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Hamburg: Paradoxes and Conflicting Representations of a Working-Class Metropolis

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Hamburg: Paradoxes and Conflicting Representations of a Working-Class Metropolis Europa Regional 25, 2017 (2018) I 3-4 Hamburg: Paradoxes and conflicting representations of a working-class metropolis SAMUEL DEPRAZ Abstract Zusammenfassung Hamburg: Paradoxa und widersprüchliche Darstel- lungen einer Arbeitermetropole This contribution intends to study the metropolisation process in Hamburg, taking into account the strong polycentrism of the German economy where several metropolises are competing Dieser Beitrag zielt darauf ab, den im Hamburg voranschrei- for international leadership. The public and private actors of tenden Metropolisierungsprozess im Kontext einer stark poly- the second biggest agglomeration of the country are striving zentralisierten deutschen Wirtschaft zu untersuchen, in wel- for the rise of the upper economic functions of the city; they are chem mehrere Großstädte im Wettbewerb um internationale carrying out ambitious urban renewal projects. A focus will be Führungspositionen liegen. Sowohl die öffentlichen als auch die made on the consequences of those transformations on urban privaten Akteure des zweitgrößten deutschen Ballungsraumes forms, and the gentrification process that is occurring at the setzen sich für den Anstieg von höheren wirtschaftlichen Funk- same time in the city centre, led by the upper middle class and tionen in der Stadt stark ein und bringen dazu ehrgeizige Stadt- superior services. However, the popular and industrious char- erneuerungsprogramme hervor. Hier sollen die Auswirkungen acter of the port town of Hamburg gives rise to original, violent dieser Transformationen auf städtebauliche Formen analysiert reactions. Several local alternative groups are strongly rejecting werden und der damit zusammenhängende Prozess der Gentri- the metropolisation process, which they consider to be ill-suited fizierung, also der Rückeroberung der Stadtmitte durch wohlha- to the working-class identity of Hamburg. bendere Bevölkerungsgruppen und gehobene Dienstleistungen. Hamburg; metropolisation; urban projects; gentrification; radical Dennoch verursacht die starke Prägung Hamburgs als Arbeiter- criticism und Hafenstadt besondere und zuweilen gewaltsame Formen der Ablehnung dieser Metropolisierung, da sie einigen alterna- tiven Gruppen vor Ort im Hinblick auf die Arbeiteridentität der Stadt als unangepasst erscheint. Hamburg; Metropolisierung; städtebauliche Projekte; Gentrifizie- rung; radikale Kritik 54 Samuel Depraz: Hamburg: Paradoxes and conflicting representations of aworking-class metropolis Introduction Länder image of the city, filtered through the in- the case in the surrounding , which The word metropolis, often loosely defined, ternational criteria of economic attractive- will face a 5 % decrease in the number of still remains a controversial concept in ge- ness and post-modern aesthetics. In this their inhabitants by 2030, according to the ography. The expression, at least, helps way, such a strategy faces deeply-rooted estimates of the Federal Statistical office. identify a big city with internationally sig- criticism on the part of a significant pro- On a broader scale, the territorial influence nificant functions of economic command portion of the urban population. However, of Hamburg spills over Schleswig-Holstein Metropol- and control. However, there is neither an the scope and scale of the contestation has and Lower Saxony, and allows the city to region Hamburg official population threshold, nor a fixed to be analysed: is it a simple nostalgic, over- polarise a metropolitan area ( list of functions that would help to dis- emphasised relic of the manufacturing pe- ) that extends towards criminate between cities to call them me- riod of the port town, while this popular the East and gathers more than 4 million metropolisation tropolises. In fact, the word mostly refers and industrial trait of the city is actually inhabitants: it is, indeed, the new program- to the process, a dynamic declining against the irresistible tertiary ming framework that has been retained for in which an agglomeration is progres- transformation of Hamburg? Is it, on the the application of some structural funds sively integrated into the global economy, contrary, a much deeper expression of a of the European Union (http://metropol- with growing concentration of exclusive collective identity that has been neglected region.hamburg.de/, 2015). services and key stakeholders and, at the by the leading players of the metropolisa- Hamburg benefits from world-level same time, substantial changes in the ur- tion process? A critical position – closer to transportation facilities, ensuring a global ban forms that facilitate the development the second hypothesis – will be chosen here connectivity that is needed to claim inter- a. of the new economic functions of the city in our third section, following French (Pin- national recognition. Its harbour, ranking 1999 (Ghorra-Gobin 2015; Di Méo 2010; Van- son 2009; Chalas 2000; Jouve Lefèvre among the 30 busiest spots in the world dermotten 2009; Mangin 2009). ) and international research (Smith for the total cargo volume, is now 3rd in Hamburg, a harbour-city with a strong 1996; Harvey 1989) about the metropoli- Europe and 17th in the world for container World Ports Ranking popular tradition, but also the second- tan transformation of cities, in order to bet- traffic, with around 9 Million TEUs (AAPA largest city in Germany, reaching 1.8 mil- ter highlight the internal contradiction of 2016, ). The port’s ac- lion inhabitants and polarising the upper the local society in Hamburg. tivities generate directly more than 3,600 An unbalanced metropolisation northern part of the country (Fischer full time jobs, but a total of more than process 2008), clearly demonstrates the conflict- 77,000 jobs are indirectly related to the lo- ing dimension of the new urban forms and gistics activity of the harbour. Hamburg’s the contrasting representations of the city One should first of all underline the clear hinterland has indeed expanded to the East against the background of the neo-liberal bivalence of Hamburg, a city that has un- since the fall of the Iron Curtain, and the paradigm of the metropolisation pro- doubtedly asserted itself as a major eco- metropolis has benefited from the redirec- cess. The speculative production of urban nomic centre in Germany, but has, at the tion of the land flows of goods from the spaces, intended to reinforce the economic same time, a popular legacy that is strong- Baltic area (Rostock, if not Gdańsk) thanks attractiveness of the Hanseatic agglomera- er than in other metropolises. In order to to improved servicing. With its five railway Deutsche Bahn tion, takes place in a social context that re- measure the economic magnitude and the axes, the harbour is the first customer of mains characterised by structural precari- social outcomes of the metropolisation the for freight transport, ousness and a strong tradition of political process that is at play in Hamburg, the and the waterway of the river Elbe reaches criticism. Uncommon – if not paroxysmal – most prominent and visible criteria will be the Midland Canal, connecting the Rhine reactions of resistance therefore occur. summarised here, following the theoretical region to Berlin and Poland. Finally, the frameworks of selected former research most significant motorway in Germany, the The idea of this contribution was born af- (Veltz 1996; Leroy 2000; Beaverstock A5/A7 – also called “HaFraBa” – links Ham- ter very stimulating inputs given in a semi- et al. 2000; Roncayolo 2001). burg to Frankfurt and Basel in the south. Undeniable functions of economic com- nar about the social acceptation of urban The airport, the fifth largest in Germany, is mand changes in Hamburg (refer to Barbier; probably the only weaker infrastructure, Vogelpohl; Wischmann 2015). Our aim is hosting no major airline company. therefore to synthesise all those materials From a strictly demographical point of On top of that, the city has significant by making, in a first section, an assessment view, the almost twice millionaire agglom- functions of political and economic com- of the metropolisation process in Hamburg eration of Hamburg is facing a natural mand at national and European levels: its from an economic and social point of view, decrease, as are most areas of Germany; status of “free and Hanseatic city” is an ad- before considering in a second section the however, its migratory balance is positive vantage in itself, since the metropolis can design and discourses of the bigger urban (+5,500 migrants a year), which allows enjoy political autonomy at the federal level development projects – which essentially the metropolis to foresee a stabilisation of with an administrative power equivalent to engage in a deep transformation of the its population in the long term. This is not 55 Europa Regional 25, 2017 (2018) I 3-4 Beiersdof Helm AG, Unilever Germa- ny levels ( , ). Hence, German polycentrism in the or- ganisation of upper economic functions is confirmed since the Hanseatic metropolis is actively taking part in the development of high-tech and creative industries in the country. The very last criteria for defining the metropolitan dimension of Hamburg is a pronounced cosmopolitanism, with the total population comprising 15 % of for- eigners (national average: 9.5 %), mainly from Turkey, Afghanistan, Iran and Poland. About 30% of the population is of foreign origin, if all post-1950 entries are taken into account (Statistik Nord 2015). Poverty and unemployment: the social weakness The criteria proving
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