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The Gulf Crisis: the Impasse Between Mogadishu and the Regions 4
ei September-October 2017 Volume 29 Issue 5 The Gulf Engulfing the Horn of Africa? Contents 1. Editor's Note 2. Entre le GCC et l'IGAD, les relations bilatérales priment sur l'aspect régional 3. The Gulf Crisis: The Impasse between Mogadishu and the regions 4. Turkish and UAE Engagement in Horn of Africa and Changing Geo-Politics of the Region 1 Editorial information This publication is produced by the Life & Peace Institute (LPI) with support from the Bread for the World, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and Church of Sweden International Department. The donors are not involved in the production and are not responsible for the contents of the publication. Editorial principles The Horn of Africa Bulletin is a regional policy periodical, monitoring and analysing key peace and security issues in the Horn with a view to inform and provide alternative analysis on on-going debates and generate policy dialogue around matters of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The material published in HAB represents a variety of sources and does not necessarily express the views of the LPI. Comment policy All comments posted are moderated before publication. Feedback and subscriptions For subscription matters, feedback and suggestions contact LPI’s Horn of Africa Regional Programme at [email protected]. For more LPI publications and resources, please visit: www.life-peace.org/resources/ Life & Peace Institute Kungsängsgatan 17 753 22 Uppsala, Sweden ISSN 2002-1666 About Life & Peace Institute Since its formation, LPI has carried out programmes for conflict transformation in a variety of countries, conducted research, and produced numerous publications on nonviolent conflict transformation and the role of religion in conflict and peacebuilding. -
Faithless Power As Fratricide: Is There an Alternative in Somalia?
Faithless Power as Fratricide: Is there an Alternative in Somalia? Abdi Ismail Samatar I. The Meaning of Faith Mohamed Suliman’s lovely and famous song for the Eid is not only suggestive of the joys of the past but reminisces about the great values that the Somali people shared and which served them well during test- ing times of yesteryear. Here is a line from the song: Hadba kii arrin keena Ka kalee aqbalaaya Ilaahii ina siiyay isagaa ku abaal leh Simply put, this line and the spirit of the whole song echo Somalis’ traditional acumen to generate timely ideas and the competence to lis- ten and heed productive compromises. These attributes that nurtured their collective best interests have been on the wane for three decades and are now in peril or even to perish for eternity. As a result, much despair is visible in the Somali landscape. Yet it is worth remembering that there is no inevitability about the extension of the present despon- dency into the future as long as civic-minded Somalis are resolute and remain wedded to their compatriots’ well-being and cardinal values. The concept of Faith has triple meanings in the context of this brief essay (Figure 1). First, it means devotion to the Creator and the straight path of Islam. This is clear from the core principles of Islam (not as defined by sectarian ideologues but by the Qur’an and the Haddith), one of which is imaan. Second, Faith enshrines self-reliance and the effort to pull oneself up by the bootstraps as well as attend to the needs 63 Bildhaan Vol. -
Intellectualism Amid Ethnocentrism: Mukhtar and the 4.5 Factor
Intellectualism amid Ethnocentrism: Mukhtar and the 4.5 Factor Mohamed A. Eno and Omar A. Eno I. Background The prolonged, two-year reconciliation conference held in Kenya and the resulting interim administration, implemented under the dominant tutelage of Ethiopia, are generally considered to have failed to live up to the expectations of the Somali people. The state structure was built on the foundation of a clan power segregation system known as 4.5 (four-point-five). This means the separation of the Somali people into four clans that are equal and, as such, pure Somali, against an amalga- mation of various clans and communities that are unequal to the first group and, hence, considered “impure” or less Somali. The lumping together of all the latter communities is regarded as equivalent only to a half of the share of a clan. In spite of the inherent segregation and marginalization, some schol- ars of Somali society, like historian Mohamed H. Mukhtar, believe that the apartheid-like 4.5 system is an “important accomplishment.”1 In a book chapter titled “Somali Reconciliation Conferences: The Unbeaten Track,” Mukhtar chronicles this episode as one of various “success sto- ries”2 that have emerged from the Sodere factional meeting of 1997. As the historian posits it, this could be called an achievement, particularly considering the fact that “for the first time Somali clans agreed about their relative size, power and territorial rights.”3 Then the professor emphasizes that, “the conference also recognized another segment of the Somali society which included minority groups not identified with one of the above clans, i.e., the Banadiris and the Somali Bantus, just to 137 Bildhaan Vol. -
Gedo Intercluster Initial Investigation – September
INTER -AGENCY DROUGHT ASSESSMENT IN LOWER JUBA REGION OF SOMALIA JANUARY 2017 INTER-AGENCY DROUGHT ASSESSMENT IN LOWER JUBA REGION – JANUARY 2017 Table of contents Executive summary -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2 Key findings --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2 Recommendations --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3 Acronyms, abbreviations and definitions of Somalia terminologies --------------------------- 6 Acknowledgement ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7 Introduction /context of the inter-agency assessment -------------------------------------------- 8 Methodology ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 9 Assessment findings -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10 Impact of drought ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 10 Findings by cluster ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10 Food Security and Livelihoods --------------------------------------------------------------- 10 Education ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 12 Nutrition -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13 Water, Sanitation -
Rethinking the Somali State
Rethinking the Somali State MPP Professional Paper In Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Public Policy Degree Requirements The Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs The University of Minnesota Aman H.D. Obsiye May 2017 Signature below of Paper Supervisor certifies successful completion of oral presentation and completion of final written version: _________________________________ ____________________ ___________________ Dr. Mary Curtin, Diplomat in Residence Date, oral presentation Date, paper completion Paper Supervisor ________________________________________ ___________________ Steven Andreasen, Lecturer Date Second Committee Member Signature of Second Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 5 The Somali Clan System .......................................................................................................... 6 The Colonial Era ..................................................................................................................... 9 British Somaliland Protectorate ................................................................................................. 9 Somalia Italiana and the United Nations Trusteeship .............................................................. 14 Colonial -
SOMALI DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Document Date: 1981
Date Printed: 01/15/2009 JTS Box Number: IFES 30 Tab Number: 1 Document Title: CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD: SOMALI DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Document Date: 1981 Document Country: SOM Documen t Language: ENG IFES 10: CON00170 44-II~ I~ 433I~II ~II ~/SOM /lq<il JOOI /0-'j . " SOMALIA . • CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD Editors ALBERT P. BLAUSTEIN & GISBERT 1-1. FLANZ SOMALI DEMOCRATIC • REPUBLIC by MARTIN R. GANZGLASS Issued November 1981 • Oceana Publications. Inc. Dobbs Ferry. New York 5 0 MAL I D E Moe RAT I C REP U B LIe The Somali Democratic Republic (Somalia) is a "union" of two former colonies. The Northern Region CONTENTS comprises the former British territory known as the Somali land Protectorate. The Southern Region com • prises the former Italian Sornaliland which, after World War II, became a United Nations Trust Terri tory. CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONOLOGY Till': CONSTITUTION 1889 Following treaties with local Sultans, Britain proclaimed the Sornaliland ,INNOT,I'I'FIl BIBLIOGRAPHY Protectorate over the Northern Regions of Hargeisa and Burao. This became ~<the Northern Region of what is now Somalla. The Protectorate also included the Baud which became part of Ethiopia in 1955. The Protectorate, located at the southern end of the Red Sea, was on the direct route from England to India via the Suez Canal. 1894 Tripartite Accord was reached by Great' Britain, Italy and Ethiopia over other Somali territories. Italian control was established over an area on the Indian Ocean to a point south of Mogadishu. • This became Italian Somaliland and the Southern Regions of what is now Somalia. -
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“WE LIVE IN PERPETUAL FEAR” VIOLATIONS AND ABUSES OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN SOMALIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2020 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Somali journalists denied access to photograph an Al-Shabaab attack site in (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. Mogadishu in January 2020. © Private https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2020 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: AFR 52/1442/2020 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 2. METHODOLOGY 9 3. BACKGROUND 11 3.1 CONFLICT AND CIVILIAN SUFFERING 11 3.2 MEDIA AND SOCIAL MEDIA USE 12 3.3 TREATMENT OF MEDIA AND JOURNALISTS 12 3.4 HEIGHTENED POLITICAL TENSION IN 2018 AND 2019 13 4. INTERNATIONAL AND REGIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK 15 4.1 NATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK 17 5. -
AFRICA Al-Shabaab Down but Not Out
AFRICA Al-Shabaab Down But Not Out OE Watch Commentary: The fight against al-Shabaab in Somalia has been going on for several years, and there have been reports that the terrorist group has been losing strength and territory. Nevertheless, it is still able to mount significant operations against the Somali National Army, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), and members of the Somali government. As the accompanying excerpted article from The East African reports, not only does the group extort money from businesses in rural areas, but it also operates in the capital city, Mogadishu (from where it was forced out in 2011). Since President Farmaajo assumed office two years ago, AMISOM has reportedly not liberated any new territory. One reason for this might be that the nations contributing troops to that mission frequently pursue different strategies and interests, thus presenting less than a unified Although al Shabaab has been weakened by AMISOM forces and the Somali National Army, it is still able to launch devastating attacks in the country. front. Still another reason might be, with 2020 elections Source: Skilla1st via Wikimedia, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Djiboutian_forces_artillery_ready_to_fire_on_Al-Shabaab_militants_near_the_town_of_ Buula_Burde,_Somalia.jpg, CC BY-SA 4.0 approaching, Farmaajo’s government is distracted. Additionally, Farmaajo has poor relations with the leaders of three regional states, possibly compounding the central government’s diificulties in combating the terrorists. While Somali domestic politics play out, and AMISOM shows its fractures, al-Shabaab has taken advantage of the situation to infiltrate government agencies. The killing of Mogadishu’s mayor by one of his staff members who turned out to be a suicide bomber bears testament to that. -
Faithless Power As Fratricide: Is There an Alternative in Somalia?
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.ukFaithless Power as Fratricide: brought to you by CORE Is there an Alternative in Somalia? provided by DigitalCommons@Macalester College Abdi Ismail Samatar I. The Meaning of Faith Mohamed Suliman’s lovely and famous song for the Eid is not only suggestive of the joys of the past but reminisces about the great values that the Somali people shared and which served them well during test- ing times of yesteryear. Here is a line from the song: Hadba kii arrin keena Ka kalee aqbalaaya Ilaahii ina siiyay isagaa ku abaal leh Simply put, this line and the spirit of the whole song echo Somalis’ traditional acumen to generate timely ideas and the competence to lis- ten and heed productive compromises. These attributes that nurtured their collective best interests have been on the wane for three decades and are now in peril or even to perish for eternity. As a result, much despair is visible in the Somali landscape. Yet it is worth remembering that there is no inevitability about the extension of the present despon- dency into the future as long as civic-minded Somalis are resolute and remain wedded to their compatriots’ well-being and cardinal values. The concept of Faith has triple meanings in the context of this brief essay (Figure 1). First, it means devotion to the Creator and the straight path of Islam. This is clear from the core principles of Islam (not as defined by sectarian ideologues but by the Qur’an and the Haddith), one of which is imaan. -
Gedo Region – Situation Analysis
Gedo Region – Situation Analysis Context Gedo Region, the second largest region in Somalia, lies on the Somalia borders with Ethiopia and Kenya, and shares borders with four Somali regions of Bay, Bakool and Middle Jubba and Lower Jubba. It has an estimated total population of 328,3781, with a 75/25 rural/urban divide.The region is home to 76,510 IDPs2. UNHCR estimates that 16,380 IDPs arrived in Luuq, 30,000 in Doloow, and approximately 18,000 in Belet Xaawo. Gedo has six administrative districts: Garbaharey, Baardheere (the capital), Ceel Waaq in the south and Belet Xaawo, Doloow, and Luuq in the north. Two major rivers run through the region, the Dawa and the Juba. The Dawa River runs along the border of Ethiopia into Somalia’s Gedo region. The Jubba River starts from Doloow, just north of Luuq district, and flows to Buur Dhuubo and Baardheere. The economy mostly depends on rearing livestock and farming, but also has strong inter-regional and international cross-border trade with Kenya and Ethiopia, to some extent. In the northern zone the pastoralists rear sheep, goats, camels and cows. The agro-pastoral zone extends from east to west below Guban. The riverine zone extends from east to west below West Golis and is mainly a farming area where crops such as sorghum are produced. The security and access situation in north Gedo, in particular to Luuq, has relatively improved for the United Nations and International NGOs. The area is controlled by the Somali National Army forces backed by Ethiopian forces. South Gedo is more insecure due to continued clashes and greater access for Al-Shabaab (AS) in the rural areas of Garbaharey, Buur Dhuubo and Baardheere. -
(I) the SOCIAL STRUCTUBE of Soumn SOMALI TRIB by Virginia I?
(i) THE SOCIAL STRUCTUBE OF SOumN SOMALI TRIB by Virginia I?lling A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of London. October 197]. (ii) SDMMARY The subject is the social structure of a southern Somali community of about six thousand people, the Geledi, in the pre-colonial period; and. the manner in which it has reacted to colonial and other modern influences. Part A deals with the pre-colonial situation. Section 1 deals with the historical background up to the nineteenth century, first giving the general geographic and ethnographic setting, to show what elements went to the making of this community, and then giving the Geledj's own account of their history and movement up to that time. Section 2 deals with the structure of the society during the nineteenth century. Successive chapters deal with the basic units and categories into which this community divided both itself and the others with which it was in contact; with their material culture; with economic life; with slavery, which is shown to have been at the foundation of the social order; with the political and legal structure; and with the conduct of war. The chapter on the examines the politico-religious office of the Sheikh or Sultan as the focal point of the community, and how under successive occupants of this position, the Geledi became the dominant power in this part of Somalia. Part B deals with colonial and post-colonial influences. After an outline of the history of Somalia since 1889, with special reference to Geledi, the changes in society brought about by those events are (iii) described. -
From the Bottom
Conflict Early Warning Early Response Unit From the bottom up: Southern Regions - Perspectives through conflict analysis and key political actors’ mapping of Gedo, Middle Juba, Lower Juba, and Lower Shabelle - SEPTEMBER 2013 With support from Conflict Dynamics International Conflict Early Warning Early Response Unit From the bottom up: Southern Regions - Perspectives through conflict analysis and key political actors’ mapping of Gedo, Middle Juba, Lower Juba, and Lower Shabelle Version 2 Re-Released Deceber 2013 with research finished June 2013 With support from Conflict Dynamics International Support to the project was made possible through generous contributions from the Government of Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Government of Switzerland Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the official position of Conflict Dynamics International or of the Governments of Norway or Switzerland. CONTENTS Abbreviations 7 ACKNOWLEDGMENT 8 Conflict Early Warning Early Response Unit (CEWERU) 8 Objectives 8 Conflict Dynamics International (CDI) 8 From the Country Coordinator 9 I. OVERVIEW 10 Social Conflict 10 Cultural Conflict 10 Political Conflict 10 II. INTRODUCTION 11 Key Findings 11 Opportunities 12 III. GEDO 14 Conflict Map: Gedo 14 Clan Chart: Gedo 15 Introduction: Gedo 16 Key Findings: Gedo 16 History of Conflict: Gedo 16 Cross-Border Clan Conflicts 18 Key Political Actors: Gedo 19 Political Actor Mapping: Gedo 20 Clan Analysis: Gedo 21 Capacity of Current Government Administration: Gedo 21 Conflict Mapping and Analysis: Gedo 23 Conflict Profile: Gedo 23 Conflict Timeline: Gedo 25 Peace Initiative: Gedo 26 IV. MIDDLE JUBA 27 Conflict Map: Middle Juba 27 Clan Chart: Middle Juba 28 Introduction: Middle Juba 29 Key Findings: Middle Juba 29 History of Conflict : Middle Juba 29 Key Political Actors: Middle Juba 29 Political Actor Mapping: Middle Juba 30 Capacity of Current Government Administration: Middle Juba 31 Conflict Mapping and Analysis: Middle Juba 31 Conflict Profile: Middle Juba 31 V.