Democratic Transition in Madagascar, Malawi and Mozambique
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MALAWI COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
MALAWI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 31 OCTOBER 2012 MALAWI 31 OCTOBER 2012 Contents Preface Useful news sources for further information Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.05 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01 Local government elections ................................................................................ 3.05 Foreign donor aid to Malawi suspended ............................................................ 3.07 Anti-government protests: July 2011 ................................................................. 3.10 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 2012) ......................................... 4.01 5. CONSTITUTION .......................................................................................................... 5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01 Human Rights 7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01 8. SECURITY FORCES ................................................................................................... -
Final Report
FINAL REPORT MADAGASCAR: Country Gender Profile February 2005 Consultants: Rakotoarison Bodolalao Angèle Rakotoarisoa Hajavonjiniaina The information presented here was gathered from on-site sources. And therefore JICA is not responsible for its accuracy. FINAL REPORT Country Gender Profile Madagascar February 2005 Japan International Cooperation Agency Consultants : Rakotoarison Bodolalao Angèle Rakotoarisoa Hajavonjiniaina 2 Gender Country Profile - Madagascar Table of Contents Madagascar LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS...................................................................................................................................... 4 1. BASIC PROFILE..................................................................................................................................................... 8 1-1 SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE .................................................................................................................................. 8 1-2 HEALTH PROFILE................................................................................................................................................ 11 1-3 EDUCATION PROFILE.......................................................................................................................................... 12 2. GENERAL SITUATION OF WOMEN AND GOVERNMENT POLICY ON WID/GENDER.................... 14 2-1 GENERAL SITUATION OF WOMEN IN MADAGASCAR...................................................................................... 14 2.2 GOVERNMENT POLICY ON WID/GENDER -
Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi's 2014
Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi’s 2014 Elections George Ofosu Daniel N. Posner University of California, Los Angeles University of California, Los Angeles This version: 31 December 2015 We thank Omer Ali, Sarah Brierley, Chad Hazlett, and Mike Thies for their comments and suggestions on an earlier version of the paper. We gratefully acknowledge the collaboration of the Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN) and the National Democratic Institute, especially MESN board director Steve Duwa. We also thank the Innovation for Poverty Action (IPA)—Malawi office for their support in the recruitment, training, and deployment of research assistants, and our 200 RAs for their help in data collection. We thank Kim Yi Dionne and Boniface Dulani for their support during our fieldwork. Pericles Kalande and Sammar Smesme provided research assistance. This research was made possible with support from the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government, or the Democracy Fellows and Grants Program implementer, Institute of International Education (IIE). The research was approved by the UCLA IRB (#14-000553) on May 13, 2014. Abstract We present findings from a field experiment that estimates the causal effect of domestic election observers on election day malfeasance and downstream aggregation fraud in Malawi’s 2014 general elections. Our analyses leverage the random assignment of election observers to 1,049 polling stations located in a nationally representative sample of 90 constituencies. Since these polling stations already had observers assigned by other domestic monitoring organizations, our results speak to the marginal impact on electoral fraud of having an additional observer. -
Madagascar Case Study
CASE STUDY 7 Madagascar Case Study MAURITIUS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................2 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................................................4 Background to Political Crisis in Madagascar ..................................................................................4 ITI Involvement in Madagascar ...........................................................................................................6 LESSONS LEARNT ............................................................................................................................................9 Building Trust ...........................................................................................................................................9 Ensuring Inclusion ................................................................................................................................10 Promoting Ownership .........................................................................................................................11 Accessing the Political Elite and Engaging with Stakeholders .....................................................12 Offering Technical and Capacity-Building Support .......................................................................13 Hosting Delegations in South Africa .................................................................................................14 -
Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia
‘Listen, Politics is not for Children:’ Adult Authority, Social Conflict, and Youth Survival Strategies in Post Civil War Liberia. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Henryatta Louise Ballah Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Drs. Ousman Kobo, Advisor Antoinette Errante Ahmad Sikianga i Copyright by Henryatta Louise Ballah 2012 ii Abstract This dissertation explores the historical causes of the Liberian civil war (1989- 2003), with a keen attention to the history of Liberian youth, since the beginning of the Republic in 1847. I carefully analyzed youth engagements in social and political change throughout the country’s history, including the ways by which the civil war impacted the youth and inspired them to create new social and economic spaces for themselves. As will be demonstrated in various chapters, despite their marginalization by the state, the youth have played a crucial role in the quest for democratization in the country, especially since the 1960s. I place my analysis of the youth in deep societal structures related to Liberia’s colonial past and neo-colonial status, as well as the impact of external factors, such as the financial and military support the regime of Samuel Doe received from the United States during the cold war and the influence of other African nations. I emphasize that the socio-economic and political policies implemented by the Americo- Liberians (freed slaves from the U.S.) who settled in the country beginning in 1822, helped lay the foundation for the civil war. -
Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections. -
Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative Study of the Electoral Commissions’ Contribution to Electoral Processes
Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative study of the electoral commissions’ contribution to electoral processes A review by Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa and ECF-SADC 2016 Election Management Bodies in Southern Africa Comparative study of the electoral commissions’ contribution to electoral processes A review by Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa and ECF-SADC 2016 Published by the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and African Minds OSISA President Place 1 Hood Avenue Rosebank Johannesburg, 2196 South Africa www.osisa.org African Minds 4 Eccleston Place, Somerset West, 7130, Cape Town, South Africa [email protected] www.africanminds.org.za 2016 All contents of this document, unless specified otherwise, are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial 4.0 International Licence ISBNs Print: 978-1-928332-17-6 EBook: 978-1-928332-18-3 e-Pub: 978-1-928332-19-0 Copies of this book are available for free download at www.africanminds.org.za and www.osisa.org ORDERS To order printed copies within Africa, please contact: African Minds Email: [email protected] To order printed copies from outside Africa, please contact: African Books Collective PO Box 721, Oxford OX1 9EN, UK Email: [email protected] CONTENTS Preface _____________________________________________________iv Acknowledgements ____________________________________________ vii Overview __________________________________________________viii 1. Angola Dr Nuno de Fragoso Vidal ____________________________________________1 2. Botswana Prof. Emmanuel Botlhale, with Dr Onalenna Selolwane __________________45 3. Democratic Republic of Congo Dr Joseph Cihunda Hengelela ________________________________________75 4. Lesotho Prof. Mafa M. Sejanamane __________________________________________109 5. Malawi Ms Ann Maganga __________________________________________________133 6. Mauritius Dr Roukaya Kasenally ______________________________________________163 7. -
Mozambique: Election Observation Report, SADC-PF
LIST OF ACRONYMS FRELIMO Front for the Liberation of Mozambique RENAMO Mozambique National Resistance PDD Party for Peace, Democracy and Development PIMO Independent Party of Mozambique CNE National Electoral Commission STAE Technical Secretariat for Electoral Administration CCM Christian Council of Mozambique ICM Islamic Council of Mozambique LINK Forum for NGOs SEOM SADC Election Observer Mission UNDP United Nations Development Programme EISA Electoral Institute of Southern Africa PCN National Convention Party FUMO Mozambique United Front MONAMO Mozambique Nationalist Movement FAP Patriotic Action Front PRD Democratic Renewal Party ALIMO Independence Alliance of Mozambique PUN National Unity Party UDF United Democratic Front PPPM Mozambican People’s Progress Party PEMO Ecological Party of Mozambique UNAMO Mozambique National Union PPLM Progressive Liberal Party of Mozambique PADELIMO Democratic Liberal Party of Mozambique PANADE National Democratic Party 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The SADC Parliamentary Forum Election Observation Mission to the 2004 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections is grateful to presiding officers of national parliaments of SADC Member States for seconding members of Parliament and staff to observe the elections. This Mission would not have been successful without the dedication and commitment of the observers themselves, who took time to participate in the electoral process even with the end of year vacation period on hand. The Mission extends special thanks to the Secretary General, Dr. Kasuka Mutukwa and his staff for the well coordinated Mission arrangements. The Mission would not have been successful without the cooperation and assistance of all the election stakeholders in Mozambique, notably government authorities, the CNE, STAE, political parties, civil society organisations, the media, the diplomatic community, other international observers and the ordinary Mozambican citizens in general. -
Deliberation As an Epistemic Endeavor: Umunthu and Social Change In
Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya December 2012 © 2012 Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology by FLETCHER O. M. ZIWOYA has been approved for the School of Communication Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Claudia L. Hale Professor of Communication Studies Scott Titsworth Interim Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii ABSTRACT ZIWOYA, FLETCHER O. M., Ph.D. December 2012, Communication Studies Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology Director of Dissertation: Claudia Hale This dissertation examines the epistemic role of democratic processes in Malawi. In this study, I challenge the view that Malawi’s Local Government model of public participation is representative and open to all forms of knowledge production. Through a case study analysis of the political economy of knowledge production of selected District Councils in Malawi, I argue that the consultative approach adopted by the Councils is flawed. The Habermasian approach adopted by the Councils assumes that development processes should be free, fair, and accommodative of open forms of deliberation, consultation, and dissent. The Habermasian ideals stipulate that no single form of reasoning or knowledge dominates others. By advocating for “the power of the better argument” Habermas (1984, 1998a, 1998b, 2001) provided room for adversarial debate which is not encouraged in the Malawi local governance system. -
SECURITY COUNCIL CONSEIL DE Seeuritb
UNITED NATIONS I NATIONS UNIES SECURITY COUNCIL OFFICIAL RECORDS FIFTEENTH YEAR th MEETING: 29 JUNE 1960 S70 Wi.e SEANCE: 29 JUIN 1960 QUINZIEME ANNEE CONSEIL DE SEeURITB DOCUMENTS OFFICIBLS NE W YORK TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Provisional agenda (S/Agenda/870) D I Adoption of the agenda .........................•...I Admission of new Members to the United Nations: Telegram dated 26 June 1960 from the President of the Malagasy Republic addressed to the Secretary-General (S/43 52/Rev.1, S/4353, S/4354, S/4358) ~ .................I If I TABLE DES MATIERES Ordre du jour provisoire (S/Agenda/870). ................I Adoption de I'ordre du jour. .........................I Admission de nouveaux Membres a.l'Organisation des Nations Unies: T~l~gramme, en date du 26 juin 1960, adress~ au Secr~taire g~n~ral par le Pr~sident de la R~pub1ique malgache (S/4352/ Rev.I, S/4353, S/4354, S/4358). ....................I S/PV.870 ( 15 p. ) EIGHT HUNDRED AND SEVENTIETH MEETING Held in New York, on Wednesday, 29 ,June 1960, at 3 p.m. HUIT CENT SOIXANTE..DIXIEME SEANCE Tenue aNew York, le mercredi 29 juin 1960, a 15 heures. - President: Mr. T. F. TSIANG (China). President: M. T. F. TSIANG (Chine). Present: The representatives ofthefollowing States: Presents: Les representants des Etats suivants: Argentina, Ceylon, China, Ecuador, France, Italy, Argentine, Ceylan, Chine, Equateur, Etats-Unis Poland, Tunisia, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, d'Amerique, France, Italie, Pologne, Royaume-Unide United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northen Ireland, Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande du Nord, Tunisie,Union United States of America. -
Chapter 4 Making, Unmaking and Remaking Political Party Coalitions
POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI 111 4 MAKING, UNMAKING AND REMAKING POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI Explaining the Prevalence of Office-Seeking Behaviour DENIS KADIMA AND SAMSON LEMBANI INTRODUCTION The contemporary history of political alliances in Malawi dates back to the early 1990s when Malawian political and social groupings joined forces and succeeded in voting out the 30-year-old one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda in 1994. While a recent unpublished study by Lars Svåsand, Nixon Khembo and Lise Rakner (2004) gives an account of the reconfiguration of Malawi’s party system after the 2004 general elections, there is no chronological and comprehensive account of the main coalitions of political parties in the country, their accomplishments and setbacks and the lessons that can be drawn from their experience. This explains the need for this study as well as the unique contribution that it makes to the field of party coalition politics. The study deals only with alliances made up of political parties. For this reason, the pre-1994 election alliance of various political pressure groups, faith-based organisations and non-governmental organisations, which worked towards the effective introduction of a democratic multiparty system, is not given significant attention. The study devotes equal attention to the history of both governing and opposition coalitions in Malawi. Specifically, it examines the short-lived coalition between the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) after the 1994 general elections; the 1995 alliance between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and AFORD; the alliance forged between the MCP and AFORD prior to the 1999 general elections; the UDF- AFORD-NCD Coalition preceding the 2004 general elections and the 111 112 THE POLITICS OF PARTY COALITIONS IN AFRICA Mgwirizano coalition of 2004. -
Democratic Trajectories in Africa: Unravelling the Impact of Foreign Aid 3
number 7, 2013 Overview When, why and how has foreign aid Democratic Trajectories in facilitated, or hindered, democracy in recipient countries? Focusing on sub- Saharan Africa, this policy brief examines Africa: Unravelling the Impact the impact of foreign aid on supporting transitions from one-party to multi- of Foreign Aid party regimes, preventing democratic breakdown and the erosion of civil liberties, enhancing vertical and horizon- ver the last decade, sub-saharan africa has tal accountability, and enabling competi- experienced impressive economic growth and witnessed the emergence of a tive political party systems. Particular O nascent middle class. Nevertheless, for a number of African governments, foreign attention is given to the trade-offs and aid continues to represent a vital source of finance to provide public goods and complementarities between different services. While aid certainly plays a role in shaping development outcomes in types of foreign aid, namely democracy Africa, this policy brief focuses on its impact on general political governance and assistance and economic development aid. Select policy recommendations are specifically democracy. As highlighted in a declaration at the conclusion of the offered to improve aid effectiveness at 2011 Fourth High-Level Forum of Aid Effectiveness, “promoting human rights, bolstering democratic trajectories democracy, and good governance” are viewed as integral to the efforts of the inter- 1 within the region. national donor community. The relationship between aid and democracy is especially relevant in Africa due to the region’s still high level of aid dependence and its relatively short experi- Written by Danielle Resnick ence with democracy. Official development assistance (ODA) to all of Africa as a © United Nations University, 2013 share of gross national income (GNI) has declined from 6.2 to 4.9 per cent over ISBN 978-92-808-3109-2 the period from 1990 to 2009.