Strategic Utility of the Russian Spetsnaz
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
War Weariness' in the Canadian Corps During the Hundred Days Campaign of the First World War
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2013-09-13 Unwilling to Continue, Ordered to Advance: An Examination of the Contributing Factors Toward, and Manifestations of, 'War Weariness' in the Canadian Corps during the Hundred Days Campaign of the First World War Chase, Jordan A.S. Chase, J. A. (2013). Unwilling to Continue, Ordered to Advance: An Examination of the Contributing Factors Toward, and Manifestations of, 'War Weariness' in the Canadian Corps during the Hundred Days Campaign of the First World War (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/28595 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/951 master thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Unwilling to Continue, Ordered to Advance: An Examination of the Contributing Factors Toward, and Manifestations of, ‘War Weariness’ in the Canadian Corps during the Hundred Days Campaign of the First World War by Jordan A.S. Chase A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2013 © Jordan A.S. Chase 2013 Abstract This thesis examines the contributing factors and manifestations of ‘war weariness’ in the Canadian Corps during the final months of the Great War. -
Redalyc.Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale Behind the 2008
Revista Científica General José María Córdova ISSN: 1900-6586 [email protected] Escuela Militar de Cadetes "General José María Córdova" Colombia Fernández-Osorio, Andrés Eduardo Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale Behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform? Revista Científica General José María Córdova, vol. 13, núm. 15, enero-junio, 2015, pp. 63-86 Escuela Militar de Cadetes "General José María Córdova" Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=476247223003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista Científica General José María Córdova, Bogotá, Colombia, enero-junio, 2015 Estudios militares - Vol. 13, Núm. 15, pp. 63-86 issn 1900-6586 Cómo citar este artículo: Fernandez-Osorio, A. E. (2015, enero-julio). Full Spectrum Operations: the rationale behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform?. Rev. Cient. Gen. José María Córdova 13(15), 63-86 Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale 2 Behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform?* Recibido: 05 de enero de 2015 l Aceptado: 20 de febrero de 2015. Operaciones militares de espectro total: ¿fundamento de la Reforma Militar Rusa de 2008? Des opérations militaires à spectre complet: le raisonnement caché derrière la réforme militaire russe de 2008? Operações de pleno espectro: a lógica subjacente da Reforma das Forças Armadas da Rússia de 2008? Andrés Eduardo Fernández-Osorioa * Research paper based on the first and second chapter of the author’s master dissertation, completed at University College London, United Kingdom and National Research University - Higher School of Economics, Russian Federation. -
Biosecurity in Putin's Russia
EXCERPTED FROM Biosecurity in Putin’s Russia Raymond A. Zilinskas and Philippe Mauger Copyright © 2018 ISBN: 978-1-62637-698-4 hc 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents List of Tables and Figures vii Acknowledgments ix 1 Putin’s Direction in the Biosciences 1 Notes 6 2 The Legacy of the Soviet Union’s Biological Warfare Program 7 The First-Generation Program, 1928–1971 7 The Second-Generation Program, 1972–1992 9 Legacy in Russia 10 Conclusions 23 Notes 25 3 Russian Biosecurity and Military Modernization 33 Russia’s Military R&D Doctrine 35 Biosecurity Threat Perceptions and Biodefense Programming 51 A Warning Sign: The Hawks Within the NBC Troops 66 Conclusions 68 Annex 3.1 Selected Russian Documents and Statements 75 Annex 3.2 Russia’s Science and Technology Priorities Since 2002 76 Notes 77 4 Biodefense and High-Technology Research and Development 87 Russian Ministry of Defense Institutions 91 Military Institutions Responsible for Advanced Weapons Acquisition Planning and R&D 115 Select Military-Industrial Complex Institutions 125 Civilian Research Institutes with Biodefense Roles 131 v vi Contents Open Financial Flows Throughout Both Military and Civilian Networks 154 Conclusions 159 Annex 4.1 A 2008 NBC Troops’ Tender Describing Future Infrastructure Work 162 Annex 4.2 Russia’s Scientific Electronic Library: eLibrary.ru 165 Notes 167 5 Civilian Bioscience and Biotechnology Since 2005 199 Developments in Biotechnology 200 Federal Programs, 2005–2016 207 Case Study 1: Consolidation of Russian Pharmaceutical Production 227 Case Study 2: Space Biology Projects 235 Case Study 3: Reforming the Russian Academies 240 Conclusions 249 Annex 5.1 Excerpts from Science in Siberia no. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov -
Ebook Download Spetsnaz: the Inside Story of the Soviet Special
SPETSNAZ: THE INSIDE STORY OF THE SOVIET SPECIAL FORCES PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Viktor Suvorov | 232 pages | 30 Sep 1988 | W. W. Norton & Company | 9780393335576 | English | United States Spetsnaz: The Inside Story of the Soviet Special Forces PDF Book Nevertheless, there were some rumors that such group does indeed exist and is assigned to execute very specific special operations abroad primarily for protection of Russian embassy personnel and internal investigations. A man can reach any heights in life in any sphere of activity. From that moment Kuusinen's career was closely linked with Soviet military intelligence officers. Only then would they set about him, usually at night. Moreover, in his speech at the 18th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party Stalin had had this to say about Britain and France; In their policy of nonintervention can be detected an attempt and a desire not to prevent the aggressors from doing their dirty work Historical Dictionaries of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 2 ed. The Kremlin had been informed of the kidnapping of four Soviet diplomats by the militant group, the Islamic Liberation Organization a radical offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood. The high point in the partisan war against Germany consisted of two operations carried out in But without a common frontier Stalin could not get into Europe. The hostage-takers were the Riyadus-Salikhin Battalion , sent by the Chechen terrorist warlord Shamil Basayev, who demanded recognition of the independence of Chechnya at the United Nations and the withdrawal of Russian forces from Chechnya. Community Reviews. He could knock a man's teeth out. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Russia's Islamic Diplom
Russia's Islamic Diplom Russia's Islamic Diplomacy ed. Marlene Laruelle CAP paper no. 220, June 2019 "Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World" Initiative Russia’s Islamic Diplomacy Ed. Marlene Laruelle The Initiative “Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World” is generously funded by the Henry Luce Foundation Cover photo: Talgat Tadjuddin, Chief Mufti of Russia and head of the Central Muslim Spiritual Board of Russia, meeting with the Armenian Catholicos Karekin II and Mufti Ismail Berdiyev, President of the Karachay-Cherkessia Spiritual Board, Moscow, December 1, 2016. Credit : Artyom Korotayev, TASS/Alamy Live News HAGFW9. Table of Contents Chapter 1. Russia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Conflicting Interactions Grigory Kosach………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2. Always Looming: The Russian Muslim Factor in Moscow's Relations with Gulf Arab States Mark N. Katz………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1 Chapter 3. Russia and the Islamic Worlds: The Case of Shia Islam Clément Therme ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... 25 Chapter 4. A Kadyrovization of Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Autocrats in Track II Diplomacy and Other Humanitarian Activities Jean-Francois Ratelle……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 1 Chapter 5. Tatarstan's Paradiplomacy with the Islamic World Guzel Yusupova……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 7 Chapter 6. Russian Islamic Religious Authorities and Their Activities at the Regional, National, and International Levels Denis Sokolov………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter 7. The Economics of the Hajj: The Case of Tatarstan Azat Akhunov…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 7 Chapter 8. The Effect of the Pilgrimage to Mecca on the Socio-Political Views of Muslims in Russia’s North Caucasus Mikhail Alexseev…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 3 Authors’ Biographies……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 9 @ 2019 Central Asia Program Chapter 1. -
May 2001 Vol. 13, No. 3 (D) RUSSIA
May 2001 Vol. 13, No. 3 (D) RUSSIA/CHECHNYA BURYING THE EVIDENCE: THE BOTCHED INVESTIGATION INTO A MASS GRAVE IN CHECHNYA MAP OF DACHNY VILLAGE ....................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................4 Dachny Village .............................................................................................4 The Discovery of the Mass Dumping Ground .....................................................................5 The Recovery and Identification Process .........................................................................6 The Burial of the Unidentified Bodies ...........................................................................7 BACKGROUND ON THE IDENTIFIED BODIES ....................................................................8 Magomed Magomadov, Odes Mitaev, and Said-Rakhman Musaev .....................................................8 Nura Lulueva, Markha Gakaeva, Raisa Gakaeva, and Aset Elbuzdukueva ...............................................9 Rustam Riskhanov, Ramzan Riskhanov, and Tasu Timarov .........................................................10 Islam Tazurkaev ...........................................................................................11 Umatgeri Edilbekov and Magomed Malsagov ....................................................................12 Three Additional Cases Documented By Memorial ................................................................12 -
Pankisskoye Gorge: Residents, Refugees & Fighters
Conflict Studies Research Centre P37 Pankisskoye Gorge: Residents, Refugees & Fighters C W Blandy Prospective US/Georgian action against the 'terrorists' in the Pankisskoye gorge in Georgia requires a sensitive approach. The ethnic groups long settled in the area include Chechen-Kistins, who offered shelter to Chechen refugees in the second Chechen conflict. The ineffectual Georgian government has acquiesced in previous Russian actions inside Georgia and attempts to control the border in difficult terrain. Unless Georgian actions in the gorge have Russian support, they run the risk of souring relations in the region and may not solve the local 'terrorist' problem. Contents Introduction 2 Map 1 - Georgia 3 Background - Peoples & Frontiers 3 Table 1 - Peoples in Dagestan (RF) Azerbaijan & Georgia Divided by International Frontiers 4 Map 2 - Boundaries Between Chechnya, Dagestan, Georgia & Azerbaijan 5 The Chechen-Kistin 6 Box 1 - Chechen-Kistin Background 6 Importance of Pankisi to Chechen Fighters 7 Terrain Between the Pankisskoye Gorge & Chechen Border 7 Map 3 - Pankisskoye Gorge & Omalo NE Georgia 8 Map 4 - Securing the Checheno-Georgian Border 9 The Capture of Itum-Kale 10 Box 2 - Initial Border Operations in December 1999 10 Summer-Autumn 2001 12 Peregrinations of Ruslan Gelayev 13 Map 5 - The Sukhumi Military Road & Kodori Gorge 15 Box 3 - Violations of Georgian Airspace 27-28 November 2001 16 New Operations in Pankisi? 16 A Spectrum of Views 16 Conclusion 18 Scope of Operations 18 1 Pankisskoye Gorge: Residents, Refugees & Fighters -
Defence Policy of the Russian Federation
Defence policy of the Russian Federation Russia’s emergence as a sovereign state in 1991 led to claimed independence in 2008, Russia refused to recognise turmoil within and the disintegration of Soviet military struc- it, fearing that this case could become a precedent for all tures. Due to mass reduction of personnel, army organisation separatist-tending territories. fell into disarray, the industrial process was disrupted for lack The next escalation of tensions occurred in 2004 with of raw materials or components formerly supplied by other NATO expansion towards south-east Europe. As early as republics and regions, while logistic routes became unviable. 2000, in the previous Military Doctrine, NATO enlargement The political and economic crisis of the transitional period be- was assessed as representing a serious threat to Russia’s tween 1992 and 1999 and the disastrous war in Chechnya security. The question of NATO membership for Ukraine and brought about a far-reaching crisis in the armed forces and Georgia constitutes a red line for Russia. Having very lit- the military-industrial complex. It was not until the end of the tle influence on the current Ukrainian and Georgian political 1990s that the situation began to stabilise. During the decade establishment, Russia opts for harsh arguments when dis- of 1999-2009 the industrial and technological sectors under- cussing their potential membership in NATO: State officials went a large-scale restructuring process which was clearly claim that Ukrainian and Georgian aspirations to join NATO necessary for restoring Russia’s defence capability. could be a perfect justification for the secession of Crimea from Ukraine and the permanent separation from Georgia of THE RELATIONS WITH NATO the breakaway autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South In the latest Military Doctrine of 2010, NATO’s current pol- Ossetia.