Afghanistan Uncovered Trip Notes
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Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar
Justice & Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar M AY 2014 Above: Behsud Bridge, Nangarhar Province (Photo by TLO) A TLO M A P P I N G R EPORT Justice and Security Practices, Perceptions, and Problems in Kabul and Nangarhar May 2014 In Cooperation with: © 2014, The Liaison Office. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the publisher, The Liaison Office. Permission can be obtained by emailing [email protected] ii Acknowledgements This report was commissioned from The Liaison Office (TLO) by Cordaid’s Security and Justice Business Unit. Research was conducted via cooperation between the Afghan Women’s Resource Centre (AWRC) and TLO, under the supervision and lead of the latter. Cordaid was involved in the development of the research tools and also conducted capacity building by providing trainings to the researchers on the research methodology. While TLO makes all efforts to review and verify field data prior to publication, some factual inaccuracies may still remain. TLO and AWRC are solely responsible for possible inaccuracies in the information presented. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of Cordaid. The Liaison Office (TL0) The Liaison Office (TLO) is an independent Afghan non-governmental organization established in 2003 seeking to improve local governance, stability and security through systematic and institutionalized engagement with customary structures, local communities, and civil society groups. -
Conflict in Afghanistan I
Conflict in Afghanistan I 92 Number 880 December 2010 Volume Volume 92 Number 880 December 2010 Volume 92 Number 880 December 2010 Part 1: Socio-political and humanitarian environment Interview with Dr Sima Samar Chairperson of the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission Afghanistan: an historical and geographical appraisal William Maley Dynamic interplay between religion and armed conflict in Afghanistan Ken Guest Transnational Islamic networks Imtiaz Gul Impunity and insurgency: a deadly combination in Afghanistan Norah Niland The right to counsel as a safeguard of justice in Afghanistan: the contribution of the International Legal Foundation Jennifer Smith, Natalie Rea, and Shabir Ahmad Kamawal State-building in Afghanistan: a case showing the limits? Lucy Morgan Edwards The future of Afghanistan: an Afghan responsibility Conflict I in Afghanistan Taiba Rahim Humanitarian debate: Law, policy, action www.icrc.org/eng/review Conflict in Cambridge Journals Online For further information about this journal please go to the journal web site at: ISSN 1816-3831 http://www.journals.cambridge.org/irc Afghanistan I Editorial Team Editor-in-Chief: Vincent Bernard The Review is printed in English and is Editorial assistant: Michael Siegrist published four times a year, in March, Publication assistant: June, September and December. Claire Franc Abbas Annual selections of articles are also International Review of the Red Cross published on a regional level in Arabic, Aim and scope 19, Avenue de la Paix Chinese, French, Russian and Spanish. The International Review of the Red Cross is a periodical CH - 1202 Geneva, Switzerland published by the ICRC. Its aim is to promote reflection on t +41 22 734 60 01 Published in association with humanitarian law, policy and action in armed conflict and f +41 22 733 20 57 Cambridge University Press. -
Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°85 Nairobi/Brussels, 25 January 2012 Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation tant government positions. The coalition government has I. OVERVIEW created a ministry to spearhead development in the region. A modest affirmative action policy is opening opportuni- Somalia’s growing Islamist radicalism is spilling over in- ties in higher education and state employment. To most to Kenya. The militant Al-Shabaab movement has built a Somalis this is improvement, if halting, over past neglect. cross-border presence and a clandestine support network But the deployment of troops to Somalia may jeopardise among Muslim populations in the north east and Nairobi much of this modest progress. Al-Shabaab or sympathisers and on the coast, and is trying to radicalise and recruit have launched small but deadly attacks against government youth from these communities, often capitalising on long- and civilian targets in the province; there is credible fear a standing grievances against the central state. This prob- larger terror attack may be tried elsewhere to undermine lem could grow more severe with the October 2011 deci- Kenyan resolve and trigger a security crackdown that could sion by the Kenyan government to intervene directly in drive more Somalis, and perhaps other Muslims, into the Somalia. Radicalisation is a grave threat to Kenya’s securi- movement’s arms. Accordingly, the government should: ty and stability. Formulating and executing sound counter- radicalisation and de-radicalisation policies before it is too recognise that a blanket or draconian crackdown on late must be a priority. It would be a profound mistake, Kenyan Somalis, or Kenyan Muslims in general, would however, to view the challenge solely through a counter- radicalise more individuals and add to the threat of terrorism lens. -
Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°85 Nairobi/Brussels, 25 January 2012 Kenyan Somali Islamist Radicalisation tant government positions. The coalition government has I. OVERVIEW created a ministry to spearhead development in the region. A modest affirmative action policy is opening opportuni- Somalia’s growing Islamist radicalism is spilling over in- ties in higher education and state employment. To most to Kenya. The militant Al-Shabaab movement has built a Somalis this is improvement, if halting, over past neglect. cross-border presence and a clandestine support network But the deployment of troops to Somalia may jeopardise among Muslim populations in the north east and Nairobi much of this modest progress. Al-Shabaab or sympathisers and on the coast, and is trying to radicalise and recruit have launched small but deadly attacks against government youth from these communities, often capitalising on long- and civilian targets in the province; there is credible fear a standing grievances against the central state. This prob- larger terror attack may be tried elsewhere to undermine lem could grow more severe with the October 2011 deci- Kenyan resolve and trigger a security crackdown that could sion by the Kenyan government to intervene directly in drive more Somalis, and perhaps other Muslims, into the Somalia. Radicalisation is a grave threat to Kenya’s securi- movement’s arms. Accordingly, the government should: ty and stability. Formulating and executing sound counter- radicalisation and de-radicalisation policies before it is too recognise that a blanket or draconian crackdown on late must be a priority. It would be a profound mistake, Kenyan Somalis, or Kenyan Muslims in general, would however, to view the challenge solely through a counter- radicalise more individuals and add to the threat of terrorism lens. -
Explaining Blackwater's Unparalleled Record of Violence in Iraq
Wheeled Warriors: Explaining Blackwater’s Unparalleled Record of Violence in Iraq by Scott Fitzsimmons Department of Political Science University of British Columbia [email protected] On September 16, 2007, employees of Blackwater, a private security company tasked with protecting U.S. State Department personnel in Iraq, opened fire on pedestrians and motorists in Baghdad’s bustling Nisour Square. This brief but ferocious use of violence against unarmed Iraqi civilians, which came to be known as the “Nisour Square incident,” left 17 civilians dead and two dozen wounded.1 This event was one of the most violent and widely reported on incidents involving Blackwater’s personnel, but it was emblematic of their unparalleled record of violent actions during the Iraq War. In fact, the firm’s personnel fired their weapons during at least 323 incidents in Iraq between January 1, 2005, and December 31, 2007, for an average of two shooting incidents per week. Moreover, despite operating during the same period, performing the same tasks, for the same clients, and facing the same threats in the same general environment, Blackwater’s personnel killed and seriously injured far more people than their counterparts in DynCorp, one of the other major private security companies that provided protective services for the U.S. State Department during this period of the Iraq War. Stunningly, while Blackwater’s personnel inflicted at least 62 deaths and 86 serious injuries during this 1 Blackwater changed its name to Xe in 2009 and to Academi in 2011. However, since the firm is almost invariably referred to by its original name, this study will, whenever possible, do the same. -
The Road to Afghanistan
Introduction Hundreds of books—memoirs, histories, fiction, poetry, chronicles of military units, and journalistic essays—have been written about the Soviet war in Afghanistan. If the topic has not yet been entirely exhausted, it certainly has been very well documented. But what led up to the invasion? How was the decision to bring troops into Afghanistan made? What was the basis for the decision? Who opposed the intervention and who had the final word? And what kind of mystical country is this that lures, with an almost maniacal insistence, the most powerful world states into its snares? In the nineteenth and early twentieth century it was the British, in the 1980s it was the Soviet Union, and now America and its allies continue the legacy. Impoverished and incredibly backward Afghanistan, strange as it may seem, is not just a normal country. Due to its strategically important location in the center of Asia, the mountainous country has long been in the sights of more than its immediate neighbors. But woe to anyone who arrives there with weapon in hand, hoping for an easy gain—the barefoot and illiterate Afghans consistently bury the hopes of the strange foreign soldiers who arrive along with battalions of tanks and strategic bombers. To understand Afghanistan is to see into your own future. To comprehend what happened there, what happens there continually, is to avoid great tragedy. One of the critical moments in the modern history of Afghanistan is the period from April 27, 1978, when the “April Revolution” took place in Kabul and the leftist People’s Democratic Party seized control of the country, until December 27, 1979, when Soviet special forces, obeying their “international duty,” eliminated the ruling leader and installed 1 another leader of the same party in his place. -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking. -
Private Security Contractors in the War on Terrorism: Men of Honor Or Dogs of War?
PRIVATE SECURITY CONTRACTORS IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM: MEN OF HONOR OR DOGS OF WAR? A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies And of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts In Social and Public Policy By Joseph W. Boler, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. 15 April 2010 Copyright 2010 by Joseph W. Boler All Rights Reserved ii PRIVATE SECURITY CONTRACTORS IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM: MEN OF HONOR OR DOGS OF WAR? Joseph W. Boler, B.A. Mentor: Professor R. Nicholas Palarino, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The end of the Cold War and ascendance of Globalization were the catalysts that allowed the transformation of mercenaries into Private Security Corporations (PSCs). This transformation of lone rogue warriors into legitimate corporations specializing in the market of force would have a dramatic and long lasting effect on modern warfare. PSCs, being an integral part of the legitimate use of force by sovereign states, must have mechanisms in place to ensure moral and ethic safeguards, and adherence to international law. Likewise, the Global War on Terrorism ushered in a new era of reliance on PSCs to bridge the security gaps created by a smaller military force being stretched too thin. PSCs were the logical stop gap solution. While they were awarded lucrative contracts, iii little thought was given to oversight of actions by PSCs and their employees. This failure and the lack of legislative or executive branch regulation in a dynamic situation has been much more reactive than proactive, and created a “Wild West” perception that the government has taken remedial steps to correct. -
Great Game to 9/11
Air Force Engaging the World Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland COVER Aerial view of a village in Farah Province, Afghanistan. Photo (2009) by MSst. Tracy L. DeMarco, USAF. Department of Defense. Great Game to 9/11 A Concise History of Afghanistan’s International Relations Michael R. Rouland Washington, D.C. 2014 ENGAGING THE WORLD The ENGAGING THE WORLD series focuses on U.S. involvement around the globe, primarily in the post-Cold War period. It includes peacekeeping and humanitarian missions as well as Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom—all missions in which the U.S. Air Force has been integrally involved. It will also document developments within the Air Force and the Department of Defense. GREAT GAME TO 9/11 GREAT GAME TO 9/11 was initially begun as an introduction for a larger work on U.S./coalition involvement in Afghanistan. It provides essential information for an understanding of how this isolated country has, over centuries, become a battleground for world powers. Although an overview, this study draws on primary- source material to present a detailed examination of U.S.-Afghan relations prior to Operation Enduring Freedom. Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Air Force, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Cleared for public release. Contents INTRODUCTION The Razor’s Edge 1 ONE Origins of the Afghan State, the Great Game, and Afghan Nationalism 5 TWO Stasis and Modernization 15 THREE Early Relations with the United States 27 FOUR Afghanistan’s Soviet Shift and the U.S. -
Taliban, Afghan Representatives
Quote of the Day FREEDOM The secret to happiness www.thedailyafghanistan.com is freedom... And the secret to Email: [email protected] freedom is courage. Phone: 0093 (799) 005019/777-005019 Add: In front of Habibia High School, Thucydides District 3, Kabul, Afghansitan Volume No. 4214 Wednesday July 10, 2019 Saratan 19, 1398 www.outlookafghanistan.net Price: 20/-Afs Iran Fully Supports Taliban, Afghan Representatives Afghan Peace Process Agree to Road Map for Peace Deal Taliban and Afghan representatives, including some government officials, agreed Tuesday to a basic road map for negotiating the country’s political future, a major step that could help propel peace efforts to end the long war, now in its 18th year. MAZAR-I-SHARIF - Iran’s deputy foreign minis- ter Jaber Ali Ansari has said Tehran fully supports the ongoing peace process in Afghanistan. Addressing a gathering here, Ansari said the time had come to put the decades old conflict in Af- ghanistan to an end. He said after Balkh province, he would travel to Kabul, Herat and other provinces to meet local of- ficials. He said Iran had been under pressure from the US since years but the tense relations would have no negative impact on the good Tehran-Kabul ties. Ansari said efforts were on to facilitate and bring reforms in visa policy. He claimed some countries in the region wanted to harm relationship be- tween Iran and ...(More on P4)...(2) Finance Ministry Reports 14% Revenue Increase in 2019 DOHA - In a joint declaration after al, cultural affairs.” ward a peace process between U.S. -
Downloads/Ctrylst.Txt
[Type the company name] 1 [Type the document title] T HE S O M A L I I NSURGENCY THE GROWING THREAT O F TERROR’S RESURGENC E Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Capstone Project Submitted by Joshua Meservey May 2013 © 2013 Joshua Meservey http://fletcher.tufts.edu Josh Meservey 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 A BRIEF HISTORY 6 COLONIZATION 7 DEMOCRACY, DICTATORSHIP, DISINTEGRATION 10 THE ROOTS OF AL-SHABAAB 13 TERRORISM TRIUMPHANT 15 STIRRINGS OF HOPE 16 THE KIDS AREN’T ALRIGHT: AN ANALYSIS OF HARAKAT AL-SHABAAB AL- MUJAHIDEEN 18 IDEOLOGY AND STRUCTURE 18 TRANSNATIONAL TERRORIST LINKS 19 FUNDING 20 RECRUITMENT 27 REASONS FOR AL-SHABAAB’S LOSSES 42 SELF-INFLICTED WOUNDS 42 INTERNATIONAL EFFORTS 54 AL-SHABAAB’S RETURN TO INSURGENCY: HOP LIKE A FLEA 61 “DO YOU REALLY THINK THEY CAN CONTINUE LIKE THAT FOREVER?” 62 SOLUTION: COUNTERINSURGENCY 67 WIN THE PEOPLE 67 GEOGRAPHY, CULTURE, AND HISTORY 71 A COUNTERINSURGENCY REPORT CARD 89 TOO MANY MISTAKES 89 PLANNING: TOO LITTLE, TOO LATE 89 TRAINING: “SHOOT AND DUCK” 92 GOVERNMENT LEGITIMACY: “LEGITIMACY-DEFICIT”? 94 SECURITY: “IT IS HARD NOT TO WORRY” 97 COALITION POLITICS: WITH FRIENDS LIKE THESE 100 TREATMENT OF CIVILIANS: DO NO HARM 104 WHO IS WINNING? 108 THE WAY FORWARD 111 FOR THE SOMALI FEDERAL GOVERNMENT 111 FOR AMISOM AND ETHIOPIA 124 FOR THE UNITED STATES 130 CONCLUSION: DANGEROUS TIMES 139 ADDENDUM: THE WESTGATE MALL ATTACK 141 WORKS CITED 145 Josh Meservey 3 Executive Summary Al-Shabaab’s current fortunes appear bleak. It has been pushed from all of its major strongholds by a robust international effort, and its violent Salafism has alienated many Somalis. -
Comparing Camels in Afghanistan and Australia: Industry and Nationalism During the Long Nineteenth Century
Comparing camels in Afghanistan and Australia: Industry and nationalism during the Long Nineteenth Century Shah Mahmoud Hanifi [James Madison University, Virginia, USA] Abstract: This paper compares the roles of camels and their handlers in state building projects in Afghanistan and Australia during the global ascendance of industrial production. Beginning in the mid-1880s the Afghan state-sponsored industrial project known as the mashin khana or Kabul workshops had significant consequences for camel-based commercial transport in and between Afghanistan and colonial India. Primary effects include the carriage of new commodities, new forms of financing and taxation, re- routing, and markedly increased state surveillance over camel caravans. In Australia the trans-continental railway and telegraph, and other projects involving intra-continental exploration and mining, generated a series of in-migrations of Afghan camels and cameleers between the 1830s and 1890s. The port of Adelaide was the urban center most affected by Afghan camels and cameleers, and a set of new interior markets and settlements originate from these in-migrations. The contributions of Afghan camels and their handlers to state-building projects in nineteenth-century Afghanistan and Australia highlight their vital roles in helping to establish industrial enterprises, and the equally important point that once operational these industrial projects became agents in the economic marginalization of camels and the social stigmatization of the human labour associated with them. __________________________________________________________________ Introduction: camels, political economy and national identities The movement of camels through the Hindu Kush mountain passes was greatly transformed beginning in 1893. That year the Durrani Amir of Kabul Abd al-Rahman signed an agreement with the British Indian colonial official Sir Henry Mortimer Durand acknowledging there would be formal demarcation of the border between their respective vastly unequal powers, one being a patron and the other a client.