Hegel on Sovereignty and Monarchy
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Philip Barker 87 in the Historians Craftl, Marc Bloch Poses A
87 THE POLITICS OF PRIMOGENITURE: SEX, CONSCIOUSNESS AND SOClAL ORGANISATlON IN NORTH-WESTERN EUROPE (900 - 1250 AD) Philip Barker In the Historians Craftl, Marc Bloch poses a number of questions concerning the characteristics of objects of historical research, to which he applies the general term 'documents', be they archaeological remnants or texts. Indeed this very classification reduces all historical phenomena to the status of a text or sub-text, as he then elaborates: what do we really mean by document, if it is not a 'track' as it were, the mark, perceptible to the senses, which some phenomenon, in itself inaccessible has left behind?2 Bloch goes on to use this formulation to develop a concept of historical research founded on observation, a science of history bound to the observation of the 'tracks' of a directly inaccessible phenomenon But, to whatever age of mankind the scholar turns, the methods of observation remain almost uniformly dependent upon 'tracks', and are, therefore, fundamentally the same.3 The raw material of history then, according to Bloch, has the status of a 'track', a sign, and whilst its susceptibility to observation is the central constitutive feature of its historical status, it has other properties. It is the sign of another sign which is fundamentally inaccessible to the historian, and as a sign it is linked to the elements that govern the production of its meaning. A 'document' in Bloch's sense may be arbitrary, a remnant from an uncoded past, but an historical sign is not, it is regulated by the mode of its production. -
President, Prime Minister, Or Constitutional Monarch?
I McN A I R PAPERS NUMBER THREE PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL S~RATEGIC STUDIES I~j~l~ ~p~ 1~ ~ ~r~J~r~l~j~E~J~p~j~r~lI~1~1~L~J~~~I~I~r~ ~'l ' ~ • ~i~i ~ ,, ~ ~!~ ,,~ i~ ~ ~~ ~~ • ~ I~ ~ ~ ~i! ~H~I~II ~ ~i~ ,~ ~II~b ~ii~!i ~k~ili~Ii• i~i~II~! I ~I~I I• I~ii kl .i-I k~l ~I~ ~iI~~f ~ ~ i~I II ~ ~I ~ii~I~II ~!~•b ~ I~ ~i' iI kri ~! I ~ • r rl If r • ~I • ILL~ ~ r I ~ ~ ~Iirr~11 ¸I~' I • I i I ~ ~ ~,i~i~I•~ ~r~!i~il ~Ip ~! ~ili!~Ii!~ ~i ~I ~iI•• ~ ~ ~i ~I ~•i~,~I~I Ill~EI~ ~ • ~I ~I~ I¸ ~p ~~ ~I~i~ PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH.'? PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW I Introduction N THE MAKING and conduct of foreign policy, ~ Congress and the President have been rivalrous part- ners for two hundred years. It is not hyperbole to call the current round of that relationship a crisis--the most serious constitutional crisis since President Franklin D. Roosevelt tried to pack the Supreme Court in 1937. Roosevelt's court-packing initiative was highly visible and the reaction to it violent and widespread. It came to an abrupt and dramatic end, some said as the result of Divine intervention, when Senator Joseph T. Robinson, the Senate Majority leader, dropped dead on the floor of the Senate while defending the President's bill. -
Empire and English Nationalismn
Nations and Nationalism 12 (1), 2006, 1–13. r ASEN 2006 Empire and English nationalismn KRISHAN KUMAR Department of Sociology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, USA Empire and nation: foes or friends? It is more than pious tribute to the great scholar whom we commemorate today that makes me begin with Ernest Gellner. For Gellner’s influential thinking on nationalism, and specifically of its modernity, is central to the question I wish to consider, the relation between nation and empire, and between imperial and national identity. For Gellner, as for many other commentators, nation and empire were and are antithetical. The great empires of the past belonged to the species of the ‘agro-literate’ society, whose central fact is that ‘almost everything in it militates against the definition of political units in terms of cultural bound- aries’ (Gellner 1983: 11; see also Gellner 1998: 14–24). Power and culture go their separate ways. The political form of empire encloses a vastly differ- entiated and internally hierarchical society in which the cosmopolitan culture of the rulers differs sharply from the myriad local cultures of the subordinate strata. Modern empires, such as the Soviet empire, continue this pattern of disjuncture between the dominant culture of the elites and the national or ethnic cultures of the constituent parts. Nationalism, argues Gellner, closes the gap. It insists that the only legitimate political unit is one in which rulers and ruled share the same culture. Its ideal is one state, one culture. Or, to put it another way, its ideal is the national or the ‘nation-state’, since it conceives of the nation essentially in terms of a shared culture linking all members. -
Why Did Britain Become a Republic? > New Government
Civil War > Why did Britain become a republic? > New government Why did Britain become a republic? Case study 2: New government Even today many people are not aware that Britain was ever a republic. After Charles I was put to death in 1649, a monarch no longer led the country. Instead people dreamed up ideas and made plans for a different form of government. Find out more from these documents about what happened next. Report on the An account of the Poem on the arrest of setting up of the new situation in Levellers, 1649 Commonwealth England, 1649 Portrait & symbols of Cromwell at the The setting up of Cromwell & the Battle of the Instrument Commonwealth Worcester, 1651 of Government http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/ Page 1 Civil War > Why did Britain become a republic? > New government Case study 2: New government - Source 1 A report on the arrest of some Levellers, 29 March 1649 (Catalogue ref: SP 25/62, pp.134-5) What is this source? This is a report from a committee of MPs to Parliament. It explains their actions against the leaders of the Levellers. One of the men they arrested was John Lilburne, a key figure in the Leveller movement. What’s the background to this source? Before the war of the 1640s it was difficult and dangerous to come up with new ideas and try to publish them. However, during the Civil War censorship was not strongly enforced. Many political groups emerged with new ideas at this time. One of the most radical (extreme) groups was the Levellers. -
The Executive Power Clause
ARTICLE THE EXECUTIVE POWER CLAUSE JULIAN DAVIS MORTENSON† Article II of the Constitution vests “the executive power” in the President. Advocates of presidential power have long claimed that this phrase was originally understood as a term of art for the full suite of powers held by a typical eighteenth- century monarch. In its strongest form, this view yields a powerful presumption of indefeasible presidential authority in the arenas of foreign affairs and national security. This so-called Vesting Clause Thesis is conventional wisdom among constitutional originalists. But it is also demonstrably wrong. Based on a comprehensive review of Founding-era archives—including records of drafting, legislative, and ratication debates, committee les, private and ocial correspondence, diaries, newspapers, pamphlets, poetry, and other publications—this Article not only refutes the Vesting Clause Thesis as a statement of the original understanding, but replaces it with a comprehensive armative account of the clause that is both historically and theoretically coherent. † James G. Phillipp Professor of law, University of Michigan. Thanks to Nick Bagley, Josh Chafetz, Reece Dameron, Jo Ann Davis, Brian Finucane, Louis Fisher, David Gerson, Jonathan Gienapp, Monica Hakimi, Jason Hart, Don Herzog, Kian Hudson, Daniel Hulsebosch, Rebecca Ingber, Andrew Kent, Gary Lawson, Marty Lederman, Tom McSweeney, Henry Monaghan, Bill Novak, David Pozen, Richard Primus, Daphna Renan, Jed Shugerman, Matt Steilen, Valentina Vadi, Matt Waxman, John Witt, Ilan Wurman, and Mariah Zeisberg, as well as participants in the Georgetown Law School Legal History Workshop, the Hofstra Law School Faculty Workshop, the Hugh & Hazel Darling Originalism Works-in-Progress Conference, the McGeorge School of Law Faculty Workshop, the Michigan Law School Governance Workshop, the University of Michigan Legal History Workshop, and the University of Michigan Atlantic History Seminar, for helpful comments on earlier drafts. -
His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of The
The Brussels Treaty Five European Nations Brussels, Belgium March 17, 1948 His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Belgium, the President of the French Republic, President of the French Union, Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands and His Majesty The King of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Resolved To reaffirm their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the other ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations; To fortify and preserve the principles of democracy, personal freedom and political liberty, the constitutional traditions and the rule of law, which are their common heritage; To strengthen, with these aims in view, the economic, social and cultural ties by which they are already united; To co-operate loyally and to co-ordinate their efforts to create in Western Europe a firm basis for European economic recovery; To afford assistance to each other, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, in maintaining international peace and security and in resisting any policy of aggression; To take such steps as may be held to be necessary in the event of a renewal by Germany of a policy of aggression; To associate progressively in the pursuance of these aims other States inspired by the same ideals and animated by the like determination; Desiring for these purposes to conclude a treaty for collaboration in economic, social and cultural matters and for collective self-defence; Have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries: who, having exhibited their full powers found in good and due form, have agreed as follows: ARTICLE I Convinced of the close community of their interests and of the necessity of uniting in order to promote the economic recovery of Europe, the High Contracting Parties will so organize and coordinate their economic activities as to produce the best possible results, by the elimination of conflict in their economic policies, the co-ordination of production and the development of commercial exchanges. -
Contraception and the Renaissance of Traditional Marriage
CHOOSING A LAW TO LIVE BY ONCE THE KING IS GONE INTRODUCTION Law is the expression of the rules by which civilization governs itself, and it must be that in law as elsewhere will be found the fundamental differences of peoples. Here then it may be that we find the underlying cause of the difference between the civil law and the common law.1 By virtue of its origin, the American legal profession has always been influenced by sources of law outside the United States. American law schools teach students the common law, and law students come to understand that the common law is different than the civil law, which is prevalent in Europe.2 Comparative law courses expose law students to the civil law system by comparing American common law with the law of other countries such as France, which has a civil code.3 A closer look at the history of the American and French Revolutions makes one wonder why the legal systems of the two countries are so different. Certainly, the American and French Revolutions were drastically different in some ways. For instance, the French Revolution was notoriously violent during a period known as “the Terror.”4 Accounts of the French revolutionary government executing so many French citizens as well as the creation of the Cult of the Supreme Being5 make the French Revolution a stark contrast to the American Revolution. Despite the differences, the revolutionary French and Americans shared similar goals—liberty and equality for all citizens and an end to tyranny. Both revolutions happened within approximately two decades of each other and were heavily influenced by the Enlightenment. -
Attacking Hereditary Monarchy
Activity Two: Attacking Hereditary Monarchy Student Worksheet Student Name _____________________________________________ Date _________________________ Direction: Read the Excerpt below from Common Sense and answer the questions directly below. Excerpts from Common Sense MANKIND being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy. But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth enquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind. To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. -
Mayors' Monarch Pledge
Mayors’ Monarch Pledge Action Items Mayors and local government chief executives who have taken the Mayors’ Monarch Pledge must commit to implement at least three of the 25 following action items within a year of taking the pledge. At least one action must be taken from the “Program & Demonstration Gardens” section. Mayors and local government chief executives taking more than eight actions will receive special recognition as part of the National Wildlife Federation’s Mayors’ Monarch Leadership Circle. NWF will follow up with all mayoral points of contact with a quarterly survey (1/1, 4/1, 7/1, 10/1) to monitor progress. Please visit www.nwf.org/mayorsmonarchpledge to take the pledge and access resources. Communications & Convening: 1) Issue a Proclamation to raise awareness about the decline of the monarch butterfly and the species’ need for habitat. 2) Launch a public communication effort to encourage citizens to plant monarch gardens at their homes or in their neighborhoods. 3) Communicate with community garden groups and urge them to plant native milkweeds and nectar-producing plants. 4) Convene city park and public works department staff and identify opportunities for revised mowing programs and milkweed / native nectar plant planting programs. 5) Convene a meeting with gardening leaders in the community to discuss partnerships to support monarch butterfly conservation. Program & Demonstration Gardens: 6) Host or support a native plant sale or milkweed seed giveaway event. 7) Facilitate or support a milkweed seed collection and propagation effort. 8) Plant a monarch-friendly demonstration garden at City Hall or another prominent location. 9) Convert abandoned lots to monarch habitat. -
Absolute Monarchy in Russia
wh07_te_ch04_s05_MOD_s.fm Page 168 Monday, March 5, 2007 12:28WH07MOD_se_CH04_S05_s.fm PM Page 168 Thursday, January 25, 2007 2:45 PM The palace (left) of Catherine the Great (far left) reflects both European and traditional Russian architectural styles. Step-by-Step SECTION Instruction 5 WITNESS HISTORY AUDIO A Foreign Princess Takes the Throne Objectives For twenty years, the German princess Catherine lived As you teach this section, keep students at the Russian court, enduring an unhappy marriage to focused on the following objectives to help the Russian heir apparent, who was widely considered them answer the Section Focus Question to be insane. She filled her time reading, studying and master core content. French philosophy, building alliances behind the scenes, and biding her time. When her husband ■ Explain how Peter the Great tried to became emperor in 1762, she called on her allies to make Russia into a modern state. act. Within a few months he had been deposed and ■ Identify the steps Peter took to expand Catherine proclaimed empress of Russia. Like Peter the Russia’s borders. Great before her, Catherine would rule with intelligence, a firm hand, and a mind set on ■ Describe how Catherine the Great modernization. strengthened Russia. Focus Question How did Peter the Great and Catherine the Great strengthen Russia and expand its territory? Absolute Monarchy in Russia Prepare to Read In the early 1600s, Russia was still a medieval state, untouched by Objectives the Renaissance or Reformation and largely isolated from Western Build Background Knowledge L3 • Explain how Peter the Great tried to make Russia into a modern state. -
Belgium's Constitution of 1831
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 constituteproject.org Belgium's Constitution of 1831 Historical This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 Table of contents Preamble . 3 TITLE I: Territory and its Divisions . 3 TITLE II: Belgians and their Rights . 3 TITLE III: Powers . 6 CHAPTER FIRST: THE TWO HOUSES . 7 Section I: The House of Representatives . 8 Section II: The Senate . 9 CHAPTER II: THE KING AND HIS MINISTERS . 10 Section I: The King . 10 Section II: The Ministers . 14 CHAPTER III: JUDICIAL POWER . 15 CHAPTER IV: PROVINCIAL AND COMMUNAL INSTITUTIONS . 17 TITLE IV: Finances . 17 TITLE V: The Army . 19 TITLE VI: General Dispositions . 19 TITLE VII: Constitutional Revision . 20 TITLE VIII: General Disposition . 20 Supplementary Dispositions . 21 Belgium 1831 Page 2 constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:55 • Source of constitutional authority • Preamble Preamble In the name of the Belgian people, the National Congress decrees: TITLE I: Territory and its Divisions Article 1 Belgium is divided into provinces. These provinces are: Antwerp, Brabant, East Flanders, West Flanders, Hainaut, Liege, Limbourg, Luxembourg, Namur, except the relations of Luxembourg with the German Confederation. The territory may be divided by law into a greater number of provinces. Art 2 Subdivisions of the provinces can be established only by law. Art 3 • Accession of territory • Secession of territory The boundaries of the State, of the provinces and of the communes can only be changed or rectified by law. -
Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty
Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Author: Rebecca Clark Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103616 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2012 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Department of Political Science MONTESQUIEU ON THE HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL LIBERTY A dissertation by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2012 © Copyright by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK 2012 Abstract Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Rebecca R. Clark Dissertation Advisor: Christopher Kelly Montesquieu famously presents climate and terrain as enabling servitude in hot, fertile climes and on the exposed steppes of central Asia. He also traces England’s exemplary constitution, with its balanced constitution, independent judiciary, and gentle criminal practices, to the unique conditions of early medieval northern Europe. The English “found” their government “in the forests” of Germany. There, the marginal, variegated terrain favored the dispersion of political power, and a pastoral way of life until well into the Middle Ages. In pursuing a primitive honor unrelated to political liberty as such, the barbaric Franks accidentally established the rudiments of the most “well-tempered” government. His turn to these causes accidental to human purposes in Parts 3-6 begins with his analysis of the problem of unintended consequences in the history of political reform in Parts 1-2. While the idea of balancing political powers in order to prevent any one individual or group from dominating the rest has ancient roots, he shows that it has taken many centuries to understand just what needs to be balanced, and to learn to balance against one threat without inviting another.