Sugarman, Leonie (2004) Life-span development: frameworks, accounts and strategies, 2nd edition. Psychology Press, Taylor and Francis Group.

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1111 2 Life-Span Development 3 4 5111 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 This thorough revision of the highly successful first edition of Life-Span 4 Development, offers the reader a wide-ranging and thought provoking 5 account of human development throughout the life-span. The life-span 6 perspective emphasises that development does not stop when we cease to 7 be adolescents but goes on throughout adulthood and into old age. 8 In initial chapters Léonie Sugarman outlines the issues surrounding the 9 notion of development and how it can be studied, including reviews of the 20111 work of key theorists Erikson, Levinson and Gould. She goes on to con- 1 sider the different ways in which the life course can be construed; as a series 2 of age-related stages; as a cumulative sequence; as a series of developmental 3 tasks; as a series of key life events and transitions or as a narrative con- 4 struction which creates a sense of dynamic continuity. A final chapter looks 5 at how people cope, the resources that are available and the theoretical and 6 practical issues regarding interventions to assist them in the process. 7 New to the book is increased coverage of the topical issue of success- 8 ful ageing and a new chapter on the increasingly popular narrative ap- 9 proach to life-span development. This edition is also more student-friendly 30111 with exercises in self-reflection that encourage the reader to look at the 1 development of their own lives or those of their current or future clients. 2 Boxed material highlighting major theories and clarifying concepts is also 3 included. This book will be invaluable for students of developmental 4 and occupational psychology and professionals in the fields of health 5 management, education and social work. 6 7 Léonie Sugarman is a Chartered Occupational Psychologist, specialising 8 in the area of adult development. She is a Senior Lecturer in Psychology 9 at St Martin’s College, Lancaster, where she teaches aspects of life-span 40111 development, stress management and individual change to students and 1 practitioners in a range of professions. 2 3 44111 1111 2 Life-Span Development 3 4 Frameworks, accounts and 5 6 strategies 7 8 9 1011 Second edition 1 2 3111 Léonie Sugarman 4 5 6 7 8 9 20111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 This edition first published 2001 by Psychology Press Ltd, 1011 27 Church Rd, Hove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA 1 http://www.psypress.com 2 Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada 3111 by Taylor & Francis Inc., 4 711 Third Avenue, New York NY 10017 (8th Floor) 5 Psychology Press is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 6 an Informa business 7 © 2001 Léonie Sugarman 8 Typeset in Times by 9 Florence Production Ltd, Stoodleigh, Devon

1 2 This publication has been produced with paper manufactured to strict environmental standards and with pulp derived from 3 sustainable forests. 4 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or 5 reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, 6 mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter 7 invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission 8 in writing from the publishers. 9 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the 1 British Library 2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 3 Sugarman, Leonie, 1950– Life-span development: frameworks, accounts, and strategies / 4 Leonie Sugarman –– 2nd ed. 5 p. cm. 6 Previous ed. published under title: Life-span development. 7 Includes bibliographical references and index. 8 ISBN 0–415–19264–1 –– ISBN 0–145–19265–X 1. Developmental psychology. I.Sugarman, Leonie, 1950– 9 Life-span development. II. Title. BF713. S84 2001 1 155––dc210 2001031826 2 ISBN13: 978– 0–415–19264–4 (hbk) 3 ISBN13: 978– 0–415–19265–1 (pbk) 4 1111 2 Contents 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 List of tables vi 4 List of figures vii 5 List of boxes viii 6 List of activities x 7 Preface to second edition xi 8 9 20111 1 Life-span developmental psychology 1 1 2 2 Collecting data about lives 31 3 4 3 Age stages and lifelines 54 5 6 7 4 Cumulative sequences 80 8 9 5 Developmental tasks 109 30111 1 6 Life events and transitions 135 2 3 7 Dynamic continuity through narrative 162 4 5 8 Intervention 187 6 7 8 References 219 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 Tables 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 1.1 The contribution of different disciplines to the study of 4 human development 24 5 4.1 Freud’s stages of psychosexual development 82 6 4.2 Piaget’s stages of cognitive development 84 7 4.3 Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development 93 8 4.4 The emergence of key structural elements of a life story 101 9 5.1 Life stages and associated developmental tasks 113 20111 5.2 False assumptions challenged during adulthood 128 1 6.1 Life-event dimensions 139 2 6.2 Life-event taxonomy based on probability of occurrence, 3 correlation with age and numbers affected 141 4 6.3 Life-event contexts 142 5 6.4 Life events ordered for stressfulness 143 6 8.1 Corollaries for helping and coping of attributions of 7 responsibility for causing and solving problems 190 8 8.2 Developmental tasks, programme responses and desired 9 outcomes for the post-retirement years 217 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 Figures 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 1.1 Super’s life-career rainbow 16 4 1.2 Rapoport and Rapoport’s triple helix model 17 5 1.3 Diagrammatic representation of Bronfenbrenner’s nested 6 model of the environment 20 7 2.1 Longitudinal, cross-sectional and time-lag research 8 designs 38 9 2.2 Sequential research designs 41 20111 3.1 Different narrative pathways through adolescence 78 1 5.1 Developmental periods in early and middle adulthood 116 2 6.1 Prototypical profiles of relative impact of influences on 3 development across the life course 137 4 6.2 Seven-phase model of stages accompanying transition 144 5 8.1 An example of a social support convoy 197 6 8.2 Four-fold grid of intervention strategies 208 7 8.3 Steps in the process of problem management and 8 opportunity development 210 9 8.4 Basic life skills 215 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 Boxes 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 1.1 Defining development 4 4 1.2 The fully functioning person 6 5 1.3 Non-chronological age variables 9 6 1.4 Tenets of a lifespan perspective 12 7 1.5 Dimensions of human development 14 8 1.6 The life-career rainbow 15 9 1.7 The interaction of different development domains 17 20111 1.8 Bronfenbrenner’s nested model of the environment 20 1 2.1 Levinson et al.’s (1978) biographical interviewing 34 2 2.2 Selecting a sample – pragmatics and theoretical rationale 43 3 2.3 Strategies for promoting and checking the credibility of 4 data 48 5 2.4 Ethical guidelines for research with human participants 51 6 4.1 Imagoes in people’s life stories 106 7 5.1 Havighurst’s (1972) developmental tasks of middle 8 age 112 9 5.2 The case of the moving tasks 114 30111 6.1 “Situation” factors influencing capacity to cope with 1 transitions 150 2 6.2 “Self” factors – or personal resources – influencing 3 capacity to cope with transitions 152 4 6.3 Values and priorities 154 5 6.4 Functions of social support 155 6 6.5 Stability zones 157 7 7.1 Occupational choice as a process of person–environment 8 fit 164 9 7.2 Generic plots in Gould’s account of adult development 186 40111 8.1 Intervention typology based on attributions of 1 responsibility for causing and solving problems 189 2 8.2 Alcohol abuse viewed from the perspective of Brickman 3 et al.’s model of helping 193 4 8.3 Social support convoys 197 45111 Boxes ix 1111 8.4 Types of mutual-help group 199 2 8.5 Gottlieb’s (1988) typology of support interventions 205 3 8.6 Typology of intervention approaches 207 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 4 5 6 7 8 9 20111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 Activities 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 1.1 Lifeline 1 3111 1.2 Changes or consistencies? 3 4 1.3 How would you define development? 4 5 1.4 How old are you? 8 6 1.5 Return to the lifeline 17 7 1.6 Environmental forces 21 8 3.1 How many life stages are there? 55 9 5.1 Developmental tasks 110 20111 6.1 Coping with transitions 149 1 6.2 Your values and priorities 155 2 6.3 Your stability zones 157 3 7.1 Curriculum vitae – spurious or real continuity? 165 4 7.2 Personal values and priorities – constant or changing? 167 5 7.3 “This is your life” 170 6 7 8 9 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 Preface to second edition 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 Since publication of the first edition of this book in 1986, the topic of life- 4 span development has become incorporated not only into the main stream 5 of psychology courses but also into the training for a range of human ser- 6 vices professions, including nursing, counselling, social work, and occupa- 7 tional therapy. A plethora of textbooks has appeared – primarily emanating 8 from North America – some of which have already reached their sixth edi- 9 tion. These tend to adopt a chronological structure, devoting one or more 20111 chapters to some or all of the following life stages: infancy and childhood, 1 adolescence, adulthood, and old age. Adulthood is often subdivided into 2 early, middle, and late substages, and several texts distinguish between dif- 3 ferent aspects of each stage, for example, the cognitive, personal, and social 4 dimensions. How then to revise Life-span development: Theories, concepts 5 and interventions so that it was reasonably comprehensive and yet did not 6 merely replicate what was becoming increasingly available in other texts? 7 As with the first edition, the book opens with a chapter outlining the 8 broad-based, inclusive stance that characterises the life-span perspective. 9 Recognising that life-span developmental psychology is an empirical as 30111 well as a theoretical discipline. This is followed by a chapter on data col- 1 lection and allied research issues. I succumb to the conventional organisa- 2 tion of material in Chapter 3 by organising discussion of the life course, 3 first, around different life stages and, second, around developmental threads 4 that run through a number of stages. The emphasis of the next four chap- 5 ters, however, is on meta-models, that is, largely metaphorical images of 6 the life course that convey its overall shape and rhythm rather than the 7 specifics of particular life stages or domains. In recognition of the applied 8 nature of the topic, the final chapter focuses on issues of intervention and 9 the facilitation of life-span development. The result is a book that gives rel- 40111 atively scant attention to some of the traditional bastions of developmental 1 psychology – Freud and Piaget, for example – and that brings into the fore- 2 ground some of the less ubiquitously mentioned work of others. Thus, 3 whilst Erikson’s concept of the adolescent identity crisis is well known, the 4 present text gives equal emphasis to the other stages in his schema. 45111 Similarly, the account of Levinson’s work goes beyond the frequently xii Preface to second edition 1111 reproduced diagram outlining the approximate age bands of different “sea- 2 sons” in the evolution of a person’s life structure. 3 The result is, I hope, a book whose ideas can contribute to a “working 4 knowledge” of life-span development that readers can call on in both their 5 professional and personal lives. I have also altered the subtitle of the book. 6 Being somewhat tautological, “theories and concepts” are now subsumed 7 under the heading of “frameworks”. “Accounts” has been added to sign- 8 post an increasing emphasis on participant-led approaches to the study of 9 psychological development, and “interventions” has been replaced by 1011 “strategies” to incorporate better the informal and self-generated efforts 1 to promote what can be termed successful ageing. 2 3111 I acknowledge with thanks and appreciation the range of professional, 4 practical, and personal support provided by Nell Bridges MA, Dr Christine 5 Doyle, Dr Neil Kendra, Dr Ian Rivers, Professor David Sugarman, and 6 Ruth Wright MA. The book is dedicated to my husband David, and to my 7 daughters, Erica and Clare, whose life-span development I find endlessly 8 fascinating. 9 20111 Léonie Sugarman 1 February 2001 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30111 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 40111 1 2 3 4 45111 1111 2 1 Life-span developmental 3 4 psychology 5 6 7 8 9 1011 1 2 3111 It is interesting to note how rarely the term development is used to describe 4 changes in the later years. Despite current emphasis on a lifespan perspec- 5 tive, change in later years is still typically described as aging. In the same 6 way, although the word day can refer to the twenty-four-hour span, we 7 normally use it to refer to only the brighter hours. Aging has come to 8 refer to the darker side of growing old. To make changes in later life one 9 must fight against all sorts of popular mindsets. 20111 (Langer, 1989) 1 2 3 Life-span development is about every one of us. In keeping with this, the 4 text of the present book is interspersed with activities that encourage you 5 to reflect on both the ideas introduced in the text and their place in your 6 own life and the lives of others. You are invited to complete these exercises 7 as you read through the book, working alone or using them as the basis of 8 class discussions. Beginning as you mean to go on, can I ask you first of 9 all to turn your attention to Activity 1.1. 30111 1 2 Activity 1.1 Lifeline 3 Take a blank sheet of paper and, allowing the left and right hand 4 edges of the page to represent the beginning and end of your life 5 respectively, draw a line across the page (in the manner of a temper- 6 ature chart) to depict the peaks and troughs experienced in your life 7 so far, and those you would predict for the future. 8 9 When finished, sit back and ask yourself some questions about 40111 this graph – your “lifeline”: 1 2 • What is its general shape? Does it continue to rise throughout 3 life? Does it depict peaks and troughs around some arbitrary 4 mean? Alternatively, is there a plateau and subsequent fall in the 45111 2 Life-span development 1111 2 level of the curve? Is it punctuated with major or only relatively 3 minor peaks and troughs? 4 • The horizontal axis represents time; but how about the vertical 5 axis – what dimension does that reflect? 6 • What (or who) triggered the peaks and troughs in the graph? 7 Why did they occur at the time that they did? 8 • What might have been done (or was done) to make the peaks 9 1011 higher and the troughs shallower? How might the incidence and 1 height of the peaks be increased in the future? And the incidence 2 and depth of the troughs decreased? 3111 • What positive results emerged from the troughs and what were 4 the negative consequences of the peaks? 5 6 7 8 Consideration of questions such as those in Activity 1.1 form the subject 9 matter of life-span developmental psychology. It is to questions such as 20111 these that the present book is directed. Whilst life-span developmental psy- 1 chology is an area that has, as it were, come of age during the last two 2 decades, it is founded on the work of theorists such as Jung (Staude, 1981), 3 Bühler (Bühler & Massarik, 1968), Havighurst (1972), and Erikson (1980). 4 None the less, it was not until 1980 that the Annual Review of Psychology 5 included its first review of life-span developmental psychology, defining it 6 as a discipline concerned with the description, explanation, and modifica- 7 tion (optimisation) of within-individual change and stability from birth (or 8 possibly from conception) to death and of between-individual differences 9 and similarities in within-individual change (Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 30111 1980). Since the publication of this review the area has been accepted into 1 the mainstream of psychology and its aims have remained largely unchanged. 2 3 Change and continuity 4 5 To live is to change. This truism is implicit in the notion of life-span devel- 6 opment. We are each palpably different from the person we were 10 years 7 ago and the person we will be in 10, 20, or 30 years’ time. Life-span devel- 8 opmental psychology is concerned with documenting, explaining, and influ- 9 encing these changes. In Activity 1.2 you are asked to think about your own 40111 life in a different way to the Lifeline exercise – a way that will probably 1 direct attention to how different we all are at different ages. 2 However, despite the changes that beset all of us as we grow up and grow 3 older, we do not become totally different people. The life course is charac- 4 terised by continuity as well as change, and we operate on the assumption 45111 that past behaviour and temperament are reliable guides to the future. Thus, 1. Life-span developmental psychology 3 1111 2 Activity 1.2 Changes or consistencies? 3 4 • Think of yourself as you are, were, or imagine you will be, at 5 the ages of 7, 17, 27, 37, 47, 57, 67, 77, and 87 years. 6 • Now think of your priorities, your skills, your worries, your rela- 7 tionships, your enjoyments: 8 – what changes? 9 – what remains the same? 1011 1 2 3111 we might talk about someone acting “out of character” and in writing a job 4 reference might strive to predict future performance on the basis of past and 5 present achievements. The tension between change and continuity is taken 6 up in more detail elsewhere – through an overview of change, consistency 7 and chaos as concepts for organising life-span data (in Chapter 3), and 8 through discussion of the concepts of dynamic continuity and narrative con- 9 struction (in Chapter 7). 20111 1 2 Development 3 This book is not merely about change. It is about development. Not all 4 change across the life course would necessarily be described as develop- 5 mental. “Development” is not an empirical term (Reese & Overton, 1970), 6 although on occasions it is used as though it were (Kaplan, 1983). No 7 matter how much data we were able to collect about the course of an 8 individual’s life this, of itself, would not enable us to define what is meant 9 by the term “development”, unless, that is, we were to say that whatever 30111 happens across the life span is what constitutes development. This, how- 1 ever, would reduce developmental psychology to a largely atheoretical 2 data-collection exercise. Furthermore, because such a perspective makes 3 no judgements as to what is better or preferable, it negates the notion of 4 development-enhancing interventions. As, from this viewpoint, any life 5 course is as good (or as developed) as any other, there are no grounds 6 for attempting to influence it. 7 As an alternative, we might try to define development empirically by ref- 8 erence to norms – saying that development is what happens to the major- 9 ity of people across the life course. This, however, would also be flawed. 40111 It represents a conflation of the “is” and the “ought”, seeing them as syn- 1 onymous. The intervention implications would be that people should be 2 encouraged to be like the average, discouraging both individuality and the 3 exceptional. 4 Rather than emerging in some self-evident way from empirical data, the 45111 concept of development requires the initial postulation of assumptions, 4 Life-span development 1111 2 Activity 1.3 How would you define development? 3 4 • How would you define development? How would you distin- 5 guish it from mere change? 6 • Jot down some ideas of your own and, if possible, discuss them 7 with a group of colleagues. 8 • Think about the extent to which your ideas concur with those 9 of the authors quoted below. 1011 1 2 underlying premises or value judgements as to its defining characteris- 3111 tics. The concept of development centres on a value-based notion of im- 4 provement. These standards of comparison precede empirical observation. 5 Changes in amount and in quality are evaluated against some implicit or 6 explicit standard as to what constitutes the “good” or the “ideal”. In other 7 words, we begin with a definition of development and then examine data 8 to see whether they meet our criteria. For example, whether or not it is 9 viewed as development when adolescents challenge the received wisdom 20111 of their elders depends on what we mean by the term. Opinions on such 1 matters can vary. Value judgements are involved. Use Activity 1.3 to help 2 you decide what you think of when you think of development. Box 1.1 3 provides some suggestions on how to structure your ideas. 4 The definitions in Box 1.1 paint a picture of a person learning and ben- 5 efiting from experience; accomplishing tasks characterising different stages 6 7 8 Box 1.1 Defining development 9 Thomas (1990, p. 50) emphasises the value-laden basis of concepts of devel- 30111 opment when he writes: 1 2 People are developing normally (properly, desirably, satisfactorily, 3 acceptably) when: 4 • they feel that they are fulfilling their own needs at least moder- 5 ately well, 6 • their behavior does not unduly encroach upon other people’s rights 7 and opportunities, 8 • they fulfil the responsibilities typically held as reasonable for peo- 9 ple of their ability (physical and mental) and social environment, 40111 and • their personal characteristics do not cause others to treat them in 1 ways which harm them physically, psychologically, or socially or 2 which deny them opportunities [equal to those of their peers of the 3 same age, gender, and physical, intellectual, and/or social behav- 4 iour] to pursue their ambitions. 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 5 1111 2 Chaplin (1988, p. 45) focuses on the process of development, rejecting the idea of directional movement toward an explicit, coherent “end-state”: 3 4 We grow and change in more of a spiral than in a straight line. We 5 go backwards as well as forwards. Perhaps we can only go forwards 6 if we go backwards and regress into childlike feelings first. Growth is 7 working with the rhythms, not proceeding from some depressing reality 8 to a perfect harmonious self in the future. 9 1011 Rogers (1980, p. 80), in contemplating his own life, sees development as 1 the personal expansion that comes from learning, itself the outcome of risk taking: 2 3111 Perhaps the major reason I am willing to take chances is that I have 4 found that in doing so, whether I succeed or fail, I learn. Learning, 5 especially learning from experience, has been a prime element in 6 making my life worthwhile. Such learning helps me to expand. So I 7 continue to take risks. 8 9 In an otherwise fairly abstract and technical discussion, Ford and Lerner 20111 (1992, p. 42) use the metaphor of a sea journey to capture the adaptive nature of human development. Although maps and charts can help us on 1 our travels, there is always the chance that we will meet the unexpected, 2 the unforeseeable and the unfamiliar. They see development as: 3 4 . . . a continuous and sometimes unpredictable voyage throughout life, 5 sailing from seas that have become familiar into oceans as yet uncharted 6 toward destinations to be imagined, defined, and redefined as the voyage 7 proceeds, with occasional, often unpredictable transformations of one’s 8 vessel and sailing skills and the oceans upon which one sails resulting 9 from unforeseen circumstances. 30111 1 2 of the life course and on which later development, at least to some extent, 3 rests; and working through the implications of significant life events to 4 emerge a stronger, more mature, more “developed” person (Sugarman, 5 1996). 6 In the past, developmental psychology was, with a few exceptions, syn- 7 onymous with child development. The term development was applied only 8 to physical, cognitive, personal, or social changes that met a number of 9 criteria, such as being sequential, unidirectional, universal, irreversible, 40111 and end-state or goal-directed. Because these criteria are met by few of 1 the life changes of the adult years, if adulthood is not to be construed as 2 a period largely devoid of development, then this restrictive definition 3 must be challenged. 4 How, though, should we proceed with the task of defining development? 45111 First, a good place to begin is by following Kaplan’s (1983) advice to 6 Life-span development 1111 distinguish between development as an ideal process and the realities of 2 what actually happens during the course of a life. Development, “pertains 3 to a rarely, if ever, attained ideal, not the actual” (Kaplan, 1983, p. 188). 4 With this in mind, empirical studies can then furnish data concerning the 5 extent to which individuals do or do not develop and may provide infor- 6 mation concerning factors that facilitate or impede development. 7 Second, development is better thought of as a process than as a state. 8 Thus, we ask not whether a person has reached some ideal end-state or telos, 9 but rather (assuming such an end-state exists, even in theory) the extent to 1011 which he or she is moving in its direction. In this vein, Kaplan (1983) 1 defines development as movement in the direction of perfection, although 2 he acknowledges that what we mean by perfection is neither transparent 3111 nor easy to articulate. None the less, from a variety of theoretical perspec- 4 tives come common themes if not of perfection, then at least of successful 5 ageing (Ryff, 1989). Thus, accounts of personal growth and ways of 6 being that “surpass the average” (Jourard, 1974) include descriptions of 7 self-actualisation (Maslow, 1970), the healthy personality (Jourard, 1974), 8 and the mature personality (Allport, 1964). Rogers’ (1961) concept of the 9 fully functioning person – summarised in Box 1.2 – serves to illustrate the 20111 notion of development as a process towards a theoretical ideal. 1 2 3 Box 1.2 The fully functioning person (Kirschenbaum & Henderson, 1989; 4 Rogers, 1961) 5 6 It is somewhat misleading to talk of “the” fully functioning person because 7 Rogers does not see it as an achievable, “developed” state. Rather, devel- 8 opment is denoted by the process of moving in the direction of becoming 9 more fully functioning. It is a process with some discernible, universal qual- ities: an increasing openness to experience, increasingly existential living, 30111 and an increasing trust in one’s own organism. 1 2 1. An increasing openness to experience. To become more open to expe- 3 rience involves becoming less defensive – the polar opposite of open- 4 ness. Defensiveness is where experiences are distorted in awareness or 5 are denied awareness because they are perceived as threatening. In this 6 way they are temporarily rendered harmless. Movement from the pole 7 of defensiveness towards the pole of openness to experience allows 8 people to become more able to listen to themselves and to experience 9 what is going on within them. It is movement towards greater emotional 40111 self-awareness and acceptance. Feelings – be they positive or negative – are experienced more fully. 1 2. Increasingly existential living. As a person becomes more open to expe- 2 rience he or she tends to live less in the past or the future and more 3 in the present moment. This is what Rogers means by increasingly 4 existential living. To live fully in the moment, “means an absence of 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 7 1111 2 rigidity, of tight organization, of the imposition of structure on expe- 3 rience. It means instead a maximum of adaptability, a discovery of 4 structure in experience, a flowing, changing organization of self and personality.” (Rogers, 1961, p. 189). 5 3. An increasing trust in one’s own organism. Rather than depending on 6 abstract principles, codes of action or previous experience for guid- 7 ance, people who are open to their own experience and are living fully 8 in the present are able to trust and be guided by their “total organ- 9 ismic reaction” to situations. They are confident that their own ex- 1011 perience provides a sufficient and satisfactory basis for deciding how 1 to respond to a particular situation. 2 3111 The process of becoming a fully functioning person is rarely smooth. Rather, 4 it tends to occur unevenly, by what Rogers (1961) refers to as “moments 5 of movement” occurring in situations where people (who are often, but not always, in therapy) feel themselves to be fully accepted and “received”. 6 The good life that results from this movement is not a fixed state of virtue, 7 contentment, or happiness in which the person is adjusted, fulfilled or actu- 8 alised. Indeed, it is not a state at all. It is a movement from fixity towards 9 changingness, from rigid structure towards flow, and from stasis to process. 20111 It is a continuing process of being in which people discover that, if they 1 are open to their experiences, then doing what “feels right” is “a compe- 2 tent and trustworthy guide to behavior which is truly satisfying” (Rogers, 3 1961, p. 189). 4 5 6 7 8 Age 9 The question “What is your age?” might seem to have a simple, unam- 30111 biguous answer – you are 18 years and 6 months, 30 years and 2 months, 1 89 years and 11 months, or whatever. However, our chronological age is 2 an incomplete statement of “how old we are” (see Activity 1.4), as is indi- 3 cated when we describe someone as being “young for their age”, as “old 4 before their time”, or as “having aged 10 years in the last 3 weeks”. At 5 any one time we are both old and young – the 15-year-old is “too young” 6 to vote and “too old” for primary school. 7 Non-chronological concepts of age, that is, our psychological, social, 8 functional, and biological ages (see Box 1.3), all contribute to the ques- 9 tion of how old we are. None the less, it is chronological age that is 40111 almost universally used in developmental psychology as either a main or 1 subsidiary criterion in anchoring accounts of change over the life course. 2 Such categorisation of people and processes according to age serves to 3 facilitate the organisation of knowledge, individuals, and society, and pro- 4 vides a framework in relation to which we can order much of our daily 45111 lives. However, age norms are inevitably averages, with many, if not most, 8 Life-span development 1111 2 Activity 1.4 How old are you? 3 4 How old are you? I am ______years old. But are you? 5 6 •I look as if I am ______years old. 7 •I feel as if I am ______years old 8 •I behave as if I am ______years old. 9 1011 Complete the following sentences: 1 2 • The best thing about my current age is . . . 3111 • At my age I should . . . 4 • At my age I should not . . . 5 • I will be old when . . . 6 7 • In ten years’ time I will . . . 8 • In ten years’ time I won’t be able to . . . 9 • I feel I’m already too old to . . . 20111 • The best age to be is . . . 1 2 If possible, compare your answers with those of other people of 3 different ages. You might find that notions of “old” and “young” 4 bear very little relation to chronological age. I once overheard my 5 3-year-old daughter describing her babysitter to a friend as being 6 “Really, really old – at least twelve”. In fact the babysitter was 7 fifteen, and my concern was that she might be “too young”. 8 9 30111 1 individuals deviating from them to some degree. An “age-irrelevant” 2 concept of development (Baer, 1970) focuses not on the age at which 3 particular experiences occurred, but at their point in a sequence of expe- 4 riences. 5 6 7 Ageism 8 Because the topic of age is almost inevitably implicated in discussions of 9 life-span development, it is important constantly to be on the alert for 40111 evidence of ageism in our own or others’ thinking. However, in the same 1 way as we asked what is meant by the concept of age, so, too, we need 2 to ask what we mean by ageism. Perhaps you could spend a few moments 3 reflecting on and jotting down what you understand by the term. 4 Over a quarter of a century ago the term ageism was invoked to express 45111 concern about the condition and treatment of older people during the 1960s 1. Life-span developmental psychology 9 1111 2 Box 1.3 Non-chronological age variables 3 Key “non-chronological” age variables (Barak & Schiffman, 1981; Birren 4 & Renner, 1977) include: 5 6 • Subjective (or psychological) age – people’s sense of their own age 7 as, for example, “young”, “middle-aged” or “grown up”, irrespective 8 of their chronological age. Subjective age is reflected in the adage, 9 “You’re as old as you feel”. 1011 • Social age – the extent to which a person’s social roles, lifestyle, and 1 attitudes conform to the norms and the social expectations for someone 2 of their chronological age. Are they “acting their age”, or perhaps behaving as “mutton dressed up as lamb”? 3111 • Functional age – a person’s capacities or abilities relative to others of 4 similar age. Functional age can be applied to the condition of an indi- 5 vidual’s organ and body systems (such as heart and lung capacity) and 6 to his or her intellectual and practical skills. 7 • Biological age – an estimate of the individual’s present position in 8 relation to his or her potential life span. The biological age of, say, a 9 fit 70-year-old may be less than that of an unfit 50-year-old. 20111 1 2 and 1970s. Thus Butler (1987; Butler & Lewis, 1973) defined ageism as, 3 “a process of systematic stereotyping of and discrimination against people 4 because they are old, just as racism and sexism accomplish this for skin 5 colour and gender” (Butler, 1987, p. 22). This remains the most widely 6 assumed meaning of the term, although it does have certain weaknesses 7 and limitations. Seeing ageism as something that applies only to older 8 people fosters a “them” and “us” view of “the elderly” as a minority 9 group, different and separate from the rest of society (Bytheway, 1995; 30111 Johnson & Bytheway, 1993). In this sense, the concept of ageism can 1 itself be seen as ageist. This is perhaps understandable given the preva- 2 lence of the view of old age as a period of decline and marginalisation. 3 If old age is seen as inevitably accompanied by decrement and decline 4 then it is not surprising if fear or, at best, ambivalence about ageing leads 5 young and middle-aged people to distance themselves from those who are 6 older. The result is that so-called “enlightened” views of ageing may incor- 7 porate a Victorian sense of noblesse oblige accompanied by images of a 8 gracious but patronising Lady Bountiful. Kalish (1979, p. 398) expressed 9 this perspective thus: 40111 1 You are poor, lonely, weak, incompetent, ineffectual, and no longer 2 terribly bright. You are sick, in need of better housing and trans- 3 portation and nutrition, and we – the nonelderly and those elderly who 4 align themselves with us – are finally going to turn our attention to 45111 you, the deserving elderly, and relieve you from ageism. 10 Life-span development 1111 However, even if we reject this patronising view of older people, it is also 2 the case that ageing is associated with some decrements that it is not unrea- 3 sonable to regret. Schonfield (1982) suggested that guilt about our fear or 4 dislike of some aspects of ageing leads us to define as ageist feelings, such 5 as the expression of greater regret for the death of an 18-year-old than on 6 the death of a 75-year-old, that are in fact reasonable and understandable. 7 Fear of our own ageing is not the same as, although it may contribute to, 8 negative attitudes towards older people in general. 9 Rather than seeing ageism as something applying only to older people 1011 (which could, suggests Johnson and Bytheway (1993), be called “old- 1 ageism”), it can be seen as a process affecting all individuals from birth 2 onwards, “at every stage putting limits and constraints on experience, 3111 expectations, relationships and opportunities” (Itzin, 1986, p. 114). From 4 this perspective, ageism is prejudice based on age, not specifically old age 5 (Johnson & Bytheway, 1993). Setting a lower minimum wage for workers 6 less than 25 years old can, from this perspective, be defined as ageist 7 practice. Whilst our experiences of racism and sexism will generally have 8 a degree of continuity throughout our life, the nature of any ageism we 9 experience will vary, depending on our chronological age at the time 20111 (Bytheway, 1995). The analogy between ageism and these other forms of 1 prejudice is therefore imperfect. 2 Although prejudice based on age can affect us at any point in life, this 3 does not mean it is distributed evenly across the life course. Age-based lim- 4 its and restrictions do tend to be greatest for “the young” and “the old”, a 5 reflection of the (perhaps implicit) adoption of the growth–maintenance– 6 decline model of the life course – whereby the middle years are seen to rep- 7 resent the peak of maturity (with the young being “too young” and the old 8 being “too old”). It also reflects a power structure within society where the 9 reins of power are typically held by those in midlife (Pilgrim, 1997). 30111 Ageism is not only manifested in explicit age-based restrictions. Of at 1 least equal importance as institutionalised ageism is internalised ageism – 2 the frequently implicit or internalised notions of age-appropriate behav- 3 iour that comprise a society’s age-grade system. It is reflected in 4 inappropriate attitudes and behaviour towards one age group or genera- 5 tion by another. It encompasses both overtly offensive standpoints (for 6 example calling someone an “old bag”) and also the kindly but patron- 7 ising exercising of benevolent patronage (for example, “keeping an eye 8 on the old dears”) that is described by Johnson and Bytheway (1993) as 9 perhaps the most pervasive form of ageism. 40111 It is also important to realise that we can apply ageist attitudes towards 1 ourselves as well as others. Whilst societal constraints to life course 2 timing and sequencing might be more relaxed than previously – career 3 change in our 30s, becoming a grandparent at 35 or 75 – and the vari- 4 ability of individual life-course patterns has increased (Neugarten, 1979; 45111 Rindfuss, Swicegood, & Rosenfeld, 1987), internalised conceptions of 1. Life-span developmental psychology 11 1111 age-appropriate behaviours and achievements still influence our aspirations 2 and sense of success and failure. Such normative assumptions provide us 3 with a degree of security – helping to confer a sense of order and pre- 4 dictability on our lives. However, they can also be a major constraint to 5 our life-course development (Heckhausen, 1999). Langer (1989, pp. 94–5) 6 eloquently makes this point with regard to old age: 7 8 When we are young and answer questions about old age, we do so 9 with the feeling that we will never grow old. In the meantime, we 1011 form mindsets about the relationship between debilitated performance 1 and old age. Once we awaken to an old self, those relationships become 2 threatening and the fears begin. Such fears are inhibiting and likely 3111 to discourage older people from trying to extend themselves in new 4 ways. 5 6 A significant role for life-span developmental interventions lies in the iden- 7 tification and countering of ageism, including the raising of consciousness 8 about internalised age-related norms. When age-normative conceptions 9 about the life course are shared by members of a given society they can 20111 be experienced as “natural” and, therefore, as largely inevitable and 1 unchangeable. It is important always to look past the age variable to the 2 individual beyond and to strive, in the words of one commentator, “to 3 develop a society that encourages people to stop acting their age and start 4 being themselves” (Ponzo, 1978, pp. 143–4). 5 6 7 Different views of the life course 8 Accounts of people’s lives are not told merely as lists of incidents. They 9 are woven together into a story (Cohler, 1982). Your lifeline can be thought 30111 of as a graphical representation of your life story, with the number of 1 “ups and downs” indicating eventfulness, and the degree of slope repre- 2 senting the amount of dramatic tension (Gergen, 1988). The “plot” of this 3 story can be represented in a number of ways, for example, as a series 4 of turning points or transitions (Schlossberg, Waters, & Goodman, 1995), 5 as a sequential pattern or series of stages (Erikson, 1980; Levinson, Darrow, 6 Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978), or as the occupancy of an age-based 7 series of culturally determined roles (Neugarten & Datan, 1973; Neugarten, 8 Moore, & Lowe, 1965). The range of forms your lifeline could have taken 9 represents alternative models of the life course. 40111 A more formal definition of the life course would be, “the sequence of 1 events and experiences in a life from birth until death, and the chain of 2 personal states and encountered situations which influence, and are influ- 3 enced by this sequence of events” (Runyan, 1978, p. 570). The danger of 4 such an umbrella definition is that it can seem to be all things to all people. 45111 Indeed, life-span developmental psychology has been described as just 12 Life-span development 1111 that – as a, “motley and monolithic movement” in which, “everyone is 2 invited to contribute his/her voice to the songfest without any restrictions 3 on melody, lyrics and arrangements” (Kaplan, 1983, p. 193). 4 5111 Box 1.4 Tenets of a life-span perspective (Baltes, 1987) 6 7 Development is: 8 9 • A lifelong process. Development is not restricted to childhood. Both 1011 quantitative and qualitative development can occur at all stages of the life course. 1 • Multidimensional and multidirectional. Development occurs in a 2 number of different domains, at different rates, and in a number of 3 directions. 4 • A process that shows plasticity. An individual’s developmental course 5 can, at least to some degree, be modified through life conditions and 6 experience. 7 • A process involving both gains and losses. As well as involving growth 8 and gain, development also involves coming to terms with decline and 9 loss. 20111 • An interactive process. Development is the outcome of interactions 1 between individual and environment, both of which can influence its course. 2 • Culturally and historically embedded. Developmental rates and courses 3 vary across different cultures and historical periods. 4 •A multidisciplinary field of study. Life-span development is not con- 5 cerned merely with psychological factors. Biological, sociological, 6 anthropological, and environmental factors can all interact with and 7 influence individual development. 8 9 30111 Adherents of a life-span perspective have risen to the challenge of such 1 a barb by distinguishing different types of theoretical orientations to the 2 life course. Key dimensions (several of them overlapping) on which theo- 3 ries vary include: 4 5 • the degree to which stages can be identified 6 • the origin of these stages within either the individual or the environ- 7 ment 8 • the extent to which stages are universal, or at least shared by people 9 of a particular time and place 40111 • a concern with the continuities and consistencies that characterise 1 particular lives across time 2 • the extent to which life-span development is directed at a universal end- 3 point 44111 • the balance of emphasis between a concern with the process of devel- opment and the content of the life course 1. Life-span developmental psychology 13 1111 `• a focus on the life course as a whole, on particular points or stages, 2 or on the nature of the process of change. 3 4 The theories of life-span development discussed in this book can be located 5 at different points on the above dimensions. Few theorists, however, are 6 totally dismissive of opposing viewpoints – disagreements tend to focus 7 on the relative importance of different factors, nature versus nurture, 8 predetermined versus variable, continuity versus change, for example. 9 Life-span developmental psychology is an inclusive discipline, charac- 1011 terised by a set of gradually emerging tenets (Baltes, 1987; Magnusson, 1 1989; Rutter, 1989) as summarised in Box 1.4 and discussed in the 2 following section. 3111 4 5 Tenets of a life-span perspective 6 In their 1980 landmark paper, Baltes et al. (1980) described the life- 7 span approach as a general orientation to development rather than a 8 particular theory. As such, it is characterised by a number of propositions. 9 Although the number and emphasis of these assumptions is not fixed, 20111 Baltes et al. did identify four that had received what they described as 1 “some primacy”: 2 3 1. Development is a lifelong process. 4 2. Development is an expression of biological, socialisation, historical, 5 and cultural processes. 6 3. Restricted and monolithic definitions of the nature of development are 7 inappropriate. 8 4. Life-span developmental psychology offers a potentially integrative 9 umbrella under which different aspects of development can be explored 30111 and understood. 1 2 These assumptions were later refined into seven tenets (Baltes, 1987), 3 which are used as the framework for the following overview of what might 4 be termed the life-span philosophy. 5 6 7 1. Development is a lifelong process 8 As should already be apparent, the life-span perspective assumes that the 9 potential for development extends throughout life. It rejects the traditional 40111 assumption that childhood is the main, or only, period of growth and devel- 1 opment. There is no assumption that the lifeline must reach a plateau and/or 2 decline during adulthood and old age. Instead, it is assumed that there is, 3 throughout the life course, the potential both for continuous growth (which 4 is gradual, incremental, cumulative, and quantitative) and discontinu- 45111 ous development (which is rapid, innovative, substantial, and qualitative). 14 Life-span development 1111 Life-span developmental psychology challenges the frequently implicit 2 assumption of a growth–maintenance–decline model of development. To 3 what extent did your own lifeline (see Activity 1.1) follow this pattern? 4 Such a pattern, whilst generally applicable to biological and physical func- 5 tioning, may not, it is suggested, be an appropriate model for the psycho- 6 logical, social, and spiritual realms. Development through change and 7 adaptation continues throughout life (Datan, Rodeaver, & Hughes, 1987). 8 9 1011 2. Development is multidimensional and multidirectional 1 To be concerned with the “whole person” is to attempt to grapple with, 2 “something round, large, undifferentiated and thus difficult to manipulate, 3111 analyse, study or write about” (McCandless & Evans, 1973, p. 3). Dis- 4 tinguishing between different dimensions of development imposes some 5 form and order (Loevinger, 1976) on what might otherwise appear an 6 amorphous mass, and acknowledges that development does not necessarily 7 advance simultaneously or in the same form on all fronts. In other words, 8 development is both multidimensional and multidirectional. 9 Typically, distinction is made within developmental psychology be- 20111 tween the physical, cognitive, personal, and social domains (Box 1.5), 1 although other dimensions could be included, for example, spiritual devel- 2 opment (Assagioli, 1986; Fowler, 1981; Wilber, 1979) or career develop- 3 ment (Dalton, Thompson, & Price, 1977; Super, 1984, 1990). It is 4 recognised, however, that these domains do not operate in isolation from 5 each other. Thus, for example, “baby walkers”, designed to promote inde- 6 pendent mobility (physical development) in infants, can also, by giving the 7 child some choice over where he or she goes, can encourage the develop- 8 ment of a sense of control over one’s environment (personal development). 9 By the same token, concentration of efforts in one domain may restrict devel- 30111 opments in another, as, for example, when the development of musical or 1 athletic talent is at the expense of a broad range of social activities. 2 3 4 Box 1.5 Dimensions of human development (adapted from Rice, 1995) 5 • Physical development. Includes the physical growth of all components 6 of the body and changes in motor development, the senses, and in 7 bodily systems. 8 • Cognitive development. Includes all changes in the intellectual processes 9 of thinking, learning, remembering, judging, problem solving, and 40111 communicating. 1 • Personal development. Includes the development of the concept of self; 2 the development of attachment, trust, security, love, and affection; and 3 the development a variety of emotions, feelings, and personality traits. • Social development. Includes the development of interpersonal relation- 4 ships with family members, peers, and other members of the community. 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 15 1111 Other bases for distinguishing different developmental domains could 2 be used. Thus, Schlossberg et al. (1995) distinguish between transitions 3 experienced in three different areas of life: (1) internally; (2) in close inter- 4 personal relationships; and (3) in relation to work or other areas of endeav- 5 our. Recurring issues in internal or intrapsychic transitions are those of 6 identity, autonomy, and making meaning. For interpersonal transitions, 7 recurring themes centre around intimacy, mattering, and belonging. With 8 regard to the work arena, questions of work saliency (the centrality of work 9 in people’s lives), resilience (career adaptability), mastery (self-efficacy), 1011 and balance tend to predominate. Again, it must be accepted that such clas- 1 sifications are somewhat arbitrary and, also, that there is considerable over- 2 lap among the categories. Transitions in one area can have an impact both 3111 on other areas of the person’s life and on the lives of those with whom he 4 or she comes into contact. 5 Another possible approach centres on the different roles assumed by an 6 individual across the life course. Thus, Super (1980, 1990) employs the 7 notion of a “life-career rainbow” (Box 1.6) to represent a “total life space, 8 total life span” view of the person. He distinguishes nine roles that together 9 describe, “most of the life space of most people during the course of a 20111 lifetime” (Super, 1980, p. 283). At first the life space contains only one 1 role, that of child; but it may later contain seven or eight, as when a 2 person is pursuing an occupation; maintaining a home; being a spouse, 3 a parent and the supporting child of ageing parents; engaging in civic 4 activities; and following hobbies or further education. Everyone’s life- 5 career rainbow contains some universal, some unique, and some shared 6 but not universal features. Other roles could be identified. Not everyone 7 necessarily occupies all roles depicted in Box 1.6 and, furthermore, the 8 sequencing of roles may vary. 9 30111 1 Box 1.6 The life-career rainbow (Super, 1980) 2 3 Super’s depiction of the life course is not unusual in invoking an image from the natural world – a rainbow (Figure 1.1). The arc reflects the life 4 stages identified by Super – initially in relation to career choice and devel- 5 opment – namely: growth, exploration, establishment, maintenance, and 6 decline. It should be noted that this represents the traditional, but now chal- 7 lenged, growth–maintenance–decline model of the life course. Also note 8 how Super places the life course in the context of situational and personal 9 influences – in keeping with the interactional perspective on development 40111 and change. 1 Super (1980) considers more than mere occupancy of roles. He elabor- 2 ates two further characteristics – emotional salience (how important a role is 3 to us) and time demands (the proportion of our life spent in that role). These 4 two characteristics need not vary in tandem. Thus, an unmotivated student might spend a lot of time in the student role but accord it low emotional 45111 16 Life-span development 1111 2 Situational determinants, remote–immediate Social stucture 3 Historical change Socioeconomic organisation and conditions 4 Employment practices 5 School Community 6 Family 7 Main 8 tenance nt 40 45 9 me 5 50 lish 3 ab 55 1011 st 30 E nt 5 are r 60 1 2 P ake n em D io m e t o 6 c a 0 H e 5 l 2 r 2 us W in lo po e p S x 3111 E r W 7 5 ke o 0 1 or rk 4 W er H h o t S P S m w n e p e 7 e r n o 5 5 o 0 z e S St m r 1 i s u s u P it d i s a G u e L o a C C n e n e k e hi t r r ld i e e e 6 u s s ete u C r r n i al d rm r 8 n in e i t e t o t 0 s a i 5 n

n L 7 L r Awareness t u z e e s e P s i e d Interests n f

e e g u t Attitudes r

8 a s t S A

Needs—Values t

s a e g

d Achievement g g l e e i 9 f e i A General and specific aptitudes h L 20111 C Biological heritage 1 2 Figure 1.1 Super’s life-career rainbow (reproduced with permission from Super, D.E. (1980). A life-span, life-space approach to career 3 development. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 16, 282–298. 4 Copyright © 1980 by Academic Press). 5 6 salience, whilst the non-resident parent in a divorced couple might spend 7 only short amounts of time in the parent role but this time could be of great 8 personal significance. Emotional saliency could be represented on the life- 9 career rainbow by varying the depth of colour of the different bands, and 30111 time demands could be represented by varying the bandwidths. 1 2 3 As well as being multidimensional, developmental trajectories can also 4 be multidirectional. This is something that is not incorporated into a life- 5 career rainbow but is reflected in lifelines of differing shapes. It contradicts 6 the notion that development always follows an “onwards and upwards” 7 path and also links in with another tenet of the life-span perspective – 8 that development involves managing losses as well as gains. 9 One reason why you might have found the earlier lifeline exercise hard 40111 is that it requires the integration of all the different developmental domains 1 to produce some sort of global assessment. It might be more feasible, and 2 more meaningful, to draw several lifelines, each representing a different 3 developmental domain. This would allow the depiction of lines of differ- 4 ing shapes and degrees of incline. Points of interaction between different 45111 developmental domains could be identified (see Activity 1.5 and Box 1.7). 1. Life-span developmental psychology 17 1111 2 Activity 1.5 Return to the lifeline 3 4 • Following on from Activity 1.1, now draw a series of lifelines 5 to distinguish between the different developmental domains – 6 perhaps physical, cognitive, personal, and social. 7 • To what extent do these lifelines follow different paths? 8 • Try to identify points where something in one domain strongly 9 influenced or was influenced by something in another domain. 1011 The information in Box 1.7 might help you to convey this. 1 2 3111 4 5 Box 1.7 The interaction of different development domains 6 Rapoport and Rapoport (1980) used the image of a triple helix (Figure 1.2) 7 to depict the intertwined nature of different developmental trajectories. Points 8 where the different threads cross mark occasions where two developmental 9 paths impact on each other. Rapoport and Rapoport distinguished between 20111 occupational, family, and leisure careers – an alternative might be the dis- 1 tinction between physical, cognitive, personal, and social development made 2 by (for example) Rice (1995), or that between internal, interpersonal, and 3 work transitions advocated by Schlossberg et al. (1995). 4 5 Old age 6 Retirement, takes up voluntary work 7 Spouse dies, joins choral group 8 9 Midlife Spouse takes new job, 30111 children leave home Further promotion, 1 joins golf club First child arrives, 2 Adulthood gives up tennis 3 Marries, 4 gets promoted 5 Youth Takes job, joins tennis club 6 Leaves home, 7 gives up music 8 Enters secondary school, 9 Adolescence mother takes job 40111 Enters school, takes music Occupational 1 lessons Family 2 Childhood Leisure 3 4 Figure 1.2 Rapoport and Rapoport’s triple helix model. 45111 18 Life-span development 1111 3. Development shows plasticity 2 3 Plasticity refers to the modifiability of individual developmental trajecto- 4 ries. Not only is development multidimensional and multidirectional but 5 its path may also, to a greater or lesser degree, be redirected by life condi- 6 tions and experiences. Plasticity is distinguished from multidirectionality 7 in that whereas the latter looks at potential individual differences, plas- 8 ticity is concerned with the potential for directional change within an 9 individual – the extent to which a developmental path can be altered once 1011 it has began. Thus, improved diet and an emotionally, intellectually and 1 socially enriching environment can ameliorate much thwarted develop- 2 ment in a child whose life has been characterised by multiple deprivations. 3111 There will, however, be limits to plasticity within any particular devel- 4 opmental domain. Thus, some strands of development, for example, career 5 development, will show greater potential plasticity than others, such as 6 speech development. None the less, the emphasis on plasticity is both 7 optimistic (we may be able to overcome or undo the effects of early 8 problems) and cautionary (it warns against complacency because “living 9 happily ever after” can never be assumed – we need continually to work 20111 at it). 1 2 4. Development involves both gains and losses 3 4 Development is not simply the cumulative amassing of ever more attrib- 5 utes and capacities. Rather, it is a joint expression of both growth (gain) 6 and decline (loss) at all points in the life course. Thus, throughout early 7 childhood a range of infantile reflexes and skills disappear – they have 8 served their purpose and are replaced by other, more currently relevant 9 faculties (Rutter & Rutter, 1993). Thus, for example, as infants grow, their 30111 body proportions change, facilitating the acquisition and refinement of 1 walking and running skills but making it harder for them to suck their 2 toes with ease. However, because such a skill is of doubtful long-term 3 adaptive value, its disappearance would not usually be regretted as a loss. 4 More generally, the process of decision making inevitably requires 5 choosing between different options – if only between doing something 6 and doing nothing – and, therefore, the loss of what pursuing other alter- 7 natives would have provided. Transitions – both positive and negative – 8 almost inevitably involve severing links with aspects of our past, such 9 that Schlossberg (1981) suggests it is generally preferable to think in terms 40111 of role exchange rather than role gain or loss. None the less, the balance 1 between developmental gains and losses is not consistent across the life 2 course (Baltes, 1987). Losses may become increasingly predominant rela- 3 tive to gains as we age because, for example, of social norms and decreases 4 in biological and/or mental resources (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 19 1111 5. Development is the outcome of interaction between the 2 individual and the environment 3 4 An informative metaphor of the life course is the image of a river that, whilst 5 having a force and momentum of its own, is also shaped and modified by the 6 terrain over and through which it flows. In turn, the river exerts its own influ- 7 ence on its surroundings. Indeed, it is somewhat artificial to separate the river 8 from its habitat; a more accurate picture is obtained when they are consid- 9 ered as a single unit. Whilst it is similarly artificial to separate the individual 1011 from the context in which he or she is embedded, for ease and clarity of 1 analysis they are often treated as separate entities and psychologists have tra- 2 ditionally focused their attention on only one or the other, that is, on either 3111 the person or their environment (Pervin & Lewis, 1978). This dichotomy 4 between person and environment appears in a number of forms throughout 5 developmental psychology (Lerner, 1976), underpinning, for example, 6 debates between maturation and learning or between inherited and acquired 7 characteristics. Whatever terms are used, the basic thrust of the issue remains 8 the same. It is the question of nature versus nurture. 9 Whilst we can concentrate on either the person or the environment as 20111 the locus of the developmental imperative, we will gain a complete picture 1 of life-span development only if we consider the interaction between the 2 two. Psychology, with its traditional emphasis on the individual, has devel- 3 oped fewer tools for analysing environment contexts than for analysing 4 the person (Kindermann & Valsiner, 1995). However, Bronfenbrenner 5 (1977, 1979, 1992), drawing on the theories of Kurt Lewin, takes a broad 6 and differentiated ecological view of the environment – a perspective that 7 has also found acceptance in, for example, family process (Bronfenbrenner, 8 1986) and health psychology (Hancock & Perkins, 1985). 9 Defining the environment (Bronfenbrenner & Crouter, 1983, p. 359) as, 30111 “any event or condition outside the organism that is presumed to influ- 1 ence, or be influenced by, the person’s development”, Bronfenbrenner 2 (1977, p. 514) depicts the environment hierarchically as, “a nested arrange- 3 ment of structures, each contained within the next”. At the broadest and 4 most encompassing level of influence are the general cultural carriers of 5 the values and priorities of a particular society (the macrosystem). The 6 next system comprises the major institutions of a society (the exosystem), 7 followed by the network of interacting personal systems of which the indi- 8 vidual is a part (the mesosystem). At the most specific level of cultural 9 or social influence are the interactions between individuals and their 40111 immediate physical and social environment (the microsystems). These 1 relationships are shown diagrammatically and summarised more fully in 2 Box 1.8. Activity 1.6 suggests you create a diagram of the environmental 3 influences in your own life. 4 Rather than being seen as a static framework, Bronfenbrenner’s model 45111 should be seen as a dynamic model in which the various elements vary 20 Life-span development 1111 2 Box 1.8 Bronfenbrenner’s nested model of the environment 3 Bronfenbrenner’s model of the environment goes beyond the immediate 4 situation or situations that contains the individual. It considers the relations 5 within and between the different settings in which the individual operates, 6 and also the larger social contexts, both formal and informal, in which such 7 settings are embedded. The model can be presented diagrammatically, as 8 shown in Figure 1.3. 9 1011 1 Culture 2 3111 larger instituti 4 The ons 5 of personal 6 ork set tw ting 7 Ne s 8 Workplace 9 20111 1 2 Peer Class - 3 group room 4 5

E 6 d s u n c Family o a i 7 t ig io P l n er n re 8 • so tio d G na rac e o l se nte is 9 v ttings in i n er ga nm r e • O 30111 nt ia • Ec med 1 onomics • Mass 2 F 3 olkw res ays • L ge • Mo 4 angua 5 6 Figure 1.3 Diagrammatic representation of Bronfenbrenner’s nested model 7 of the environment (reproduced with permission from Egan, 8 G.E., & Cowan, M.A. (1979). People in systems: A model for 9 development in the human service professions and education. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole). 40111 1 2 Employing terminology derived from Brim (1975), Bronfenbrenner distin- 3 guishes between four environmental systems located at different levels: 4 microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems, and macrosystems: 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 21 1111 2 • A microsystem is “the complex of relations between the developing 3 person and environment in an immediate setting containing the person” 4 (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, p. 514). The setting can be defined by a number of physical and personal elements: place (e.g. home, college, office), 5 time, physical features, activities, participants, and roles. A primary 6 setting for most of us is our family but, through the course of life, we 7 move into and out of a range of different settings – peer group, class- 8 room, and workplace are singled out in Egan and Cowan’s diagram 9 above. 1011 • A mesosystem is the relationships within a collection of interacting 1 microsystems, “the interrelations among major settings containing the 2 person at a particular point in his or her life” (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 3111 p. 514). Thus, home life and work life interact when a particular career 4 (such as in the armed forces) results in a particular style of social life, 5 or when considerations concerning a child’s education influence whether or not a job offer in a new location is accepted or rejected. 6 • An exosystem is an influence system that contains microsystems, meso- 7 systems and also specific social structures, both formal and informal, 8 which impinge on or encompass the settings in which the person is 9 found. “These structures include the major institutions of the society, 20111 both deliberately structured and spontaneously evolving, as they operate 1 at the concrete level” (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, p. 515). Thus, we are 2 not a part of the local public transport system (unless, let us say, we 3 work for the district bus company), but the nature of that system influ- 4 ences the mesosystems and microsystems of which we are a part. Other 5 exosystems include the labour market, government agencies, medical 6 services, and the mass media. • Macrosystems are the blueprints of micro-, meso-, and exosystems. They 7 are “the overarching institutional patterns of the culture or subculture” 8 (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, p. 515). Carriers of information and ideology, 9 macrosystems are generally informal and implicit, but are made explicit 30111 through a society’s recorded laws, regulations, and rules. A reflection of 1 the values and priorities of a society, they include the principles of a 2 society’s economic, social, educational, legal, and political systems. 3 Such manifestations of a society’s culture are transmitted as norms and 4 values through exo-, meso-, and microsystems to individuals, thereby 5 influencing their thoughts, behaviours and opportunities. 6 7 8 9 40111 Activity 1.6 Environmental forces 1 Read Box 1.8 and then draw a diagram similar to Figure 1.3 to map 2 the environmental forces influencing your own life-span development. 3 4 45111 22 Life-span development 1111 in nature and significance across time and culture, and also in the course of 2 an individual’s life. Not only this, but the individual is also changing in 3 ways that alter the meaning of the environment to him or her (Vygotsky, 4 1994). Environmental factors that had one meaning and played a certain 5 role at a given age, can, over a period of time, begin to have a different 6 meaning and to play a different role because the person has changed. 7 Furthermore, the influence is reciprocal – the individual influences the envi- 8 ronment as well as the environment influencing the individual. This aware- 9 ness has facilitated a developing interest in exploring person–environment 1011 relations rather than exploring the person or the environment as separate 1 entities (Lerner, 1995). 2 3111 4 6. Development is culturally and historically embedded 5 The tenet that development is culturally and historically embedded follows 6 from the proposition that development is the outcome of individual–envi- 7 ronment interaction. This interaction can actuate changes in the individual, 8 the environment, and the nature of their relationship. Social and cultural 9 environments change over time, both as a result of specific events such as 20111 wars, geographic disasters, or economic recessions, which will be experi- 1 enced by some generations but not by others, and also as a result of more 2 incremental changes associated with industrialisation and postindustrialisa- 3 tion, such as technological developments and changing social trends. Baltes 4 et al. (1980) refer to these as normative history-graded influences on devel- 5 opment in that they have a strong relationship with historical time rather 6 than chronological age. They give rise to the dubbing of eras as “the roar- 7 ing 20s”, “the swinging 60s” or “the caring 90s”; the “renaissance”, “indus- 8 trial”, or “technological” age. They make the past an uncertain guide to the 9 future. 30111 Stewart and Healy (1989) suggest a model of how historical events 1 might affect differentially those at different stages of individual develop- 2 ment, thereby creating psychologically distinct cohorts. They propose that 3 social historical events occurring during a person’s childhood will influ- 4 ence the individual’s background assumptions about life and the world, 5 whilst those occurring during late adolescence will have an impact on 6 conscious identity. Social historical events occurring during a person’s 7 adult years, it is suggested, will have less effect on a person’s values or 8 identity but will influence the opportunities available to them. 9 A focus on how influences on development change across cohorts or 40111 generations represents a longitudinal perspective on patterns of influence. 1 Taking more of a cross-sectional stance leads to the recognition that human 2 development varies across cultures, social class, racial, and ethnic groups. 3 All societies rationalise the passage of life time by dividing it into soci- 4 ally relevant units that are expressed in normative age grade systems 45111 whereby particular duties, rights and rewards are distributed according 1. Life-span developmental psychology 23 1111 to chronological age or life stage (Neugarten & Datan, 1973). Despite the 2 increasing fluidity of life cycles (Hirschhorn, 1977) and age grade systems 3 in developed Western societies, some roles, responsibilities, and obliga- 4 tions remain tied to chronological age, either legally (for example, eligibil- 5 ity to vote, drive a car, or serve on a jury) or through social convention and 6 expectation. 7 Much knowledge of life-span psychological development is limited 8 historically and culturally to studies of adults and children in twentieth 9 century, Western societies. Within these societies it is the middle class, 1011 white males who were first examined most thoroughly and taken as the 1 norm against which other groups were compared. Acceptance of the histor- 2 ical and cultural embeddedness of much development implies caution when 3111 transferring concepts of development from one cultural group to another. 4 5 6 7. Life-span development is a multidisciplinary field of study 7 The adoption of a life-span perspective implies recognising the contribu- 8 tion of many academic disciplines. Psychological development needs to 9 be seen as resulting from the impact of a number of different influence 20111 systems, each with associated fields of study. Table 1.1 details some of 1 the most important of these disciplines, along with their major, although 2 not necessarily sole, focus and the kinds of questions they typically raise 3 about human development. They can, following Bronfenbrenner’s model 4 (see Box 1.8), be ordered roughly according to their proximity to the indi- 5 vidual and, except for biology, be seen as directed at the micro-, meso-, 6 exo- or macrosystem level. This list is not complete, however. Thus, many 7 journalistic or literary texts and poems address questions of human devel- 8 opment. Many, if not most, life-span psychologists adopt a broader 9 perspective than the traditional focus indicated in Table 1.1, venturing into 30111 the other areas listed in this table and directing analysis at different levels 1 in Bronfenbrenner’s nested arrangement of influence systems. In sum, the 2 above tenets can be described as an inclusive philosophy of “both/and” 3 rather than “either/or”. Together, they form what Baltes (1987, p. 612) 4 refers to as a “family of perspectives” that, “together specify a coherent 5 metatheoretical view on the nature of development”. Taken separately, 6 none of the tenets listed in Box 1.6 is unique to the life-span orientation. 7 Their significance lies in the overall pattern, ethos, or world view that 8 they give rise to. 9 Whilst all life stages are of relevance to life-span developmental 40111 psychology, there are two topics that have been especially important in 1 the generation of a developmental psychology that covers the total life- 2 span – first, the study of the midlife period, and second, the framework 3 from which the experiences of old age are viewed. Both are, therefore, 4 considered in more detail in the next two sections, although the emphasis 45111 in each section is rather different. Whilst the discussion of the midlife 24 Life-span development

1111 Table 1.1 The contribution of different disciplines to the study of human 2 development (adapted from Sigelman & Shaffer, 1995) 3 4 Discipline Major focus Sample questions of interest 5 Anthropology Macrosystem: the How much do cultural practices such as 6 effects of culture on child rearing methods or care for the frail 7 development elderly differ across societies, and what 8 are the implications? Are there aspects of development that are universal, or evident 9 in all known cultures? 1011 1 History Exo-, meso-, or What has it been like to be a child or 2 microsystem: an elderly person in different historical 3111 changes in human periods? How is the family of today development over different from the family of the 4 the centuries nineteenth century? How do major 5 historical events affect people’s 6 lives? 7 8 Sociology Exosystem: the What does society expect of us at nature of society different ages? What roles do we play in 9 and the individual’s the larger social system as we progress 20111 relationship to through life? How are we affected by 1 society social institutions and changes in these 2 institutions? 3 Social Meso- or micro- What is the nature of the family as an 4 psychology system: develop- institution? How do family relationships 5 ment within its contribute to the individual’s development 6 family and societal and adjustment? 7 context 8 Psychology Microsystem: the How do mental abilities, personality 9 functioning of the traits, and social skills typically change 30111 individual with age? How stable or changeable are 1 each individual’s qualities, and why? 2 3 Biology The growth and How does one fertilised egg become a ageing of cells and fully developed human being? How does 4 organs (not included- the functioning of human organs change 5 in Bronfenbrenner’s as we age? 6 model) 7 8 9 period gives most attention to what happens during this phase, the discus- 40111 sion of old age is primarily concerned with our interpretation of what 1 happens. This reflects, on the one hand, our previous ignorance about the 2 tasks of midlife, and, on the other hand, narrow and ageist assumptions 3 concerning the nature of old age. 4 45111 1. Life-span developmental psychology 25 1111 Perspectives on midlife 2 3 I imagine that most of you have been asked over the years, “What are 4 you going to be when you grow up?” I wonder if you yet know the answer. 5 I wonder if any of us ever knows the answer. Similarly, I expect many 6 of you have heard, or indeed made, comments about what a particular 7 older person “used to be” or “used to do” – generally a reference to their 8 paid occupation. Implicit in such questions and comments is the notion 9 of adulthood as a plateau – a period of relative equilibrium and unevent- 1011 fulness. It also reflects the stereotype of adulthood as the pinnacle of 1 development, preceded by childhood – a period of preparation or appren- 2 ticeship – and followed by old age – a period of descent from this height. 3111 Despite both this privileging of adulthood as the high point of devel- 4 opment and the fact that adulthood is the longest phase of the life course, 5 it has, until the last few decades, been the phase least researched by 6 psychologists. In 1978 Levinson et al. were still able to describe adult- 7 hood as, “one of the best kept secrets in our society, and probably in 8 history generally” (p. ix). Since that time, however, it has become the 9 focus of academic, media, and popular attention. In retrospect it can be 20111 seen that Jaques’ (1965) paper was perhaps a landmark, coining the phrase 1 “midlife crisis” – a concept that has since found its way into an alterna- 2 tive stereotype of the middle years. Central to the concept of the midlife 3 crisis is the sense of actual or impending loss – of health and vigour, of 4 professional status, of the parental role, of life itself. However, there is 5 evidence that it is only a minority of people who experience serious 6 psychological problems during midlife (Chiriboga, 1989; McCrae & Costa, 7 1984). Change there may be, but this is often experienced as a challenge 8 rather than a crisis. The “empty nest” stage of life – when children leave 9 the family home – may be looked forward to with eager anticipation rather 30111 than dread (Lowenthal & Chiriboga, 1972) as a time conferring greater 1 personal freedom and the opportunity to share more time and activities 2 with one’s partner. Far from being perceived as narrowing, a person’s 3 interests and activities in contemporary Western societies may broaden 4 and branch out at this time (Maas, 1989), in particular allowing for an 5 expansion of involvement in community-based and socially responsible 6 activities. The slip in the logic of the midlife crisis concept is to equate 7 “change” with “crisis” – a conflation that “seems to either inflate the 8 importance of the former concept or weaken the latter” (Chiriboga, 1989, 9 p. 117). It is better to think of midlife as a potential psychological turning 40111 point, defined by Wethington, Cooper, and Holmes (1997, p. 217) as, “a 1 period or point in time in which a person has undergone a major trans- 2 formation in views about the self, commitments to important relationships, 3 or involvement in significant life roles”. 4 Even the picture of the midlife as a period of challenge and change 45111 (rather than crisis) may, however, be an exaggeration. To be defined as 26 Life-span development 1111 a turning point (Wethington et al., 1997), there needs to have been both a 2 fundamental shift in the meaning, purpose, or direction of a person’s life 3 and also a self-reflective awareness of, or insight into, the significance of 4 the change. Not all experiences of midlife meet these criteria and it may 5 be that, “continuities of love, relationships, family commitments, work 6 involvements, and personality patterns often seem more salient than any 7 changes that occur” (Berger, 1994, p. 559). If the midlife is not to be 8 depicted as either a plateau or a crisis, then a pivot might be a more appro- 9 priate image: the person balances, as it were, on the fulcrum of a see-saw, 1011 which may tip either way (towards decline or towards continued growth) 1 or, alternatively, maintain its somewhat precarious equilibrium. This is 2 the image of the midlife period that fits best within the framework of a 3111 life-span developmental psychology. 4 5 6 Perspectives on old age 7 Consistent with the view of old age as a period of descent from the peak 8 of midlife – being “over the hill”, we might say – is disengagement theory 9 (Cumming, 1975; Cumming & Henry, 1961), in its time a very influen- 20111 tial model. It developed out of the Kansas City Studies of Adult Life that 1 had been launched at the University of Chicago in the mid-1950s. In the 2 end, more that 700 subjects were studied. They were described as “stereo- 3 typical” American adults (that is, white, middle-class men and women 4 between 40 and 90 years of age) living in a “typical” American city (Kan- 5 sas, Missouri). Subjects were followed up for a period of 6 years, thus 6 providing cross-sectional and some limited longitudinal data. Disengage- 7 ment theory rests on two strands of data – one relating to changes in 8 people’s “personality” (that is, to a person’s internal world) as they age, 9 and the other to people’s interaction with their environment. First, the 30111 researchers observed increasing interiority with age. As people aged they 1 seemed to lose interest in the outside world and become more preoccu- 2 pied with themselves. The second key finding prompting the development 3 of disengagement was that by their mid-sixties the number of roles people 4 occupied had decreased dramatically. Month by month people spent more 5 time alone and had ever decreasing contact with other people. 6 From these findings Cumming and Henry (1961) concluded, first, that 7 in old age a gradual process of disengagement occurs, and, second, that 8 this disengagement is universal, normal and natural – the “right way” to 9 age. A subsequent reformulation of the theory (Cumming, 1975) proposed 40111 three elements: 1 2 • shrinkage of the life space – a decrease, as we age, in both the number 3 of roles occupied and the number of people with whom we interact 4 • increased individuality – a decrease in the degree to which remaining 45111 roles and relationships are governed by strict rules or expectations • active initiation and acceptance of these changes. 1. Life-span developmental psychology 27 1111 However, whilst a shrinking of the life space might reflect the real- 2 ity of many older people’s lives, even in the original sample on which 3 disengagement theory is based, not all older people were disengaged 4 (Hochschild, 1975, 1976) – 22 per cent of those between the ages of 70 and 5 74 had “a large number of roles”, over one-third had “high daily interac- 6 tion with others” and nearly one-fifth had a “large lifespace”. These peo- 7 ple, however, were not described by Cumming and Henry as “engaged” but 8 as “unsuccessful disengagers”. Similarly, the finding that a number of 9 women in their 60s had a larger lifespace than many women in their 50s 1011 was explained by the latter being “off time” (that is, early) rather than 1 “on time” disengagers. Such interpretations have the effect of rendering 2 disengagement theory unfalsifiable (Hochschild, 1976). 3111 It is also possible that such social and psychological disengagement as 4 does take place is not triggered internally but is the consequence of role loss 5 stipulated by the rules of the institutions in which the older people partici- 6 pate (Crawford, 1971, 1972; Hochschild, 1975, 1976). Retirement may pre- 7 cipitate social and psychological disengagement (Rose & Peterson, 1965) 8 as a result of economic loss and/or loss of employment-related associations. 9 Disengagement may not, therefore, be intrinsic, inevitable, or universal. 20111 What is even more controversial, however, is the value judgement that 1 such disengagement as does occur is not only statistically normal but also 2 desirable and “healthy”. Such a stance lends the stamp of legitimacy to 3 social policies that separate the older person from the rest of society. 4 In opposition to the notion of disengagement stands activity theory. The 5 activity theory of successful ageing is associated primarily with Robert 6 Havighurst (1963; Havighurst, Neugarten, & Tobin, 1968), but emerged 7 almost immediately Cumming and Henry published their theory (Maddox 8 & Eisdorfer, 1962). It proposed that maximum life satisfaction in old age 9 is achieved when people are able to maintain into old age the activity 30111 patterns and values that typify the middle years. If relationships, activi- 1 ties, or roles of middle age are lost, activity theory advocates that they 2 be replaced with new ones. This is the opposite of Cumming and Henry’s 3 (1961) position. Older people are, therefore, encouraged by activity theory 4 to deny the onset of old age and, by disengagement theory, to embrace 5 the restrictions of their life space that old age frequently brings. 6 Although activity theory encourages social policies that promote older 7 people’s involvement in society, it has been criticised as unrealistic (Bond, 8 Briggs, & Coleman, 1993) in its implicit assumption that the mainten- 9 ance of activity associated with middle age is a feasible option for all, or 40111 even the majority, given the biological changes that accompany age- 1 ing. Furthermore, the economic, political, legislative, and social structure 2 of society excludes older people from many significant roles, again making 3 maintenance of an activity level associated with the middle years poten- 4 tially problematic. 45111 Both disengagement theory and activity theory can be criticised for neglecting the meaning of the disengagement or activity to the person 28 Life-span development 1111 concerned. Neugarten (1968) found that continuity of both level and type 2 of activity was associated with high life satisfaction in old age. It could 3 be that two individuals with identical “role counts” apply different mean- 4 ings to these roles and to any disengagement from them (Hochschild, 5 1976). The continuity explanation of ageing argues that individuals who 6 disengaged from active social roles and the complexities of everyday life 7 would experience low levels of life satisfaction if they had been socially 8 active in earlier years but not necessarily if they had, by choice, not been 9 socially active at any point in their lives (Dreyer, 1989). 1011 The notion of continuity can be applied to a person’s internal sense of 1 themselves as well as to their external role involvement (Atchley, 1989, 2 1999) – a point discussed in more detail in Chapter 7. From this perspec- 3111 tive, optimal ageing comprises the ability to maintain at least a degree of 4 continuity in both external roles and settings and, more importantly, in 5 the inner sense of self and identity. The sense of self can be resilient even 6 in the face of substantial changes in the details of everyday life. The mech- 7 anism by which this is achieved, and its role in retaining a sense of life 8 satisfaction, is suggested in the description of successful ageing as 9 involving selective optimisation with compensation. It is an approach that 20111 rejects the importance of disengagement or activity per se in favour of a 1 focus on the meaning of such processes to the individuals concerned. 2 Selective optimisation with compensation describes a model of success- 3 ful ageing that reflects a dynamic interplay between developmental gains 4 and losses and between continuing developmental potential and age-related 5 limitations (Marsiske, Lang, Baltes, & Baltes, 1995). The model, devel- 6 oped by Baltes and Baltes (1980, 1990; Baltes, 1993), describes a general 7 process of adaptation that pertains throughout the life course, but which 8 takes on particular significance during old age. 9 The first element, selection, refers people’s decisions to concentrate their 30111 energies on life domains that are of high priority. Such selective invest- 1 ment of resources increases the likelihood of people achieving intended 2 outcomes by their own activity. Environmental demands, personal skills, 3 motivations, and biological capacity will all influence such decisions and, 4 whilst selection implies a reduction in the number of domains in which 5 the individual operates, it does not preclude the adoption of new or trans- 6 formed domains or the formulation of new life goals. Such selection takes 7 place at all points of decision making – to follow one path inevitably 8 means to turn one’s back on other routes. 9 Optimisation, the second element in the model, refers to the mecha- 40111 nisms and strategies – such as time, effort, and skill – that people use to 1 enhance and enrich their potential and functioning in selected domains. 2 The third element, compensation, becomes operative when specific 3 capacities are lost or become insufficient for adequate functioning. Failure 4 and losses can be compensated for by investing more external resources 45111 in achieving the goal, or by disengaging from the goal and reinterpreting 1. Life-span developmental psychology 29 1111 the failure in a self-protective way (Heckhausen & Schultz, 1993, 1995). 2 Psychological compensation might include, for example, the use of new 3 mnemonic strategies to overcome problems of failing memory. The use 4 of hearing aids would, by contrast, be an example of compensation by 5 means of technology. Baltes and Baltes (1990) cite an example of selec- 6 tive optimisation with compensation given by the pianist, Artur Rubinstein, 7 in a television interview. Rubinstein commented on how he conquered 8 weaknesses of ageing in his piano playing by, first, reducing his reper- 9 toire and playing a smaller number of pieces (selection); second, practising 1011 these pieces more often (optimisation), and third, slowing down his speed 1 of playing prior to fast movements, thereby producing a contrast that 2 enhances the impression of speed in the fast movements (compensation). 3111 Whilst gerontologists have long challenged the decline view of ageing, 4 their work has frequently not been placed in the context of the total life 5 span. The selective optimisation with compensation model is, however, 6 applicable to all life stages. Career specialisation is an example of selec- 7 tion, generally during early or middle adulthood, in order to optimise the 8 chances of career success and advancement. Selection and optimisation 9 do, none the less, have a price. The individual will, through the selection 20111 of a particular career path, have closed off other potentially rewarding 1 avenues – like all “developments”, career specialisation involves losses 2 as well as gains, although it may be possible to compensate for this by 3 subsequently changing careers or by developing leisure interests in different 4 fields. Despite its applicability to all life stages, the selective optimisation 5 with compensation model is particularly applicable to old age. This is 6 because, first, in old age the relative balance between losses and gains 7 tips towards losses, and, second, because with age the absolute level of 8 physical, psychological and/or social resources available to the individual 9 is likely to decrease (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). For both of these reasons 30111 the need for selective optimisation with compensation is likely to increase 1 as we become older. 2 With the surge of interest in adulthood as a life stage has come the 3 recognition that development is not complete by the end of childhood or 4 adolescence. Adding to this the view of old age as, at least potentially, a 5 period of gain as well as loss, has led to a developmental psychology that 6 includes the whole of the life course. Adopting a life-span perspective 7 encourages the development of theory and research that goes beyond the 8 psychology of particular age groups and offer instead “metamodels” and 9 “metaconcepts” that embrace multiple life stages and events. 40111 1 2 Organisation of the present book 3 The present chapter has sought to introduce readers to the life-span orien- 4 tation to development and to draw attention to some of the key issues that 45111 emerge from adopting this perspective. Chapter 2 addresses some of the 30 Life-span development 1111 issues surrounding data collection that impinge not only on studies of life- 2 span development but on all psychological research. As will be clear from 3 the contents page, the organisation of the present book moves away from 4 the usual age or life stage approach. This is an attempt to avoid emphasis- 5 ing, perhaps unwittingly, the ordered and predictable aspects of the life 6 course. None the less, the first part of Chapter 3 briefly reviews, as a back- 7 drop to the remainder of the book, the main characteristics of eight age 8 stages from infancy to late-late adulthood. The second part of Chapter 3 9 introduces a range of metamodels for conceptualising the life course that 1011 focus on the role of change, consistency or chaos. The central section of 1 the book (Chapters 4 to 7) covers these metamodels in more detail. Chapter 2 4 deals with cumulative sequences, in particular, the work of Erikson (1980) 3111 and McAdams (1997); Chapter 5 with developmental tasks especially as 4 identified by Havighurst (1972), Levinson et al. (1978), and Gould (1978); 5 Chapter 6 with transitions and life events, notably the work of Hopson, 6 Scally, and Stafford (1988), and Schlossberg et al. (1995); and Chapter 7 7 with dynamic continuity, as discussed by Atchley (1989) and achieved 8 through the process of narrative construction. 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