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Representation in REDD Responsive Forest Governance Initiative (RFGI) Research Programme The Responsive Forest Governance Initiative (RFGI) is a research and training program, focusing on environmental governance in Africa. It is jointly managed by the Council for the Development of Social Sciences Research in Africa (CODESRIA), the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign (UIUC). It is funded by the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). The RFGI activities are focused on 12 countries: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, DR Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. The initiative is also training young, in-country policy researchers in order to build an Africa-wide network of environmental governance analysts. Nations worldwide have introduced decentralization reforms aspiring to make local government responsive and accountable to the needs and aspirations of citizens so as to improve equity, service delivery and resource management. Natural resources, especially forests, play an important role in these decentralizations since they provide local governments and local people with needed revenue, wealth, and subsistence. Responsive local governments can provide forest resource-dependent populations the flexibility they need to manage, adapt to and remain resilient in their changing environment. RFGI aims to enhance and help institutionalize widespread responsive and accountable local governance processes that reduce vulnerability, enhance local wellbeing, and improve forest management with a special focus on developing safeguards and guidelines to ensure fair and equitable implementation of the Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) and climate-adaptation interventions. REDD+ is a global Programme for disbursing funds, primarily to pay national governments of developing countries, to reduce forest carbon emission. -
First Election Security Threat Assessment
SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election. -
Conflict Bulletin: Imo State
The Fund for Peace Conflict Bulletin: Imo State Patterns and Trends, 2012-2014 with a transition committee. In a politically distribution of incidents between 2012 and risky move, Okorocha later switched from 2014. The bar chart shows the relative APGA to APC, but nevertheless emerged violence from one Niger Delta state to the victorious in the second round of the 2015 next. The trend-line on the next page shows elections, the first round of which were the number of incidents and fatalities over initially declared inconclusive. time. The second bar chart shows the trend of incidents of insecurity by LGA per capita. Violence per capita in Imo is among the The summaries draw on data collected by lowest in the region, as is the number of FFP’s UNLocK, the Council on Foreign fatalities per capita. Incidences of violence Relations’ NST, WANEP Nigeria, CSS/ETH largely occurred in the LGAs surrounding Zurich, NEEWS/TMG, Nigeria Watch, and the capital city of Owerri. Between January ACLED integrated on the P4P platform. They 2012 and December 2013, incidents also draw on data and information from reported included criminality, abductions “Violence in Nigeria: Patterns and Trends,” and vigilante/mob justice. There were also a by Patricia Taft and Nate Haken (Springer mo state has a population of number of fatalities associated with public Press, April 2015). approximately 3.9 million people, unrest and reports of ritual killings in the according to the 2006 census. The state. The first half of 2014 was the most population is predominantly Igbo violent of the two-year period with a Reported Violence (98%). -
Journal of African Elections
VOLUME 7 NO 2 i Journal of African Elections ARTICLES BY Francesca Marzatico Roukaya Kasenally Eva Palmans R D Russon Emmanuel O Ojo David U Enweremadu Christopher Isike Sakiemi Idoniboye-Obu Dhikru AdewaleYagboyaju J Shola Omotola Volume 10 Number 1 June 2011 i ii JOUR na L OF AFRIC an ELECTIO N S Published by EISA 14 Park Road, Richmond Johannesburg South Africa P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: +27 (0) 11 381 6000 Fax: +27 (0) 11 482 6163 e-mail: [email protected] ©EISA 2011 ISSN: 1609-4700 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher Copy editor: Pat Tucker Printed by: Global Print, Johannesburg Cover photograph: Reproduced with the permission of the HAMILL GALLERY OF AFRICAN ART, BOSTON, MA, USA www.eisa.org.za VOLUME 7 NO 2 iii Editor Denis Kadima, EISA, Johannesburg Editorial BOARD Jørgen Elklit, Department of Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark Amanda Gouws, Department of Political Science, University of Stellenbosch Abdul Rahman Lamin, UNESCO, Accra Tom Lodge, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick Khabele Matlosa, UNDP/ECA Joint Governance Initiatives, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Lloyd Sachikonye, Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe, Harare Gloria Somolekae, National Representative of the W K Kellogg Programme in Botswana and EISA Board member Roger Southall, Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg The Journal of African Elections is an interdisciplinary biannual publication of research and writing in the human sciences, which seeks to promote a scholarly understanding of developments and change in Africa. -
The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17
The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope. -
The Judiciary and Nigeria's 2011 Elections
THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS CSJ CENTRE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE (CSJ) (Mainstreaming Social Justice In Public Life) THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS Written by Eze Onyekpere Esq With Research Assistance from Kingsley Nnajiaka THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS PAGE iiiiii First Published in December 2012 By Centre for Social Justice Ltd by Guarantee (Mainstreaming Social Justice In Public Life) No 17, Flat 2, Yaounde Street, Wuse Zone 6, P.O. Box 11418 Garki, Abuja Tel - 08127235995; 08055070909 Website: www.csj-ng.org ; Blog: http://csj-blog.org Email: [email protected] ISBN: 978-978-931-860-5 Centre for Social Justice THE JUDICIARY AND NIGERIA’S 2011 ELECTIONS PAGE iiiiiiiii Table Of Contents List Of Acronyms vi Acknowledgement viii Forewords ix Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.0. Monitoring Election Petition Adjudication 1 1.1. Monitoring And Project Activities 2 1.2. The Report 3 Chapter Two: Legal And Political Background To The 2011 Elections 5 2.0. Background 5 2.1. Amendment Of The Constitution 7 2.2. A New Electoral Act 10 2.3. Registration Of Voters 15 a. Inadequate Capacity Building For The National Youth Service Corps Ad-Hoc Staff 16 b. Slowness Of The Direct Data Capture Machines 16 c. Theft Of Direct Digital Capture (DDC) Machines 16 d. Inadequate Electric Power Supply 16 e. The Use Of Former Polling Booths For The Voter Registration Exercise 16 f. Inadequate DDC Machine In Registration Centres 17 g. Double Registration 17 2.4. Political Party Primaries And Selection Of Candidates 17 a. Presidential Primaries 18 b. -
Nigeria: Detention During the Pleasure of the Governor
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL Joint Public Statement AI Index: AFR 44/005/2008 (Public) Date: 10 April 2008 Nigeria: Detention "during the pleasure of the governor" – NBA, Nigerian NGOs and Amnesty International urge the immediate release of Patrick Okoroafor The Nigerian Bar Association, Nigerian nongovernmental organizations and Amnesty International have urged the Governor of Imo State, Mr Ikedi Ohakim, to release Mr Patrick Obinna Okoroafor1, who was sixteen when he was sentenced to death by a Robbery and Firearms Tribunal on 30 May 1997. He is currently incarcerated in Aba prison, Abia State, despite a High Court judgement on 18 October 2001 which pronounced the sentence of death on him to be illegal, null and void. He is currently detained under section 368 (3) of the Criminal Procedure Act permitting his imprisonment “during the pleasure of the governor”. His detention is indefinite and in violation of international law. Patrick Okoroafor spent almost half his life in detention. He was fourteen years old when he was arrested in May 1995 and arraigned for robbery and kidnapping, a crime he said he never committed. The police later charged him and six others with robbery. According to Okoroafor’s brother, the police used pliers to pull out his teeth and he was hanged and beaten while he was in their custody. The brother said: “Patrick only went to the police station because the police wanted to inspect a car our mother had bought from one of the other suspects. That is when they arrested him. We tried to get him released, but the police refused.” On 30 May 1997, at the age of sixteen, Okoroafor and his six co-defendants were sentenced to death by the First Imo State Robbery and Firearms Tribunal. -
Lessons from Nigeria's 2011 Elections
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°81 Abuja/Dakar/Brussels, 15 September 2011 Lessons from Nigeria’s 2011 Elections democracy and overall political health. The eve of the elec- I. OVERVIEW tions was marked by a blend of cautious optimism and foreboding. Attahiru Jega, INEC chair, and his team won With the April 2011 general elections, Nigeria may have plaudits for instituting important reforms, including to the taken steps towards reversing the degeneration of its pre- voting procedure; the introduction of the idea of commu- vious elections, but the work is not finished. Despite some nity mandate protection to prevent malpractice; and the progress, early and intensive preparations for the 2015 prosecution and sentencing of officials, including the elections need to start now. Voter registration need not be electoral body’s own staff, for electoral offences. There as chaotic and expensive as it was this year if done on a were also grounds for pessimism: the upsurge of violence continual basis. Far-reaching technical and administrative in several states, encouraged by politicians and their sup- reforms of, and by, the Independent National Electoral porters who feared defeat; an ambiguous and confusing Commission (INEC), notably internal restructuring and legal framework for the elections; and a flawed voter reg- constituency delineation, should be undertaken and ac- istration exercise, with poorly functioning biometric scans, companied by broad political and economic reforms that that resulted in an inflated voters roll. make the state more relevant to citizens and help guaran- tee an electoral and democratic future. The deadly post- Few, however, predicted the violence that erupted in some presidential election violence in the North and bomb blasts Northern states following the announcement of the presi- by the Islamic fundamentalist Boko Haram sect since dential results. -
Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 84 November 2017
Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy Research Paper 84 November 2017 Nigeria Agricultural Policy Project Subnational Variation in Policy Implementation: The Case of Nigerian Land Governance Reform By Danielle Resnick and Austen Okumo Food Security Policy Research Papers This Research Paper series is designed to timely disseminate research and policy analytical outputs generated by the USAID funded Feed the Future Innovation Lab for Food Security Policy (FSP) and its Associate Awards. The FSP project is managed by the Food Security Group (FSG) of the Department of Agricultural, Food, and Resource Economics (AFRE) at Michigan State University (MSU), and implemented in partnership with the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and the University of Pretoria (UP). Together, the MSU- IFPRI-UP consortium works with governments, researchers and private sector stakeholders in Feed the Future focus countries in Africa and Asia to increase agricultural productivity, improve dietary diversity and build greater resilience to challenges like climate change that affect livelihoods. The papers are aimed at researchers, policy makers, donor agencies, educators, and international development practitioners. Selected papers will be translated into French, Portuguese, or other languages. Copies of all FSP Research Papers and Policy Briefs are freely downloadable in pdf format from the following Web site: http://foodsecuritypolicy.msu.edu/ Copies of all FSP papers and briefs are also submitted to the USAID Development Experience Clearing House (DEC) at: http://dec.usaid.gov/ i AUTHORS Danielle Resnick is a Senior Research Fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), based in Washington, DC. Austen Okumo is a PhD candidate at the Center for Agriculture in the Tropics and Subtropics at Hohenheim University, Stuttgart, Germany. -
Nigerian History and Current Affairs August 2013 Vol
Nigerian History and Current Affairs August 2013 Vol. 4.0 Origination, Information and Statistics Current Ministers as @ Aug. 2013 Top Officials in Government States Data and Governors Addresses of Federal Ministries Addresses of State Liaison Offices Past and Present Leaders 1960 -2013 Foreign Leaders 1921 - 1960 Natural Resources Tourist Attractions Exchange Rate History Memorable events - 800BC to Aug. 2013 Political Parties Map of Nigeria Compilation Addresses of Federal Ministries by Government Websites www.promong.com Local Government Areas Promoting brands nationwide Tertiary Institutions Important Abbreviations …more than 10,000 monthly Sports Info downloads !!! Traditional Ruler Titles Civil War Events Memorable Dates Brief Biography of Notable Nigerians Web Diary General Knowledge Quiz Downloadable from www.promong.com 2 Contents Nigeria Origination, Information and Statistics………………..…………………………………………………………………………….3 States and Their Natural Resources...................…………………………………………………………………………………………….7 Tourist Attraction ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….8 Anthem, Pledge, Coat of Arms and National Flag……………………………………………………………………………………………9 Senate Presidents,Foreign Leaders, Premiers of the 1st Republic…………………………………………………………………..9 Inec Chairmen, Govenors of the 2nd Republic.………………………………………………..……….………………………………….10 Historical value of the Us dollar to the Naira…………………………………………………………….………………………………….10 Civil War Events…………………………………………………………….. ……………………………………….……………………………….…10 Vice Presidents, -
(Im) Partial Umpire in the Conduct of the 2007 Elections
VOLUME 6 NO 2 79 THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AS AN (IM) PARTIAL UMPIRE IN THE CONDUCT OF THE 2007 ELECTIONS Uno Ijim-Agbor Uno Ijim-Agbor is in the Department of Political Science at the University of Calabar Pmb 1115, Calabar, Nigeria Tel: +080 355 23537 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT As a central agency in the democratic game, the role of an electoral body such as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is clearly of paramount importance in the process of transition to and consolidation of democracy. Unfortunately in Nigeria the performance of this institutional umpire since the First Republic has instead been a source of crisis and a threat to the existence of the Nigerian state. The widely perceived catastrophic failure of INEC in the April 2007 general elections was only one manifestation for the ‘performance crisis’ of antecedent electoral umpires in the Nigerian First, Second and Third republics. The paper highlights the malignant operational environment as a major explanation for the manifest multiple disorders of the elections and concludes that INEC’s conduct was tantamount to partiality. Thus, while fundamental changes need to be considered in the enabling law setting up INEC, ensuring the organisation’s independence, and guaranteeing its impartiality, the paper suggests that membership of the commission should be confined to representatives nominated by their parties and a serving judge appointed by the judiciary as chairman of the commission. INTRODUCTION In political theory the authority of the government in democracies derives solely from the consent of the governed. The mechanism through which that consent is translated into governmental authority is the regular conduct of elections. -
Full Length Research Article DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH
Available online at http://www.journalijdr.com International Journal of DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH International Journal of Development Research ISSN: 2230-9926 Vol. 5, Issue, 07, pp. 5096-5110, July, 2015 Full Length Research Article CIRCULATION OF ELITES AND THE 2015 ELECTION IN NIGERIA: A THEMATIC EXPOSITION OF SUCCESSION CRISIS BETWEEN GOVERNORS AND THEIR SENATORS *1Eme, Okechukwu, I. and 2Okeke Martin Ifeanyi 1Department of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka 2Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article History: Barring last minutes political permutations, there are indications that the race to the Senate in Received 18th April, 2015 2015 will be hotly contested as most of the governors currently serving out their second term Received in revised form have never hidden their ambition to pick up their parties’ tickets for the Upper Chamber. While 06th May, 2015 those already serving will be battling to retain their seats, about eighteen governors currently Accepted 28th June, 2015 serving out their second term are expected to slug it out with the incumbent Senators by 2015. th Published online 30 July, 2015 Those governors who would not want to be confined to political oblivion beyond their second tenure would obviously deploy their resources to clinch their senatorial seat at all cost. Already, Key words: some of the serving governors have begun to send warning signals to those perceived to be their Circulation of Elites, major contenders in the senatorial election. Therefore, they are squaring up with those currently Democracy and Democratic Institutions, occupying their Senatorial seats and this has turned into some political acrimonies threatening to Political Corruption, tear certain camaraderie hitherto existing among the politicians across the country.