Editor's Proof Ethno-Racial Attitudes and Social Inequality 22 Frank L. Samson and Lawrence D. Bobo 1 Introduction (1997)). Within psychology we have seen an ex- 22 plosion of work on implicit attitudes or uncon- 23 2 Sociologists ordinarily assume that social struc- scious racism that more than ever centers atten- 24 3 ture drives the content of individual level values, tion on the internal psychological functioning of 25 4 attitudes, beliefs, and ultimately, behavior. In the individual. We argue here that, in general, a 26 5 some classic models this posture reaches a point committed social psychological posture that ex- 27 6 of essentially denying the sociological relevance amines both how societal level factors and pro- 28 7 of any micro-level processes. In contrast, psy- cesses shape individual experiences and outlooks 29 8 chologists (and to a degree, economists) operate and how the distribution of individual attitudes, 30 9 with theoretical models that give primacy to in- beliefs, and values, in turn, influence others and 31 10 dividual level perception, cognition, motivation, the larger social environment provides the fullest 32 11 and choice. Within the domain of studies of ethno- leverage on understanding the dynamics of race. 33 12 racial relations, each of these positions has mod- Specifically we argue in this chapter that ethno-ra- 34 13 ern advocates. From the sociologically determin- cial attitudes, beliefs, and identities play a funda- 35 14 istic vantage point Edna Bonacich trumpets the mental constitutive role in the experience, re-pro- 36 15 “‘deeper’ level of reality” exposed by class ana- duction, and process of change in larger societal 37 16 lytics (1980, p. 9), while Omi and Winant (1994, patterns of ethno-racial inequality and relations. 38 17 p. 59) focus on “racialized social structure.” Oth- Some basic conceptual anchoring of attitude, 39 18 ers, while not so completely rejecting micro-level race, and ethnicity is necessary. By attitude, we 40 19 analyses, nonetheless call for primary attention to refer to “a favorable or unfavorable evaluation of 41 20 so-called “structural racism” (e.g., Bonilla-Silva an object” (Schuman et al. 1997, p. 1). Race typi- 42 21 cally involves socially constructed perceptions 43 Frank L. Samson was supported in part by funding from of phenotypic differences, variation in skin color 44 the National Science Foundation awarded to the Univer- and tone, hair texture, eye shape and other facial 45 sity of Miami (Award No.: 0820128) during the writing features while ethnicity refers to variations in 46 of this chapter. language, attire, aspects of self-presentation, and 47 other cultural behaviors. Ethno-racial attitudes 48 F. L. Samson (*) thus reflect a variety of race and ethnicity associ- 49 Department of Sociology, University of Miami ated objects: racial and ethnic groups and their 50 5202 University Drive, 120D Merrick Building attributes, features and assessments of relations 51 Coral Gables, FL, 33146, USA e-mail: [email protected] between such groups, intergroup contact, and 52 public policies pertinent to either race or ethnic- 53 L. D. Bobo Department of Sociology, Harvard University ity. Ethno-racial attitudes are built up and consti- 54 33 Kirkland Street, Cambridge, MA, 02138, USA tuted in environments structured to correspond to 55 J. D. McLeod et al. (eds.), Handbook of the Social Psychology of Inequality, Handbooks of Sociology and 527 Social Research, DOI 10.1007/978-94-017-9002-4_22, © Springer Sciences+Business Media Dordrecht 2014 528 F. L. Samson and L. D. Bobo 56 socially constructed and recognized ethno-racial Second, whites prefer to maintain their social 101 57 markers or designations (Omi and Winant 1994; distance from non-white minorities. While white 102 58 See and Wilson 1988). support for school segregation has assuredly de- 103 59 With only a limited amount of space to review clined, white respondents’ objection to sending 104 60 a wide range of scholarship on the social psychol- their children to a school with black children 105 61 ogy of racial inequality, this chapter focuses on increases as the proportion of blacks increases. 106 62 just three key areas. First, we summarize trends As will be discussed in greater depth later, white 107 63 reflecting important changes in ethno-racial atti- attitude towards residential segregation parallels 108 64 tudes. Next, we briefly review major contempo- these school segregation findings. As a third mea- 109 65 rary theoretical approaches in the social psychol- sure of social distance, while white opposition to 110 66 ogy of racial prejudice, including a theory captur- interracial marriage has declined overall, whites 111 67 ing the current tenor and behavioral implications still prefer Hispanic/Asian marriage partners for 112 68 of modern ethno-racial attitudes, labeled aversive one of their family members and in 2008, about 113 69 racism. Lastly, we address how ethno-racial atti- one-fourth of whites surveyed were still opposed 114 70 tudes affect processes of labor market inequality, or strongly opposed to a family member marry- 115 71 residential segregation, and politics and public ing a black person. 116 72 policy. Third, white support for inequality amelio- 117 rating policies and government intervention is 118 limited and has remained so for decades. White 119 73 Changing Ethno-Racial Attitudes attitude regarding the denial of government’s 120 special obligation to improve blacks’ living stan- 121 74 Sociologists have systematically studied change dard after such lengthy discrimination has hov- 122 75 in ethno-racial attitudes since at least the 1950s ered between 50 and 60 % from the mid-1970s 123 76 (Hyman and Sheatsley 1956). Critical baseline through 2008. Forty percent of whites in 1990 124 77 surveys were conducted in the early 1940s and felt it was somewhat likely that affirmative ac- 125 78 then replicated in subsequent national surveys. tion would hurt whites’ job or promotion pros- 126 79 University of Chicago scholars famously report- pects, a perspective that half of whites expressed 127 80 ed these studies in a series of Scientific American in 2008. However, while income-targeted policy 128 81 articles (Garth et al. 1978; Greeley and Sheatsley interventions are more popular than race-targeted 129 82 1971; Hyman and Sheatsley 1964,1956). A more ones, substantial percentages of whites still sup- 130 83 expansive review and integration of available ported black-targeted programs such as early 131 84 sources was undertaken by Howard Schuman childhood education and college scholarships. 132 85 and colleagues in the book, Racial Attitudes in Approximately 90 % of whites opposed preferen- 133 86 America: Trends and Interpretations (Schuman tial hiring or promotion for blacks, a percentage 134 87 et al. 1985) and later broadened conceptually and that has not budged since 1994 when the question 135 88 extensively updated (Schuman et al. 1997). was first asked. 136 89 Most of this work has focused on the attitudes Fourth, racial stereotypes have become less 137 90 of white Americans towards blacks. One recent categorical and more gradational, departing from 138 91 extensive summary of the General Social Survey earlier assumptions of absolute biological differ- 139 92 stressed the following key patterns (Bobo et al. ences towards more qualified, group-based com- 140 93 2012). First, surveys point to a large positive nor- parisons on stereotypical traits. The belief that 141 94 mative transformation in ethno-racial attitudes. blacks are inherently less intelligent than whites 142 95 Since the 1970s, white attitudes have shown a has declined. While 40 % of whites in 2008 be- 143 96 clear and steady decline in support for school lieved that blacks tend to be lazier than whites, 144 97 segregation, the right to segregate neighbor- this percentage has dropped from over 60 % in 145 98 hoods, laws allowing homeowner discrimination 1990. More whites express belief in blacks’ rela- 146 99 in selling a house, and laws banning interracial tive lack of industriousness than the belief that 147 100 marriage. blacks tend to be less intelligent. Relatedly, ex- 148 22 Ethno-Racial Attitudes and Social Inequality 529 149 planations for black-white socioeconomic in- for black-white socioeconomic inequality. Final- 196 150 equality have also shifted towards more cultural- ly, black support for some types of government 197 151 ly rooted attributions (i.e., need to work harder), intervention has declined. Since 1994 when less 198 152 rather than the belief that blacks have less inborn than 40 % of blacks opposed preferential hiring 199 153 ability. Lack of motivation or willpower has been and promotion for blacks, recent survey data in- 200 154 either the first or second preferred rationale for dicates that a majority of blacks (~ 55 %) oppose 201 155 black-white socioeconomic inequality since such preferences. 202 156 1977, compared to lack of education (which sur- Finally, racial apathy appears to be on the rise 203 157 passed motivation in the early 1990s), inborn (Forman 2004). In 1976, one out of ten young 204 158 ability or discrimination. whites expressed no concern that minorities may 205 159 We should note it is important not to infer get unfair treatment, which almost doubles to 206 160 from these results that biological thinking has 18 % by 2000. Surveys of white adults also ap- 207 161 disappeared from how white Americans think pear to express racial apathy. Compared to ei- 208 162 about race more broadly. Sociologist Ann Morn- ther support or opposition, national survey data 209 163 ing has rightly cautioned that processes of “racial indicates an increase in the percentage of white 210 164 conceptualization”—how people frame the very respondents from 1964 to the mid-1990s and 211 165 notion of race itself—continues to exhibit strong 2000 who expressed “no interest” in federal in- 212 166 biological overtones.