Middlesex for the post-1820 period are reinforced by Snell's figures based on settlement examinations in Snell, Annals, p. 38. 58. For example ERO DIP 203112/39. 59. See ERO P/Cal5 to P/CaI7. One solution to servant unemployment in the 1830s were female emigration schemes. See P. Sharpe, 'Female emigration schemes to Australia in the 1830s', Essex Journal (Spring 1994), pp. 16-19. 60. ERO DIP 94118/42. 61. ERO DIP 94/18/42. See also A.P. Hutchings, 'The relief of the poor in Chelmsford 1821-1829', Essex Review, 257:LXV (1956), pp. 42-56. The body of information left by the negotiation process for funds is a series of letters to and from overseers. J.S. Taylor, Poverty, Migration and Settlement in the. Industrial Revolution: Sojourners Narratives (Palo Alto, 1989) analyses the large number of extant letters, bills and petitions for Kirkby Lonsdale. See also J.S. Taylor, 'A different kind of Speenham• land: nonresident relief in the Industrial Revolution', Journal of British Studies, 30:2 (1991) pp. 183-208. He finds that early nineteenth-cen• tury Manchester had as many non-resident as resident poor and calls the system 'industrial speenhamland'. Pauper letters are also used by Snell, Annals. The pioneering work on the Essex letters has been done by Thomas Sokoll. See his forthcoming Essex Pauper Letters c. J820- 1834 and his 'Voices of the poor: pauper letters and poor law provision in Essex 1780-1834' in A. Digby, J. Innes and R.M. Smith (eds), Pov• erty and Relief in England from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century 192 Notes

(Cambridge, forthcoming). More issues surrounding the production of these letters, including pauper literacy will be explored in a forthcoming volume, Hitchcock, King and Sharpe (eds), Words of the Poor, Lives of the Poor 1700-1840. 62. O. Boyer, An Economic History of the English Poor Law 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1990). p. 258. 63. L.D.Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation (Cambridge, 1992), p.87. 64. ERO DIP 94118/42 17/511825, 18/411827. 65. ERO DIP 138/18/11 21/3/c1815. 66. ERO DIP 21911811 2713/1809. 67. ERO DIP 203/12/51 91711819, 10/12/1820; DIP 203/8/2 2416/1822 En- quiry by overseers whether Clark was Scottish or Irish. 68. ERO DIP 203112/51 291211820. 69. ERO DIP 203/12/51 n.d. 1820, 29/9/1820. 70. ERO DIP 2031812 St Botolph's vestry minute book 16/4/1821. 71. ERO DIP 203112/51 7/811826. 72. ERO DIP 203/812 131811826. 73. ERO DIP 203112/51 51911826. 74. ERO DIP 203112/51 19/1011820. 75. ERO DIP 203/12/51 13/2/1821. 76. Hutchings, 'The relief of the poor in Chelmsford' and DIP 94118/42. Hutchings provides more detail about the Rivenalls than given here, but produces a confused version of some of the documents. 77. ERO DIP 94/8/4 Chelmsford vestry minutes 26/511823. 78. Hutchings, 'The relief of the poor in Chelmsford' p. 44-46. 79. ERO DIP 94/18/42 191511825. 80. ERO DIP 94/18/42 26/4/1826. 81. ERO DIP 94118/42 10/5/1826. 82. ERO DIP 94/18/42 27/911826, Printed order of confiscation of goods and chattels for rent arrears October 1826. 83. ERO DIP 94/18/42 ll/1O/1826. 84. ERO DIP 94/18/42 24/811827, DIP 94/8/5 619/1827. 85. ERO DIP 94118/42 25/10/1827, 5/1111827. 86. ERO DIP 94118/42 4/4/1828. 87. Printed notice Commercial Road Trust 'Removal of Nuisances' to re• move a stall ERO DIP 94/18/42 16/10/1828. On the prevalence of street trading in London see D.R. Green, 'Street trading in London: a case study of casual labour 1830-60', in J.H. Johnson and C.G. Pooley (eds), The Structure of Nineteenth-century Cities (1982), pp. 129-51. 88. ERO DIP 94118/422211111828. 89. ERO DIP 94/18/42 12/9/1828. 90. ERO DIP 94/18/42 12/1/1829. 91. ERO DIP 94/18/4225/2/1829 and letter from Sarah Rivenall May 1829. Note that Sarah appears to be far more literate than her husband, which seems fairly common in pauper letters, although she may, of course, be using an amanuensis. It seemed to be more common for women to write letters themselves or on behalf of husbands. Many girls were taught basic literacy skills as domestic servants and it was thought that they Notes 193

were likely to stay on at school for longer than boys. It was argued in the Reports from the Commissioners on Handloom Weavers: Parliamentary Papers 1840 XXIII p. 292 that schools were kept by labourers' wives, 'but very few boys attend above the age of five or six'. 92. ERO DIP 94/8/9 19/411831. Pound notes were the easiest to send. 93. ERO DIP 94/8/922/1211831. 94. ERO DIP 94/18/42 261711826. 95. ERO DIP 94/18/42 1511111825, 301111826. 96. ERO DIP 94118/42 271211826, 13/3/1826 and 20/311826. 97. ERO DIP 94118/42 2111211824; The Chelmsford Chronicle 21711818 carried an advertisement for T.S. Carritt, Linen and woollen draper, haberdasher, hosier etc. High St, Chelmsford who was likely to be related. 98. ERO DIP 94118/42 10/611829. 99. ERO DIP 94118/42 26/6/1828. 100. ERO DIP 264/18124 29/8/1829. 10 1. ERO DIP 264118124 letters 1828-34 181l 011832. 102. ERO DIP 264118/24 171711833. 103. ERO DIP 264/18/24 4/311834. As things became more desperate, pau• pers would pawn larger or more important items, over and above the clothes which were regularly pawned by the week to gain a ready cash How. Pawning was very much an activity of women. See M. Tebbutt, Making Ends Meet: Pawnbroking and Working Class Credit (Leicester 1983). 104. ERO DIP 264118/24 2512/1830. 105. S. Alexander, 'Women's work in nineteenth-century London', in J. Mitchell and A. Oakley (eds) The Rights and Wrongs of Women (1976), pp. 59- 111. (Reprinted by London History Workshop Centre), especially pp. 49-63. 106. ERO DIP 203113/4A. See also L. Davidoff, 'The separation of home and work? Landladies and lodgers in nineteenth- and twentieth-century England', in S. Burman (ed.), Fit Work for Women (1979), 64-97. 107. Much background to laundering is given by P.E. Malcolmson, English Launderesses: A Social History 1850-1930 (Chicago, 1986); see also C. Davidson, A Woman's Work is Never Done: A History of Housework in the British Isles 1650-1950 (1982). Oil housework generally see C. Hall, 'The history of the housewife' in E. Malos (ed.), The Politics of Housework (1980) reprinted in C. Hall (ed.), White, male and middle• class (1992), pp. 43-74. 108. Report from His Majesty's Commissioners for Inquiring into the Ad• ministration and Practical Operation of the Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1834, XXX, Appendix B I: Answers to Rural Queries, p. 188a. 109. ERO Colchester Q/S Bd inquest 2611211801. 110. In ERO DIDW A 1-3 in 1742 I s6d a day; in ERO D/P299112/4 Terling ls8d a day and in cl840 (Anon 1900) less than Is a day. Ill. M. Thrale (ed.), An Autobiography of Francis Place (1771-1854) (Cam- bridge, 1972), p. 99. 112. ERO P/Ca7 91211819. 113. ERO DIP 94118/3 12/3/1827. 114. ERO DIP 94118/42. Report of Mr Sheppee as to his journey to London 194 Notes

at the request of the Select Vestry visiting the Chelmsford poor December 1823. ERO DIP 264/18124 Widow Marie Godfrey took washing several days a week in Regents Park c.1834. Regarding the collection of poor relief for someone else she said, 'I shall have an opportunity of going out myself on Monday as I have no washing to go out to but shall have the 2 next dayes'. 115. D. Davies, The Case of the Labourers in Husbandry (1795), p. 5. 116. Ibid., pp. 14-15. 117. Reports from the Commissioners on the Employment of Women and Children in Agriculture: Parliamentary Papers 1843 XII, p. 234. 118. Anon, 'Life on an Essex farm sixty years ago' Essex Review, 36:IX (1900), pp. 220-27. 119. ERO DIDP A22 1593/4. 120. ERO DIP 23818/1 6/10/1823. 121. ERO DIP 203/18/1 17/10/1827. 122. ERO DIP 203/12/51 10/12/1820. 123. ERO DIP 138/18/11 1311/1814. 124. ERO DIP 264/18124 2815/1831. 125. E.G. Thomas, 'The parish overseer in Essex 1597-1834' (MA thesis, London University, 1956), p. 269. 126. ERO Q/SR 324/115. 127. ERO PILwR 127/9/1801. 128. ERO Q/SR 260/113 1627-8. Thomas Mott of Moulsham near Chelmsford sent two of his children to be nursed in Widford in 1627/8, one of them to goodwife Manninge, a poor woman and the other one with Humfrey a poor man also' before running away and leaving them to the parish. Another case is Q/SR 160/17 1602/3 at Stansted Mountfichet. 129. ERO DIP I 28/1 819 10/12/1822. Examples of advertisements are Chelms• ford Chronicle 22/6/1821 'Wanted a healthy young woman as WET NURSE in a respectable family. Apply personally, to Mr Baker, chemist, Chelmsford'. Chelmsford Chronicle 25/4/1817 'A YOUNG MARRIED WOMAN, about to wean her child, near three months old, wishes for a SITUATION as WET NURSE in a Gentleman's family; can give the most respectable reference'. 130. ERO D/P94118/42 16/1/1828. 131. Literature which has increased our knowledge of wet nursing includes F. Newall, 'Wet nursing and childcare in Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1595- 1726: some evidence on the circumstances and effects of seventeenth-century childrearing practices', in V. Fildes (ed.), Women as Mothers in Pre• industrial England (1990), pp. 122-38. She also points out that some poor women who did agricultural work had their children cared for. See also D. Maclaren, 'Nature's contraceptive .... wet nursing and prolonged lactation: the case of Chesham, Buckinghamshire 1578-1601', Medical History, 23 (1979), pp. 427-41. G. Clark, 'Nurse children in Bedfordshire' Bedfordshire Old and New, 2 (1985), pp. 25-33, V. Fildes, Breasts, Bottles and Babies (Edinburgh, 1986) p. 153 and V. Fildes, Wet Nursing (1988). 132. M. Barrett and M. Mcintosh, 'The family wage' in E. Whitelegg et aL, The Changing Experience of Women (1982), pp. 71-87, argue that the male breadwinner and family wage had appeared by 1830s, receiving Notes 195

strong support from the respectable working class. 133. Factory commissioners supplementary report, Part I, 1834 xix p. 39, quoted in I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution 1750-1850 (1930; 3rd edn. 1981), p. 194. 134. P. Earle, 'The female labour market in London in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries', Economic History Review, 42 (1989) pp.328-53'.

6 THE ECONOMICS OF BODY AND SOUL

1. ERO Colchester Draft Minutes of Session 1789. 2. P. King, 'Crime, law and society in Essex 1740-1820' (PhD thesis, Cam• bridge University, 1984), p. 203. 3. ERO DIP 203/1812. 4. O. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-century France 1750-1789 (Oxford, 1974), pp. 97-123 found most vagrants were men at a ratio of 6:1 which is a significant contrast with the Essex picture. See also R.B. Shoemaker, Prosecution and Punishment: Petty Crime and the Law in London and Rural Middlesex c.1660-1725 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 207-16. 5. Eden, The State of the Poor, Vol. 2, (1797), pp. 177-82. 6. ERO Colchester Q/S Bundle 1811. 7. This number could be reduced however, see W. Fitchett, Wellington's Men: Some Soldier Autobiographies (1976) especially Sergeant Anton, pp.241-57. 8. M.D. George, London Life in the eighteenth century (1925), p. 105, de• scribes vagrants living near brick kilns in London. 9. E.P. Thompson and E. Yeo, The Unknown Mayhew: Selections from the Morning Chronicle 1849-50 (1971) pp. 200-216. 10. ERO DIP 36/13/4C 2811/1806. 11. ERO Colchester Q/S bundle 1778; P/CoR6 41211779. 12. ERO Colchester Q/S Bundle 1797. 13. ERO Q/SBb 369/66. 14. ERO Colchester Q/S Bundle 1813. 15. ERO PlLwR 14 27/9/1804. 16. ERO Q/SBb 345/85. 17. ERO Q/SBb 371168. 18. E.H. Hunt, 'Industrialisation and regional inequality: wages in Britain 1760-1914', Journal of Economic History, 46 (1986), pp. 935-66. The male wage rose from an average of 7s 9d to 88 6d. 19. ERO PICoR 4 27/10/1773. B. Hill, Women, Work and Sexual Politics in Eighteenth Century England (Oxford, 1989), p. 173, quotes Colquhoun remarking in 1806 on the growth of prostitu• tion in provincial towns, especially seaports and large manufacturing centres. 20. ERO Colchester Draft Minutes of Session 1775. 21. ERO P/CoR 23 24/8/1801. 22. D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 104-7; D. Thomson, 'Welfare and the historians', in L. Bonfield, R.M. Smith and K. Wrightson (eds) The World we Have Gained (1986), pp. 355-78; 196 NOles

K.D.M. Snell and J. Millar, 'Lone parent families and the welfare state', Continuity and Change, 6:3 (1991), pp. 375-415. 23. Rev. J. North, 'State of the Poor in the Parish of , Essex In a Series of Letters to a friend in London' Annals of Agriculture, XXXV, (1800), 459-473, p. 470. 24. G. Nicholls, A History of the English Poor Law, 3 vols (1854, 1967 edn), p. 189. The second premise of the 1601 Act was (43 Eliz cap. 2) 'For setting to work all such persons, married and unmarried, having no means to maintain them, and who use no ordinary and daily trade of life to get there living by'. Children were treated separately in the first premise 'For setting to work the children of all such whose parents shall not be thought able to keep and maintain them'. 25. In Colyton in Devon, a parish with a wool manufacture and lace-making, married women would be given individual poor relief. See P. Sharpe, 'Gender-specific demographic adjustment to changing economic circum• stances: Colyton 1538-1837', (PhD thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988). 26. I am grateful to Jane Pearson for this information. 27. G. Boyer, An Economic History of the English Poor Law 1750-1850 (Cambridge, 1990). Boyer argues that the decline of cottage industry forced grain farmers to find a new solution to the problem of seasonality after they had embarked on cereal specialisation due to the prolonged increase in wheat prices starting in early 1760s. They would pay allowances to maintain their labourers over the winter dead season in order to secure the necessary harvest labour. 28. For example, ERG Q/SBb 220115 1759. An act of 1803 (43.Geo III cap. 47) consolidated previous acts to support the families of militiamen out of poor relief. The allowance to a wife and family were to be equal to one day's husbandry labour in the district but not less than a shilling per week. If there were more than three children in the family, a man with no children would be found to substitute. 29. ERG PICoRI0a see 717/1783, for cases of men refusing to provide for their wives, for example. 30. ERG P/CoR26 61111806. 31. Cases in ERG P/LwR2 1792-4, for instance. 32. I. Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution 1750-1850, (1930, 3rd edn. 1981) p. 80. 33. Ibid., quoting First Report of the Poor Law Commissioners, Parliamen- tary Papers 1835, XXXV, p. 136. 34. ERG P/LwR2 311/1793. 35. Based on a comparison of ERG DIP 299/12/3 and ERG DIP 299/12/4. 36. ERG DIP 29911214. 37. ERG DIP 299112/5. 38. ERG DIP 299112/3; DIP 299/12/5. In ERG DIP 299/812 the policy of food distribution specifically to male heads of households was spelt out in the vestry minutes on 12/8/1799. 39. ERG DIP 29918/2 11711795: 'We will not permit any single persons, ex• cept widows, who are not under the age of fourteen to glean on the lands in our possession' said the powerful group of tenant farmers acting as the vestry. Those who were permitted to glean had to inform on anyone Notes 197

who was illegally gleaning or face penalties. 40. ERO DIP 23711211-3 1805-34. Reports from the Assistant Commission• ers: Poor Law Report: Parliamentary Papers 1834 XXVIII, 227A also challenges a blanket ban on relief for single women, as in the hundreds of , Clavering and Freshwell in Essex, when quartern loaves were 9d women were eligible for a poor relief payment of 2s 3d. 41. ERO DIP 129118/10 letters 1711111809; 26/211809; 16/6/1809. 42. M.E. Fissell, 'Gender, Iifecycle and the old poor law' (unpublished pa• per, 1992) found for Abse and Wick, Gloucestershire that the late eight• eenth century saw a growth in poor relief to women who had illegitimate children. 43. ERO DIP 203118/1 291211816. See my article on the Halls family, "'The bowels of compation": a labouring family and the law c. 1790-1834' in Hitchcock, King and Sharpe (eds), Words of the Poor. 44. ERO DIP 203/1811 2112/1820. DIP 203/812 Vestry minutes 17112/1821 Hannah Watson applies for a weekly allowance. DIP 203/812 251211823 the overseers received a letter from Watson applying for relief for daughter which was not granted. 45. ERO DIP 203112/51 22/411828. 46. A. Kussmaul, A General View of the Rural Economy of England 1538- 1840 (Cambridge 1990). 47. P. Sharpe, 'The women's harvest: straw-plaiting and the representation of labouring women's employment c.1793-1885', Rural History 5:2 (1994), pp. 129-42. 48. J. Burnett (ed.), Useful Toil: Autobiographies of Working People from the 1820s to the 1920s (1974), p. 75. 49. Boyer, An Economic History of the English Poor Law, p. 267; J.S. Black• more and F.C. Mellonie, 'Family endowment and the birth rate in the early nineteenth century' Economic History, I (1928), pp. 412-18; M. Blaugh, 'The myth of the old poor law and the making of the new' Jour• nal of Economic History, 23 (1963), pp. 151-84 and 'The poor law reex• amined' Journal of Economic History, 24 (1964), pp. 229-45; D.A. Baugh, 'The cost of poor relief in south-east England 1790-1834', Economic History Review, 28 (1975), pp. 50-68. 50. See ERO P/LwR2. 51. Cambridge Group reconstitution of Terling; C. Davey, 'Reconstructing local population history: the Hatfield and districts of Es• sex 1550-1880' (PhD thesis, Cambridge, 1990). Snell, Annals, p. 345, mentions that in the early nineteenth century some rural areas of Suffolk had particularly low average marriage ages for women. 52. There is now a large body of literature supporting this. See especially D. Levine, Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York, 1977). 53. E.A. Wrigley and R.S. Schofield, The Population History of England 1541- 1871 (1981), p. 260; R.S. Schofield, 'English marriage patterns revis• ited', Journal of Family History, 10:1 (1985), pp. 9-10. PJ.P Goldberg, Women, Work and Lifecycle in a Medieval Economy (Oxford, 1992), pp. 324-61, has an argument linking women's employment opportunities and age of marriage which is suggestive for the Essex material. 54. D. Levine and K. Wrightson, 'The social context of illegitimacy in early 198 Notes

modern England', in P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen and R.M. Smith (eds) Bastardy and its Comparative History (1980), pp. 158-75. 55. P. Laslett and K. Oosterveen, 'Long term trends in bastardy in England' Population Studies, 27 (1973), pp. 255-85. 56. L. Stone, Uncertain Unions: Marriage in England 1660-1753 (Oxford, 1992). 57. P. Sharpe, 'Marital separation in the eighteenth and early nineteenth cen• turies' Local Population Studies, 45 (Autumn 1990), pp. 66-70; P. Sharpe, 'Bigamy among the labouring poor in Essex 1754-1857', The Local His• torian, 24:3 (1994), pp. 139-44. 58. J. Gillis, For Better, For Worse: British Marriages 1600 to the Present (Oxford, 1985), pp. 190-228. 59. E. Haywood, A Present for a Servant Maid (1743), quoted in George, London Life. p. 171. 60. For examinations of the development of domestic ideology see B. Cor• rado Pope, 'The influence of Rousseau's ideology of domesticity' in M.J. Boxer and J.H. Quartaert (eds), Connecting Spheres: Women in the West• ern World 1500 to the Present (Oxford, 1987), pp. 136-45; C. Hall, 'The early formation of Victorian domestic ideology', in S. Burman (ed.), Fit Work for Women, (1979), pp. 15-32 reprinted in C. Hall (ed.), White, Male and Middle-Class (1992), pp. 75-93. 61. T. Sokoll, Household and Family among the Poor (Bochum, 1993), p.33. 62. 1. Humphries, 'Mainstreaming women's history' (Lecture at Economic History conference, Nottingham 8-10 April 1994). 63. T. Carter, Memoirs of a Working Man (1845). 64. Ibid., p. 19. 65. Ibid., p. 87. 66. J. Marriage, Letters on the Distressed State of the Agricultural Labour• ers to the Nobility and Other Large Landed Proprietors (Chelmsford, 1830), p. 14. 67. Family Life Archive number 310. 68. For comparison see J. Boydston, 'To earn her daily bread: housework and antebellum working class subsistence', Radical History Review, 35 (1986), pp. 7-25. 69. ERO DIP 203/13/4A 1834. 70. The Essex Standard 29/311833. ERO TA/156 Joseph Bufton, the Cogge• shall weaver whose diary remains from the second half of the seven• teenth century, wrote that after the death of his parents, his house was kept by his sister 'Beck'. This division of labour was not new. ERO QI SBb 57/35 Elizabeth Dunnills, a widow of Ardleigh had lived with Wil• liam Doughty for nine years as his wife. Although they were not married they had several children. In 1712 a case concerning them came up in quarter sessions. Although they had been forced to separate some time previously 'she hath come from time to time to his ..... house, and Washed and Baked and done other Necesary worke for him'. 71. A.F.J. Brown, Essex People 1750-1900 (Chelmsford, 1972), p. 121. 72. ERO PlLwR 21 261511821. 73. ERO D/P203/12/51 10/12/1820. Notes 199

74. L. Davidoff and C. Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the Eng• lish Middle Class 1780-1850 (1987) see the development of a rigid gen• der demarcation of public and private spheres as one of the hallmarks of the development of the middle class. C. Hall, 'The early formation of Victorian domestic ideology' in Burman, Fit Work for Women charts the early development of domestic ideology over the period 1780-1830 and its strong association with evangelicalism. For a critique of these views see AJ. Vickery, 'Golden age to separate spheres? A review of the cat• egories and chronology of English women's history, Historical Journal, 36:2 (1993), 383-414'. 75. P. Lindert and J. G. Williamson, 'English workers living standards dur• ing the industrial revolution: a new look', Economic History Review, 36, pp. 1-25; E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth, 1963). 76. For critiques see J. Humphries, 'Lurking in the wings .. .': women in the historiography of the industrial revolution', Business and Economic His• tory, 20 (1991), pp. 32-44. M. Berg and P. Hudson, 'Rehabilitating the industrial revolution', Economic History Review, 45 (1992), pp. 24-50. 77. R. Floud, K. Wachter and A. Gregory, Heights. Health and History: Nutritional Status in the United Kingdom 1750-1980 (Cambridge, 1990). Even such objective data has been counteracted by S. Nicholas and R.H. Steckel, 'Heights and living standards of English workers during the early years of industrialisation 1770-1815', Journal of Economic History, 51 (1991), pp. 937-57, who get a different picture from convicts transported to Australia, finding a generally shorter population from 1780. See also J. Komlos, 'The secular trend in the biological standard of living in the United Kingdom 1730-1860' Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 115-44, and reply by R. Floud, K. Wachter and A. Gregory, 'Measuring historical heights- short cuts or the long way round: a reply to Komlos' Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 145-54. 78. S. Nicholas and D. Oxley, 'The living standards of women during the industrial revolution 1795-1820', Economic History Review, 46 (1993), pp. 723-49. While I agree that 'women bore the highest costs of indus• trialisation' (p. 747), I cannot go along with the idea that industrialisa• tion limited job opportunities for women across the board. 79. S. Horrell and J. Humphries, 'Old questions, new data and alternative perspectives: the standard of living in the British industrial revolution' Journal of Economic History, 52 (1992), pp. 849-80; 'Women's labour force participation and the transition to the male-breadwinner family, 1790- 1865', Economic History Review, 48 (1995), pp. 89-117. 80. Clearly, some employers sought to keep women's wages artificially main• tained at a lower level than men's wages. Annals of Agriculture, IX (1787), p. 271 gives a description by an Essex yammaker of his trade. His maxim was 'that it is better to pay the spinners irregularly than regularly; and that the father of the family had better be well paid than the wife and children.' 81. H. Cunningham, 'The employment and unemployment of children in England 1680-1851' Past and Present, 126, (1990), 115-50, and his The Chil• dren of the Poor : Representations of Childhood since the Seventeenth 200 Notes

Century (Oxford, 1991). And taking a somewhat different view C. Nardinelli, Child Labor and the Industrial Revolution (Bloomington, 1990). 82. Sokoll, Household and Family among the Poor, p. 42. 83. This conclusion concurs with R.S. Neale, Writing Marxist History: Brit• ish Society, Economy and Culture since 1700 (Oxford, 1985) p. 120, who found no change in money wages paid to servants in Bath over the period 1730-1865 such that the relative earning power of women declined over time. 84. See for comparison with the United States, T. Dublin, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts 1826-1860 (New York, 1979). For comparison with France: O. Hufton, 'Women and the family economy in eighteenth century France', French Historical Studies, 9 (1975), pp. 1-22. 85. ERO DIP 203118/1 24/411755. 86. ERO DIP 129118/10 1829. 87. ERO DIP 129118/10 251211830. 88. ERO DIP 94/18/42 13/1211823. 89. ERO DIP 94/18/42 11611825. 90. J. Walkowitz, 'Male vice and feminist virtue', History Workshop Jour• nal, 13 (1982), pp. 77-93.

EPILOGUE: ECONOMIC CHANGE AND WOMEN'S STATUS IN THE PAST

1. M.E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: 1993), p. 86. 2. W.A. Lewis, 'Economic development with unlimited supplies of labour', The Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, XXII (1954), pp. 139-91 is the classical theoretical position on this. 3. B. Hill, 'Women's history: a study in change, continuity or standing stilI?' Women's History Review, 2: I (1993), pp. 5-22, and Bennett's reply, J. Bennett, 'Women's history: a study in continuity and change', Women's History Review, 2:2 (1993), pp. 173-84. 4. J. Bennett, 'History that stands still': women's work in the European past', Feminist Studies, 14:2 (1988), pp. 269-83 (278). 5. A. MacEwan Scott, 'Women and industrialisation: examining the 'female marginalisation' thesis, Journal of Development Studies, 22 (1986), pp. 643-680. 6. H.I. Hartmann, 'Capitalism, patriarchy and job segregation by sex', Signs, I, (1976), pp. 137-69; S. Walby, Theorising Patriarchy (Oxford, 1990). 7. E. Boserup, Woman's role in economic development (1970). 8. L. Beneria and G. Sen, 'Accumulation, reproduction and women's role in economic development: Boserup revisited', Signs 7:2, (1981), pp. 279-98. 9. D. Elson and R. Pearson, 'Nimble fingers make cheap workers': an analysis of women's employment in Third World export manufacturing' Feminist Review,7 (1981), pp. 87-107. 10. M.K. Whyte, The Status of Women in Preindustrial Societies (Princeton, 1978), p. 170. Notes 201

11. J. H. Townsend and J.H. Momsen, 'Towards a geography of gender in developing economies', in J.H. Momsen and 1.H. Townsend (eds) Geog• raphy of Gender in the Third World (1987), pp. 26-81. 12. See H. Bradley, Men's Work. Women's Work (Cambridge 1989), on the complexities here. 13. D. Souden, 'East, west - home's best'? Regional patterns in migration in early modern England', in P. Clark and D. Souden (eds), Migration and Society in Early Modern England (1987), pp. 292-332. 14. L.A. Tilly and J.W. Scott, Women. Work and Family (New York, 1978). This now classic research shows that the life-cycle is of crucial import• ance when considering women's working lives. A very different picture emerges for single women, married women, or the widowed. 15. ERO T/Z 251266 'My first job', essay Mrs Emma Dines, 1961. 16. Colchester Recalled Archive 2050. 17. Colchester Recalled Archive 2033-1/2. 18. Colchester Recalled Archive 2232. 19. J. Allen, 'Evidence and silence: feminism and the limits of history', in C. Pateman and E. Gross (eds) Feminist Challenges: Social and Political Theory (1986), pp. 173-89. Bibliography

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES Essex Record Office

Parish records Coggeshall: DIP 36/8/5, 7; DIP 36/13/4A, 4C; DIP 36/1813 Castle Hedingham: DIP 48/13/4 Writtle: DIP 50/18/1-2 Sible Hedingham: DIP 93/1812 Chelmsford: DIP 94/18/3; DIP 94/814, 9; DIP 94/18/39, 42 Halstead: DIP 96/13/4 : DIP 128/18/9 Rochford: DIP 129/18/10 St James', Colchester: DIP 138118111 Woodford: DIP 167/8/3 St Peter's, Colchester: DIP 178/28127 Rainham: DIP 202118/13 St Botolph's, Colchester: DIP 203/812, 3; DIP 203/12118; DIP 203112123,39, 45, 51; DIP 203/13/4A, 4C, 4D; DIP 20311811-3 Canewdon: DIP 21911811 : DIP 237/12/1-3 Mundon: DIP 238/811; DIP 23811811 St Leonard's, Colchester: DIP 245118/6 Braintree: DIP 26411314; DIP 264/14110; DIP 264/18/24 Bocking: DIP 268/18/2 Terling: DIP 299/812-3; DIP 299112/3-5, 7, 8; DIP 299114/1.

Court records QISBb Quarter Sessions bundles 1694-1833 QISR Quarter Session rolls 1556-1699 Colchester Borough Sessions Colchester draft minutes of session 1764-1826 PICa Chelmsford Petty Sessions PICoR Colchester Petty Sessions P/LwR Lexden and Winstree Petty Sessions PIWM Witham Petty Sessions D/AED Archdeacon of Essex depositions

Private papers DIDP A18-22, A57, A59, A82, A214, M992 Petre papers DIDA A3 Cawton papers DIDTa A 1-8 Tabor papers DIDJN E5 Joslin papers

202 Bibliography 203

D/DNMlll Kempton accounts DIDU 22412 Watkinson accounts DIDE/AI-5 Bentall and Linett papers D/DU 6231183 White accounts D/DWAI-3 Cranfield account books 1741-50 T A1287 Cranfield accounts, 1624-9; 1676-7 TAl156 Bufton diary Laver papers. Clothier's Petition 1642 T/Z 25 Essex old people's welfare committee competition 'My first job' es• says 1956-7; 1961, 1976

Oral history

University of Essex, Sociology Department, Family Life Archive Colchester Institute. Colchester Recalled Archive Essex Record Office, Essex Sound Archive

Newspapers

Chelmsford Chronicle Colchester Gazette Ipswich Journal The Essex Standard Illustrated London News Luton News English Labourer's Chronicle

Bucklnghamshire Record Office

Quarter Sessions QS/JC/4

Luton Museum

Letter to T.W. Bagshawe 1933 Luton Museum sundry notes on straw-plaiting

Public Record Office

ASSI 35 Assize records PRO CI041l7 Papers of Thomas Grigg, Ballingdon 1725-1758

British Museum

Additional MS 39,245 fo. 51, 52

Parliamentary Papers

Select Committee on Poor Laws: Parliamentary Papers 1818. V. Select Committee on the Silk Trade: Parliamentary papers 1832, XIX. 204 Bibliography

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Abberton 68. III Bennett. I udith 150 agriculture 7. 71-100 Berg. Maxine 4. 9 accounts 77. 86. 89 Besse. Edward 12 barley 72. 78. 82. 83-4 Best. Henry 79-80 caraway 92 Bevan. Mary 113 cattle raising 91-2 15. 17 cheese-making 91-2 Bilton. Sarah 35 coriander 92 87 dairying 71. 73. 91-2 Black alias Foster. Sarah 14 field gangs 96 Blackstone. William Sir 10 fruit-growing 94 Blatch. Charlotte 113 grain 27. 29. 71. 72. 82 Blyth. Thomas 113 herbs 71. 93 Bocking 13. 23. 26. 29. 30. 32, 40. hops 59. 71. 78. 90-1. 92. 99 44. 58. 106. 127 market gardening 16. 94 Boggis. Issac 23. 30. 32. 35 milk-vending 17 Bonvise. Mr 20 saffron 71. 92 127 seed-growing 93 Boxted III teasel 92 Boyer. George 117. 140 turnips 71 Boyle. Michael and Mary 39, 48 vegetables 71 Boys, lohn 4. 92 weeding 74. 78-80. 88. 99 Bradwell-on-Sea 97 Aldham 83 Braintree 12. 23. 26. 29. 30. 32. 40. ale-brewing 16 41. 44. 45. 46, 75. 90, 95 Alexander. Sally 7 Braybrooke. Lord 52. 92 Algar. Mrs 53. 56 brick-making 13 Allen. Charlotte 132 Bridger. Edward ltO Allen. Robert 7. 61. 73 Bright. Mrs 12-13 Amenet. Mr 103 Bright. Widow 2 American War of Independence 25 Brightlingsea 86 Antony estate 74. 79 Broke. John 20 apprenticeship 46 Brome. Mr 91 Ardleigh 69 Brooks. Elizabeth 132 Arnold. John 81 Brown. Arthur 66 Arnold. Mary and lohn 83 Brown. Martha 130 Ashcroft. Widow 17 Brown. Mary Ann 49 Ashford. Mary Ann 113 Brown, Stephen 48. 50 Bruce. James 35 Bacon. Ann 41 Buckingham. Marquis and Bacon. Nathaniel 74. 79 Marchioness 56 Bacon. Sarah 59 Buckingham, Sarah 83 Barlow. Nathaniel & Sons 130 Bugg. John 65 Barren. William 84 Bugsby. Rebecca 89 Baskerville. Thomas 90 Burchell. John and Mary 89 Baxter. Sarah 48 Burgis, Sarah 35 Beardsell. Mary 69 Burns. lohn Byng 56 Benerill L. and Sen G. 150 Burrows. Susannah 16 Bennall. Thomas 130 Butcher, Mrs 49

221 222 Index

Butler, Dlding 63 Cummings, Mary 132 Byfleet, Ruth 132 custom 100

Camden, William 92 Dale, David 45 Cannon, Paul 31 Daval, Hobart 64 Cain. Thomas 64 Davidoff. Leonore 10 Canewdon 118 Davies, David 76, 125-6 Carden, Sarah 109 Day. Daniel 15 Carrit, Thomas and Henrietta 123 D'Cruze, Shani 15 Carter, Thomas 65, 142-3 Dedham 137. 152 Carthy, Mary 16 Deekes, Ruth 109-10 Castle. John 68, 144 Defoe, Daniel 19. 22, 31, 90, 106, 107 Cawton, Thomas 78-9 Demand, Jane 34 census 96, 130, 131, 141 Dengie 94 Chapman, S.D. 63 desertion, marital 136 Chelmsford 2, 14, 16. 17, 29, 35. 48, Devall. Peter 29 58,71,90, 92. 103, 109, 113, 116-17, Deverill, Hooton 56 121-2, 125. 132, 138, 143 domestic servants 52, 57. 61, 89, children 62, 90 101-16, 128-9 Children's Employment Commission domesticity 10. 142-3 (1843) 55-6, 62 Drago, Mr 53 Clapham, Rebecca 53 Dundas, Henry 86 Clark. Alice 6, 7, 11, 34, 74, 148 Dunstable 56, 60 Clark. Elizabeth 36 Dutch Community 20-5. 93. 94 Clark, James and Rachel 118-20, 142 Cleare. Thos 41 Earle, Peter 7, 79, 128 cloth trade 3, 16, 19-37 earnings, women's 9. 30. 31, 34, 39, broadcloth 19 43, 48, 56, 57, 59-60, 61, 62, 76-7, New Draperies 19, 21 79-80, 83, 88, 89, 90, 94, 97, 113-16, Norwich textiles 28, 34, 41 128, 146. 152 spinning 30-6, 52, 76, 114 Easthorpe 144 weaving, women 33. 35-6 Eden. Frederick 131 Cobbett, William I, 58 Edwards. Mary 109 Coe. Mrs 105 Elbourn, Frederick 67 Coggeshall 16, 20, 21, 28, 29, 30, 32, Elmstead Market 16 40.-44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 53, 54-6. 72. Elson D. and Pearson R. 151 75. 93. 114, 131 Elvin. Mary 127 Colchester 12, 13, 15. 17, 19, 21, 22, Ely, Mr 109 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33. 35, Emmison, F.G. 77 36, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 48, 63, 64, 65, Emsley. Clive 86 68,69,71, 72, 75, 83, 84.94, 101, Epping II, 79 106-7,108, III, 112, 116, 117, Epping Forest 15 118-20, 124, 130, 132, 146, 150, 152 Erickson, Amy 7, 11 common rights 80-5 Essex Society for the Encouragement of Copford 83 Agriculture and Industry 87 Copped Hall 78 Everitt, Susan 83 copperas 17 Courtaulds 40, 45, 50 Fairiop fair 15 Cowell. Hannah and Walter 84 Felstead 89 Cranfield estate 79 93 Craske. Mary 137 Felkin, William 55 Cross. Jane 146 FeU-Smith. Charlotte 80 Crowe. Edgar 64 Field, Mrs 93 Cudden family 66 Field. Mary 66 Index 223

Fielding, John 106 Hall, John (silk mill proprietor) 47-8, Fiennes, Celia 19-20 50, 53, 55 Finch, Mr 55 Hall, Sarah 138 Finch, Sarah 126-7 Halstead 21, 28, 29, 30, 44, 57, 58, Finchingfield 59, 62, 90 75,90 Fletcher, James 118 Hance, Mrs 110 Floud, R., Wachter, K. and Handloom Weaving Commission Gregory, A. 145 (1840) 45, 50 Fordham 83, 94 Hardy, Thomas 33 forestalling 17 Harris, Mrs 123 Forster, Mary 131 Harrison, Elizabeth 131 Forster, Mary Ann 143 Harrison, William 71, 92 fortune telling 16 Hart, Ann 14 Fowler, Francis 126 Hart, Thomas and James 84 Fox, Elizabeth 83 Hartmann, Heidi 150 Francis, Richard 83 Harum, Matilda 64 Franks, Elizabeth 12 Harwood, Elizabeth 8 Fraser, Daniel 46, 51 Harvey, Elizabeth 12 Freeman, Hannah 59, 83 Harvie, Helen 14 French Wars 16, 29, 39, 42, 56, 58, 75 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 72, 75-6, 85-9, Hassell-Smith, A. 74, 78 96, 136, 141, 146 Hastier, Robert 98 Fritz, Frances and James 36 hat making 69 Fuller, Thomas 3 Hatfield Peverel 41, 49 Hayne, Messrs 54 Garland, Sarah 16 Haywood, Eliza 141-2 Gestingthorpe 62 Haxell, James 69 Gilboy, Mrs 74, 80 Hearl, Mira 49 Gleaning 80-5, 86, 89, 95, 99, 114, Hearse, Rose 16 130 Heathcoat, John 54 Goddard, Rosetta 67 Hedinghams, The 32, 45, 59, 62, 90, Good, Arthur 118 93,94 Gosfield 56-63 Henderson, John 83 greensward 17 Herbert, Ann 147 IS, 17 Herrick, Mr 144 90 Hicks, Mrs ll4 78-9 Higgs, Edward 96 Great Dunmow 12 12, 107 Great Henny 62 Hill, Amy 1 Great Maplestead 62 Hill, Bridget 7, 150 55, 56, 135, 152 Hobsbawm, Eric 6 Great Waltham 45, 95 Hodson, Mr 62 Great Wakering 96 Hollingtons 68, 153 Green, Joseph 84 Holloway, Sarah 66 Green, Miss 113 Horsnail, Mary llO-11 Grigg, Thomas 34 housework 142-4 Griggs, Messrs 93 Hudson, Pat 4 Guy, Olave 113 Hufton, Olwen I, 9 Gyant, Susannah 114 Huggins, Ann 125 Hughes, Sarah 114 Hadleigh 62 Humphries, Jane 7, 82, 85, 142 Hall, Catherine 10 Hundreds of Essex 3, 4, 89, 91, 94, 152 Hall, John (journeyman fell monger) Hunt, Thomas 17 103 Hyam, Hyam 65, 152 224 Index

Hyam, Moses and Simon, 65, 68 Malthus, Rev. Thomas 85, 140 Hyams, Sarah 133 Manning, Elizabeth Ann 146 mantua making 8, 69, 113 Inman, Thomas 133 marriage 139-44 Inshaw, George 131 Marriage, Joseph 143 Iron, William 83 Marsh, Ann 125 Marshall, William 81 Johnson, family 40, 53, 54, 55 Martin, Mary 103 Jones and Foyster 43 May, William and Susan 144 Jones, S.R.H. 44 Mayhew, Henry 67 Joslin family 86-7, 89 McBride, Theresa 102 McKenrick, Neil 9 Kay, John 32 McMurry, Sally 91 Kelvedon 14, 93, 94 Meagle, Widow 12 Kempton 86 Meanes, James 49 King, Peter 82, 83 Merill, Mrs 18 King, William 64, 123 Messing 93 Kingsley, Charles 67 Miller, Celia 96 Kirkby, Ann 94 millinery IS, 69 Knap, James 136 Mills, Jeffrey 124 Kussmaul, Ann 75, 139 Mingay, G.E. 85 Mitchell, James 128 lace tambouring 52, 53-6, 69, 139 Morant, Philip 25, 27, 92 Lambert, Samuel 26 More, Hannah 142 Langham 76 Moses, E. and M. 65 laundering lOS, 120, 124-6 Muilman, Peter 90 Laws, Elizabeth 113 Munday, William 11 Leader, W. 65 Mundon 110, 126 Leanings 68 Munn, William and Mary 118 legal status of women 10 Munson, Mary and John 144 Lester, Ann 120 Lexden 84 Nason, John 108 Leytonstone 118 Neale, R.S. 9 Lilly, Daniel 39 needlework 8, 113, 118-20, 132, 147 Limerick lace 55 Newman, Rev. 127 Lindert, P. and Williamson, J. 144 Nicholas, S. and Oxley, D. 145 Lindsell, Mr 60-1 Nockold, Samuel 69 Linebaugh, Peter 8 Norden, John 71, 94 144 Norfolk 29, 34, 91, 92, 96 132 North, Rev. J. 135 Little Dunmow 143 Nottidge, Josias 29 Little HaIlingbury 39 nursing 126-7, 134 Lombe's mill 39 London 3, 4, 7, 8, 12, IS, 17, 19, 24, Oakes, James 34 26, 30, 53, 54, 60, 63, 64, 65-6, 68, OIdknow, Samuel 45 69, 71, 76, 77, 81, 89, 91, 93, 94, Ortwell, Henry 107 101, 106, 110, 112, 116-23, 125, 145 Owen, Robert 45 Long, Mr 108 Lawn, Judy 44 Page, Henry 101 Luck, Lucy 60, 139 Pearlby, Mr 72 Lydall, Susanna 14 Parrish, Mr 93 Pasmore, Mrs 103 Majendie family 90 39 Maldon 16, 22, 48, 71, 108, 144 127 Index 225

Petre estates 78, 89, 126 Sandon 91 Phythian-Adams 5 Sansom, Hannah and Philip 12 Pinchbeck, Ivy 6-7, 9, 96, 99, 136 Savill family 23, 28, 29, 40 Pitts, Hannah 14 Schwarz, Leonard 7, 69 Pitt, William 28 Scotcher, Mr and Mrs 125 Place, Francis 103, 124-5 Seleski, Patty 103, 113 Pole family 85 servants in husbandry 73, 89 Pollett, Elizabeth 16 Seward stone 39 poor relief 134-8 Shammas, Carol 34, 74, 79 amounts 88 Sharp, George and Sarah 83 organising work 31, 34-5, 41-2, Sherriff, James 143 45-6, 48, 50, 55, 58-9, 69, 109, Shipman, Goody 17 116, 143 shoe making 12-3, 63-4, 69 New Poor Law 96 sickles and scythes 75 non -resident relief 117 silk 27, 38-53, 50, 68, 69 Poor Law Report (1834) 36, 40, 59, weaving, women 42-5 62, 95, 96, 108 Simpson, Eliza 49 Poor Law Commission (1835) 96, 136 Skinnerswick Farm 89 Select Committee on Poor Laws Smith, Edward 84 (1818) 59 Smith, Sarah 43-4, 149 Speenhamland system 135-6 Smith, Solomon 32 Porteous, Ann 76 Snell, Keith 7, 73, 76-7, 80, 85, 91, Pratt, John 84 95, 114 Priestly, Sarah and Joseph 132 Society of Arts 58 prostitution 130-4 Society for Bettering the Condition of Pulley, James 49 the Poor 87, 88 Sokoll, Thomas 9, 142, 146 Rainham 1 South, Morse 41, 49 Rayleigh 97 127 Reed, Elizabeth 136-7 Sowerman, Susannah 64 retailing 15-17 Spain 21, 24 cooking food 16 Spains Hall 90 hawking 16 Spital fields 38, 40, 42, 44 oyster-selling 16, 17 Spulford, Margaret 14 regrating 17 Spurge family 55 Richards, Eric 102 Spurgin, Jeremy and Jane 12 Richardson, Mahala 67 Stace, William and Elizabeth 11-12 Richardson, Samuel 102 Stafford, Rachel 107 Rising, Susannah 58 91 Rivenall, David and Sarah 121-2 Stanard, Grace 17 Roberts, Michael 75 Stand, John 59 Rochford 108, 110, 137, 146 Stansted Hall 90 Rogers, Grace 133 Stanway 84 Rolfe, Elizabeth 107 Stapleton, Mrs to9 107 91 Roofe, C.B. 63 Steer, Benjamin 36 Rose, Sonya 10 Stewart, Mrs 16 rush collecting 17 Stisted 62 Rust, Daniel and Sarah 116-17 Stoke-by-Nayland 72 95 Sadler Report (1833) 46, 47, 51 Stourbridge Fair 23, 90 Sadler, Samuel 41 89 Saffron Walden 52, 91, 92 straw-plaiting 52, 56-63, 69, 70, 139 samphire 17 Strut!, John 88 226 Index

Stuck. Abraham 41 Walker, Charles 55 Sudbury 23. 26. 38. 41. 120 79 Suffolk 11, 19, 22, 34, 62, 89, 91, 92, 55 97, 112, 132, 133, 137 Warner, Frank 51 Warren. C. Henry 59 Tabrum, Arthur 118 Warren. Sarah 64 tailoring 52. 64-9. 152-3 Watkinson, Samuel 87 Takeley 127 Watson, Ann 84 Taylor. Susannah 48 Watson, George and Hannah 138 72, 77 Weathersfield 57, 91 Terling 17, 59, 88. 109, 137. 140 Webb, Letitia and Emma 67 Thaxted 62. 89 Webster, Mr 87 Thirsk. Joan 17 West BerghoIt 132 Thompson. E.P. 6. 145 West Ham 17 Thorndon Hall 89 Weston. Sarah 106 Thorp 83 wet nursing 127. 134 Thorp. Mrs Ellen Ada 95 White. Esther 137 Throes 98 White. Susan 137 Thurgood. James 143 Whyte. Edward 20 Tillingham 96. 137 widows 11. 79. 137 Tiptree 48. 56. 72. 85, 87. 93 Wilkies, Mrs 133 Toballe. Thomas and Goodye 79 Wilson. George 29 Tolleshunt d' Arcy 89 Wilson. Lydia 49 Totham 94 Witham 23, 94 Trundle. Widow 15 Withnell. Sarah 42 Tull, Jethro 88 19. 78-9 Tumer"s factory 152 Women and children in agriculture. Turvey. Miss E. 95. 97. 104. 114 Report on (1843) 36. 50. 81. 98 Tusser. Thomas 71 Women and children in agriculture. TymperIeys clock museum 12 Report on (1867) 98 Tyrell. Hannah 88 Woodford 45 Woodham Ferris 89 41. 86 Woodly. William 31 Wright. Mr 109 vagrancy 130-1 Wright. Thomas 3. 85 Valenze. Deborah 18. 91 Wrigley. E.A. 7 Vancouver. Charles 56, 72, 81. 86, 89, and Schofield. R.S. 139 91. 115 Writtle 58. 127

Wakes Colne 132 Young. Arthur 23. 26. 33. 34. 35. 38. Walby, Sylvia 150 56, 57, 71. 72. 73. 87. 91. 94. 105. Walford, Ann 105 107