Exclusive jewellery, Borgeby and Western Scania c. AD 950-1050 Svanberg, Fredrik Fornvännen 93:2, 113-124 http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/html/1998_113 Ingår i: samla.raa.se Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and Western Scania c. AD 950-1050

By Fredrik Svanberg

Svanberg, F. 1998. Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and Western Scania c. AD 950-1050. Fornvännen 93. Stockholm

The artide discusses a unique archaeological find from Borgeby in Scania, which consists of artefacts associated with the workshop of a late Viking Age gold- and silversmith. Special attention is paid to a mould (possibly two) used to make a pa­ trix for brooches in the Hiddensee style, connected according to other re­ searchers with Harald Bluetooth and his court. The implications of the find for interpretations of the role of Borgeby in a local and regional context are evalu- ated. The find is connected with the nobility of southern Seandinavia. Borgeby is characterized as a center in Western Scania in the late lOth or early 1 Ith cen­ tury with a dualistic relationship to Löddeköpinge, situated about 1.5 km NW of Borgeby.

Fredrik Svanberg, Riksantikvarieämbetet UV Syd, Åkergränden 8, SF.-226 60, Lund, Sweden

It has for long been thought that the site of the 1993, Eriksdotter dug one of her two narrow important Medieval castle at Borgeby, Scania and about 4 m long trenches down below the (Fig. 1), was probably of significance already in oldest observable paved courtyard. Two thick the late Viking Age. Some archaeologists have layers were recorded. Both contained small considered the possibility that the site conceals amounts of Viking Age pottery. In one of the the remains of a Trelleborg fortress (Holmberg layers, unique workshop traces associated with 1977, pp. 41 ff). a late Viking Age gold- and silversmith were In 1996, the southern branch of the Swedish found. Board of National Antiquities, UV Syd, made Based on this new find, a discussion about preparations for the publication of an exeava­ Borgeby will include interpretations of cir­ tion at the village of Löddeköpinge, situated cumstances in a regional framework, concern­ close to Borgeby. The material in question ing the late Viking Age in mid western Scania. dates mainly from the Viking Age. The Löd­ deköpinge project will publish details of the ex­ A Medieval Power Base in West Scania eavation and discuss the results in a context in- For most of the Medieval period, a significant corporating inter alia the historical develop­ castle existed at Borgeby. Its strategic position ment in the vicinity of Löddeköpinge. In the and administrative value can hardly be exag­ course of working for the project, the author gerated. Possession of the site meant direct was enabled by the excavator, Gunhild Eriks­ control of the coastal road between Helsing­ dotter to examine a small material from borg and Lund as well as traffic along the Borgeby. Kävlinge river, the greatest watercourse of west­ In a minor archaeological investigation in ern Scania, extending through a väst Iron Age the Medieval courtyard of Borgeby Castle in and Medieval settlement area. It also enabled

Fornvännnen 93(1998) 114 Fredrik Svanberg 1

Fig 2. Borgeby castle. The building as it now stånds is Fig. 1. The geographical position of Borgeby in marked black and the site of the exeavation of the Vi­ southern Seandinavia. — Borgebys geografiska läge. king Age layers is shown by an asterisk (Fig. 3). The late Medieval castle is indicated around lhe standing building, with ils corner towers and drawbridge. The limits of the castle area according to 18th century its castellan to influence and profit from trade maps is marked with the broad, dashed lines. To the and märket activities based on the nearby vil­ north of the castle area is the Kävlinge river and to lage of Löddeköpinge (Ohlsson 1976; 1980). the east the Church of Borgeby. After Holmberg 1977, p. 42. — Borgeby slott. En stående byggnad In the written sources, the Castle can cer­ har markerats svart och platsen för undersökningen tainly be traced back to 1334, when it was held av de vikingatida lagren med en stjärna (fig. 3). Den by the Archbishop of Lund (Rosborn 1986, pp. senmedeltida borgen har indikerats med torn och 3 ff). The first references probably date from vindbrygga. Slottsområdets begränsning enligt en 1700-talskarta är markerat med delvis fyllda, breda the early 12th century, when the name "Bur- linjer. Norr om borgen finns Kävlingeån och i öster gaby" occurs in the records of the archbish- Borgeby kyrka. Efter Holmberg 1977, s. 42. opric (Weibull 1923, pp. xxviii ff, 7, 9). What can be said about early Borgeby from previously known archaeological facts? A re­ ject (bead?) with granulation, and a Viking Age search project which investigated the existing balance. The treasure has a TPQ (Terminus buildings of the Castle, has established that re- post quem) of 1040 (Hårdh 1976, pp. 36 f). used carved slabs and sculptures in a tower This suggests the presence of people of high date from the late 12th century (Mårtensson social status at Borgeby. 1997, p. 14). The condusion is that a stone Some coins of the Danish Kings Svend building of some dignity probably stood on the Estridsen (1047-74) and Cnut the Holy site at that time. (1080-86), show inscriptions which could be A Viking Age balance has been found in the interpreted as meaning they were struck at castle area at Borgeby (Strömberg 1961, p. 61). Borgeby (Holmberg 1977, pp. 41 ff). If this Such a find, obviously connected with the was the case, then the Castle, or at least the vil­ handling of precious metals, suggests the exis­ lage, should be seen as of a particular signific­ tence of a social milieu of some regional sig­ ance, both a.s a power base and as a social mi­ nificance. lieu, since min ting was an extraordinary activ­ A hoard found one kilometer west of ity in llth century Denmark, and closely Borgeby castle contained inter alia a small ob- connected with its kings.

Fornvännnen 93(1998) Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and ... 115

Fig 3. The stratigraphic sequence in the western end of one of the two trenches of the 1993 investigation. Only the layers of interest for the present study are described; viz. those below the oldest observable courtyard. The documented profile continues further eastwards (to the right in the picture). Layer 47: compact lime mörtar with piéces of roof tiles and bricks, interpreted as a demolition horizon. Layer 48: The oldest observable paved courtyard (continuing to the east). Layer 49: dark brown sandy soil with piéces of brick, charcoal and bones. Layer 50: similar to layer 49, but more sandy and with only very few piéces of brick and bones, homo­ geneous. Layer 51: concentrations of soot, charcoal and bones (most of the pottery was found here). Layer 52: sand with some gravel and soil; original ground surface. Layer 53: sterile gravel and sand. Drawn by the author from field documentation. — Stratigrafin i den västra änden av ett av de tvä schakt som grävdes 1993. Endast de lager som är av intresse i det aktuella sammanhanget har beskrivits här. Den dokumenterade pro­ filen fortsätter österut (till höger i bilden). Lager 47; kompakt kalkbruk ined bitar av tegel och takpannor, tol­ kat som ett rivningslager. Lager 48: Den äldsta iakttagbara borggården (fortsätter åt öster). Lager 49: mörkt brun sandig jord med bitar av tegel, kol och ben. Lager 50: som lager 49, men mera sandigt och med endast fä bitar av tegel och ben, homogent. Lager 51: koncentrationer av sot, kol och ben (den mesta keramiken på­ träffades här). Lager 52: sand med en del grus och jord; ursprunglig markhorisont. Lager 53: sterilt grus och sand. Ritad av författaren efter fältdokumentation.

The 1993 Investigation at Borgeby with a Viking Age gold- and silversmith. These As mentioned above, the exeavation of the included three fragments of at least two differ­ deepest layers in the 1993 investigation com­ ent moulds, 11 fragments of crucibles, piéces of prised only a length of about four meters in a soldering plates and a piece of silver probably narrow trench. The spöt was located close to prepared for use in soldering (Brorsson, in the centre of the courtyard of the Medieval press). castle (Fig. 2). The stratigraphic sequence was One of the mould finds consisted of a com­ drawn (Fig. 3). It is clear that two main layers pletely destroyed fragment and will not be fur­ were observable below the oldest paved court­ ther discussed here. The second fragment of a yard, both of which contained small amounts mould was a unique find, never before en- of Viking Age pottery. The layers were dug by countered in known material from the Scan­ hand but not sieved. In layers 50 and 51, several dinavian Viking Age (Fig. 4). The mould was finds came to light which could be associated used to make a patrix for the manufacture of

Fomvännnen 93 (1998) 116 Fredrik Svanberg

Fig 4. The second piece of a mould (see the text), found in layer 51 (Fig. 3). 1. The fragment from above and from the side. 2. A drawing of a plaster cast made from the fragment. 3. A drawing of a patrix of the type for which the mould was intended (one of the patrices from the harbour of Hedeby), with the section re­ presented by the pattern of the mould fragment marked (not a perfect match). Drawings by the author (1:1), except the picture of the patrix (1:1), which is taken from Wilson 1995, p. 100, bild 76. — Det andra gjutformsfragmentet (se texten), från lager 51 (fig. 3). 1. Fragmentet ovan­ ifrån och från sidan. 2. Teckning av ett plastavtryck av fragmentet. 3. Teckning av en patris av den typ som gjutformen var avsedd för (en av patriserna från hamnen i Hedeby), med den del som represente­ ras av mönstret i gjutformsfragmentet markerat (inte 100% matchande). Teck­ ningar av författaren (1:1), förutom bil­ den av patrisen (1:1), som är från Wilson 1995, s. 100, bild 76.

exclusive brooches. The third fragment of a which was subsequently decorated with filigree mould still bore traces of the structure of the and granulation. artefact for which it was intended, but this Altogether 13 Viking Age patrices for fili­ could not be accuratdy identified. The mould gree brooches were known in the mid 1970s. may have been used to make jewellery in the This number has since been increased by låter same style as the second fragment, which is il­ finds, mainly Danish (Capelle & Vierck 1971; lustrated in Fig. 5. In the material in question, 1975; Duczko 1985, p. 82; Näsman 1991, p. 253; the second mould fragment is the find with J0rgensen 1996, p. 31; Larsson & Hårdh, most interpretational possibilities, which will 1998). The 42 patrices which were found in the be discussed in what follows. harbour area of Hedeby in 1979 (Schietzel & Crumlin-Pedersen 1980; Roesdahl 1981; 1993, A Small Piece of Burnt Clay p. 254, nr 105) are of special interest. The small piece of härd, burnt clay found in The piece of a mould found at Borgeby is layer 51 in Fig. 3, above called the second the first known mould for such patrices and mould fragment, was part of a mould used to also the first coiidusive evidence that the craft make a bronze patrix. It is not clear from the was practised at a certain location. The finds of documentation whether the find came from patrices are strong indications of the craft, the left or the right of layer 51. This type of since in all probability they travelled with the mould was only used once, and it was broken craftsmen. They indicate the presence of the after casting in order to retrieve the cast object. craftsmen but not necessarily the practice there The patrix was then used for the manufacture of the actual craft. of circular brooches, usually made of silver but The patrix made in the mould would have sometimes of gold. Sheets of gold or silver were closely resembled a patrix found at Sigtuna applied to the patrix and compressed into (Arbman 1933, p. 342, Fig. 110; Capelle 1968, shape. In this way a patterned disc was made, Taf. 28:11). Among the patrices from the har-

Fornvännnen 93 (1998) Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and . 117

Fig 5. The third piece of a mould (see the text), found in layer 51 (Fig. 3). LA drawing from above and from the side of the fragment. 2. A possible interpretation of the artefact for which the mould was intended (one of the patrices from the harbour of Hedeby), showing the section possibly represented by its pattern. Drawings of the mould fragment by the author (1:1), the picture of the patrix (1:1) is taken from Wilson 1995, p. 100, bild 76. — Det tredje gjutformsfragmentet (se texten), från lager 51 (fig. 3). 1. Fragmentet uppifrån och från sidan. 2. En möjlig tolkning av vilken sorts föremål gjutformen kan ha varit avsedd för (en av patriserna från hamnen i Hedeby), med den del som möjligen representeras av gjutformsfragmentet markerad. Teckningar av gjutformsfragmentet av författaren (1:1), bilden av patrisen (1:1) kommer frän Wilson 1995, s. 100, bild 76.

bour of Hedeby are several which have the 5. The type of patrix in question is included in right pattern and the approximate size to fit the find from the harbour of Hedeby and pen­ the mould (Schietzel & Crumlin-Pedersen dants made from such patrices are also part of 1980, p. 8). the Hiddensee treasure itself. The suggested The type of brooches made with the manu­ identification of the pattern is not certain, but factured patrix can be exemplified with a find credible. from Södermanland in Sweden (Arbman 1933, The most extensive description of the Hid­ p. 343, Fig. 113). David Wilson regarded this densee style has been made by Peter Paulsen, brooch from Södermanland as an example of who tried to connect it to the court of Harald the Borre style, which dates from the mid 9th Bluetooth at Jellinge, and the Hiddensee treas­ to some time in the late lOth century (Wilson ure to Harald personally (Paulsen 1936, p. 1995, p. 91 ff). However, in this case it is poss­ 80). ible to discuss the style and dating of the On the whole the connection between fili­ brooches in question somewhat more precisdy. gree jewellery and the highest levels of late They are examples of the most exclusive south lOth century society in Southern Seandinavia is Scandinavian jewellery of the late lOth century. obvious. A striking example is the filigree- The ornamental style has long been discussed brooch patrix found at Mammen, which must in association with its most splendid example, be associated with the outstanding Mammen the famous Hiddensee hoard (Paulsen 1936). grave, which certainly belonged to a member The style has been designated "Hiddensee of the highest nobility (cf. Näsman 1991). We type" (Skovmand 1942, pp. 43 ff.) or recently can also note the find of a patrix from the spe­ "Hiddensee-style" (Duczko 1983, p. 330). cial centre at Tiss0 on Sjaelland. This find could As stated above, three piéces of moulds were be associated with a workshop area just outside found at Borgeby. Apart from the aforesaid a Viking Age farm (Jörgensen 1996, pp. 30 ff.). find, there was one more piece with parts of The mould finds at Borgeby must be seen fine pattern preserved. This mould was per­ as certain proof of the existence of a very spe­ haps also used to make a patrix for an object in cial environment at the site during the last the Hiddensee style, as is demonstrated in Fig. decades of the lOth century. Ajeweller making

Fornvännnen 93 (1998) 118 Fredrik Svanberg

precious brooches used by the highest nobility cally in the Hiddensee style (those represented was at work here. in the Hiddensee hoard) are known from Sig­ tuna, Hedeby (several) and Trelleborg in Den­ The Implications ofSuperb Quality Jewellery mark (references for Sigtuna and Hedeby It is reasonable to believe that the local envir- above, for Trelleborg see Roesdahl 1977, pp. onments, in which patrices and brooches of the 164, 167, Fig. 225). The patrices from Täng­ type which can be associated with the identi­ berg and Malmö are in a very similar but not fied mould are found, reflect the social and po­ identical style. The animal heads on brooches litical context in which we should see the man­ made from these patrices are seen in profile in­ ufacture and the use of such valuable artefacts stead of enface, as is usual on the circular Hid­ in general. Interpretations of the role of densee brooches (Arbman 1933, pp. 342 f; cf. Borgeby based on the mould finds must be Skovmand 1942, p. 52). founded on such a characterization. Artefacts in the Hiddensee style were man­ The known patrices for late Viking Age fili­ ufactured and used in the late lOth century. gree brooches are, with two exceptions, con­ The earliest known hoards with such artefacts centrated to South-western Seandinavia seem to come from what is now Denmark. The (Capelle 1968, Karte 32). The exceptions are earliest is perhaps the Jyndevad hoard with a two finds from Uppland in Sweden which TPQ of AD 955, thought to have been de­ come from Tängberg and Sigtuna respectivdy posited c. AD 970-980 (Skovmand 1942, p. 80). (Arbman 1933). The find from Sigtuna can be Skovmand mentions 10 circular such brooches seen as an indication of the close contacts be­ from Denmark with Scania, 10 from the tween Sigtuna and the highest levels of society Swedish mainland and nine from Gotland. At in Southern Seandinavia at this time, as dis­ least seven are known from Slavonic northern cussed by Ingmar Jansson (1991, p. 279). Germany; some fragments are recorded from Particularly since the discovery of 42 patri­ what is now Poland and one brooch was found ces in its harbour, Hedeby must be seen as an in Norway (ibid. p. 52). Since Skovmand's sur­ important manufacturing site for filigree vey, the finds from Gotland have been treated brooches. This was suggested already by by Mårten Stenberger. Stenberger was able to Capelle, who regarded Hedeby as the prin­ identify oher probable fragments of the same cipal manufacturing centre, based first and type. He noted that all but one find from Got­ foremost on the two earlier known patrices land are heavily fragmented, and that these from the vicinity of the town (Capelle & Vierck finds can be dated to c. AD 990-1050, most 1971, pp. 98 ff). TPQ dates indicating a deposition well into the The finds of patrices seem to demonstrate llth century. His condusion was that the that filigree brooches were made in Early urban brooches in question were probably not used as centres of great political significance (Lund, Vi­ jewellery on Gotland (Stenberger 1958, pp. 32 borg, Hedeby and Sigtuna), but also in the ff). Many of the finds from the Swedish main­ Manors where the wealthy users of filigree land are also included in hoards with coins giv­ brooches lived (Mammen) and in Royal ing a TPQ some time in the llth century fortresses (Trelleborg, cf. Näsman 1991, p. 253). (Skovmand 1942, p. 52). The fragments in The finds from Tiss0 (mentioned above) and Poland and most finds from north Germany Uppåkra in Scania (Larsson & Hårdh, 1998) also appear to be fairly late, indicating they come from Iron Age centres which have been should be seen in a different light from the less well characterized. These sites included Danish finds. manors, but also settlements which must be The same picture as was demonstrated for presumed to have differed from the ordinary the circular brooches would seem to be valid villages as regards size, function and general for the pendants occurring in the Hiddensee character. hoard (illustrated in Fig. 5) as well (ibid. p. 53). Patrices for brooches and pendants specifi- Of the finds of patrices for artefacts in the Hid-

Fomvännnen 93(1998) Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and ... 119

densee style listed above, there are such for the to obtain the wherewhithal for their generosity pendants from Hedeby and Trelleborg. (cf. Gurevitj 1979, pp. 74 ff; Roesdahl 1991, This leaves us with evidence for the produc­ pp. 66 f). tion of these brooches and pendants mainly in The author argues that the connection be­ what is now Denmark, in western Scania and tween manufacture and use of artefacts in the to a lesser extent in Uppland. Apparently the Hiddensee style and centres such as Hedeby, artefacts were worn as jewellery in the late lOth Sigtuna and the Trelleborg fortresses, com­ century chiefly in South-western Seandinavia, bined with what is known about the nature of but also by some wealthy individuals in the soverdgnty, makes it probable that this jew­ Mälaren area and a very few in other parts of ellery can be associated with the generosity of Seandinavia. late lOth century kings in South-western Sean­ The occurrence of both production and the dinavia and their closest vassals. In other words, wearing of such jewellery at the Trelleborg such jewellery could be used as gifts in order to fortresses must be noted. There is a patrix from maintain social status and retain the loyalty of Trelleborg, one piece of jewellery from Fyrkat followers. The kings in question would be Ha­ and three brooches from Nonnebakken (Roes­ rald Bluetooth, c. 958-987, and his son Swein dahl 1981; Jansson 1991, p. 275, Fig. 9). We Forkbeard, 987-1014 (cf. Jansson 1991, p. 271 must also consider the soldering plates found about the beginning of the reign of Harald in Trelleborg and Fyrkat, which could have Bluetooth, and Sawyer 1988, pp. 223 ff. about been used to make this kind of jewellery (Roes­ the probable end thereof). dahl 1977, p. 54; Brorsson, in press). The firm This interpretation may also apply to the cir­ connection of the Hiddensee style to Hedeby, cular filigree brooches of the Terslev type. The Sigtuna and the Trelleborg fortresses certainly use of such brooches can be dated to c. AD points to an association with the Jellinge kings 950-1050 (Capelle 1968, p. 83). There are, and their court, or as Ingmar Jansson says, dis­ however, some differences between these cussing the two finds of Hiddensee style arte­ brooches and the artefacts of the Hiddensee facts from Sigtuna: "The objects belong to the style. Most important, the Terslev brooches sphere of art that was developed around the came into use slightly earlier than the other Danish King Harald Bluetooth and his vassals" artefacts, they are found in several graves (for (the author's translation from the Swedish; example in Hedeby and Birka) and they are Jansson 1991, p. 279). not known from the Trelleborg fortresses. This The power of late lOth century kings was implies that, although tied to the higher social not institutionalized, but rather informal. levels in Southern Seandinavia in the late lOth Power depended on the king's personality, es­ century, they do not have the same connection pecially on his social relations, on leadership, to the highest nobility in c AD 980-1000, as has the achievement of results and on rewards for been suggested för the Hiddensee style. Per­ good service. Such factors determined his abil­ haps they have such a connection, although ity to gather the right men around him. Royal slightly earlier? Such an interpretation could or other supra-regional power in this time was be supported by the finds of patrices from Tiss0 a power över people, not territories, although and Uppåkra, which can probably be dated a more extensive territorialisation of sover- earlier than the Hiddensee style (the Uppåkra eignty was a development which in Seandinavia find has been described as "a variety of the Ter­ seems to have started in the late Viking Age. In slev type" by Larsson & Hårdh, 1998) and come order to preserve a certain social status and from sites which are not associated with known prestige, kings and other members of the mo­ late lOth century Kings in the same way as the bility distributed valuable gifts to followers. The Trelleborg fortresses or early urban centres like retention of power depended to a large extent Hedeby, Lund or Viborg. on exploitation by conquests, or more usually The find of the mould at Borgeby indicates on raids on other areas than their own in order a settlement similar to those at the Trelleborg

Fomvännnen 93 (1998) 120 Fredrik Svanberg fortresses, Sigtuna or Hedeby; a site strongly as­ tween the märket activities in Löddeköpinge sociated with Scandinavian political life of the and the social dite in the 9th and early lOth late Viking Age, and also with the homes of the century is difficult to evaluate. From the mid nobility where they would have spent much of lOth century onwards there is firm evidence of their time. Since it is hardly likely that Borgeby the presence of a social dite in the area of the conceals a site of the character of Sigtuna or Medieval village (material which will be pub­ the låter Hedeby, it may well be the site of a lished by The Löddeköpinge project). Trelleborg fortress. This seems as a suitable In the late lOth or early llth century continuity backwards in time from its status as Borgeby was socially exclusive, while Löd­ an important Medieval castle. In any case it is deköpinge, although clearly a place of impor­ feasible that a settlement existed at Borgeby, tance, was only second råte. Borgeby seems to which for a while sheltered late lOth century have been the seat of power, controlling the Kings or their courts, if not a major fortress highway, the river traffic and probably the mär­ then at least a large manor. ket activities at Löddeköpinge.

Borgeby and Löddeköpinge A Changing mid western Scania The site which has attracted most attention in Late Viking Age Scania cannot be seen as an the immediate vicinity of Borgeby is Löd­ homogeneous region. There are marked dif­ deköpinge. After considering the evidence ferences between parts of the present land­ from several extensive excavations in the area scape. Three väst plains, the south-western, the between 1965 and 1981, Tom Ohlsson con­ north-eastern and the south-eastern parts, were duded that Löddeköpinge was a märket town. more densely settled than the forested areas of Thus it was the centre of a district where the lo­ north and central Scania. Late Iron Age finds, cal surplus of agricultural produets could be place-names, the density of Medieval churches redistributed (Ohlsson 1976; 1980). The rela­ and the parish sizes give a general picture of tions between Löddeköpinge and Borgeby, or demographic circumstances in the late Viking other settlements in the vicinity, was not ex- Age. In another context, the existence of not­ tensivdy discussed by Ohlsson. Our knowledge able cultural differences between the main late of early Medieval western Scania, was consid­ Iron Age settlement areas are demonstrated by erably increased by the discovery and exeava­ the author (Svanberg, 1998). tion of an early Medieval Christian cemetery Viking Age societies in Seandinavia had var- and two churches close to Löddeköpinge. This ied social structures and underwent very dif­ part of the Löddeköpinge investigation was ferent historical devdopments (compare west conducted by Hampus Cinthio (Cinthio 1980). Scanian history with e.g. circumstances in By reason of the work of Ohlsson and Dalarna; Ersgård 1997). It would be presump- Cinthio, Löddeköpinge was, for many years, re­ tuous to describe a model of society which garded as a märket town, comparable with e.g. would be valid for the entire period. Informa­ Birka, Hedeby or Paviken. It is still considered tion is available about different levels of society: as a regional centre. However, it must be kings and chieftains, geomen, slaves, and vari­ stressed that it differs greatly from such places ous social stations in between (cf. Roesdahl as Birka and Hedeby. At Löddeköpinge we do 1991, pp. 52 ff). Social structures and behav- not find traces of specialized production of, iours can be described from many perspectives. e.g., bronze jewellery or combs (as we do in In materialistic terms, Scandinavian Viking Age such centres). Löddeköpinge also lacks any society has been described as consisting of evidence of crafts, such as gold- or silversmith- three classes: landowning chieftains, yeomen ery and glassblowing. As was suggested by Ohls­ and slaves. As opposed to låter devdopments, son, the site must primarily be seen as a re­ this society has been adjudged to lack a for- gional märket, in all probability dealing chiefly malised hierarchy of power and means for reg- with agricultural produets. The connection be­ ular transfers of assets from lower to higher so-

Fomvännnen 93 (1998) Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and ... 121 dal strata (Lindquist 1990). As was discussed 9th and early lOth centuries. Uppåkra has been above, the power of the nobility was to a large interpreted as an important Iron Age centre extent based on the exploitation of other areas on the plain (Stjernquist 1996). Its nature and in order to obtain wealth for patronage, neces­ importance in the Viking Age specifically are sary for maintaining a social position. A devel­ uncertain. The find of a patrix för brooches de­ opment towards a "more feudal" society meant scribed as "a variety of the Terslev type" (see that internal forms of exploitation, by e.g. taxa- above) is a strong indication of people of a tion and regulated demands for labour, were high social standing at the site in the lOth cen­ galning importance. Power över people was tury; slightly earlier than, or even contem­ gradually being replaced by power över terri­ porary with, the time of use of the jewellers' tories. The development towards a more feu­ workshop in Borgeby. dal society can be discerned in the late Viking There is strong evidence that early Lund was Age in parts of Seandinavia. However, such a centre founded by one of the Jellinge Kings. transformations of society should be seen in a Here we find the earliest known Christian regional context, adapted to local conditions. cemetery and Church in Scania, its earliest Many questions of the continuity or discon­ graves dated to around AD 990 (Nilsson 1985). tinuity of, e.g., religion, settlement structure or It probably served a widespread population. power must be seen on such a level. Lund was a religious centre and obviously a Profound changes in Viking Age Scania centre of royal power. Since it must have held seem to have acederated during the late lOth a number of specialists, not involved in agrar­ and early llth centuries. Kings from what is ian production, it needed economic relations now western Denmark seem to have been re- with the hinterland. A patrix for Terslev cognized as overlords of western and south- brooches has been found in Lund (Arbman western Scania at least temporarily in the 9th 1933), which must be connected to the above century, as is suggested for example by the situ­ discussion of the manufacture of filigree ation of Wulfstan (Svanberg, 1998). The pres­ brooches. A hoard from Värpinge, just outside ence of a more powerful Christian sovereign in Lund, with a TPQ of AD 999, induding almost western Scania in the late lOth century, is rep­ 600 English coins (Jonsson 1986, pp. 123 ff), is resented by the fortress at Trelleborg and es- of interest since it can be associated with late tablishments at Lund and Helsingborg. Tbis is lOth century organized raids to England. As a thus a qualitative change of power, aimed at a power base. Lund was the most important of more direct control, but probably not a change the centres in Scania from the early llth cen­ of overlord. tury onwards. However, in a slightly earlier The plain of mid western Scania was densely phase of royal establishment, a place like populated in the Late Iron Age. There are in­ Borgeby may well have taken precedence. dications of the existence of powerful chief­ The village of Lomma, by the sea, was of tains or petty kings on these plains around c. some significance in the late llth century. AD 800. The most obvious manifestations are Lomma had strategic importance as a harbour, the richly furnished graves at Lackalänga but there is no archaeological or other evid­ (Strömberg 1961, p. 62) and Källby (Wilson ence to enable a doser characterization of its 1955). The grave from Källby contains eques- role around AD 1000. Gårdstånga was prob­ trian equipment of probably Continental ori­ ably an early royal base, controlling the high- gin (Wamers 1985, p. 73). This is to be ex­ way between western and north-eastern Scania, pected in a high status grave from this area, and lhe upper Kävlinge river. It is included in since finds of west-European coins and frankish a list of royal administrative centres from mounts in a number of west Scanian boards around AD 1230. Two rune-stones at Gård­ (Hårdh 1976, nr 40, 41, 66, 71, 85,112,124 and slänga can also be connected to the late Viking 142) strongly suggest that the local chieftains Age settlement (Söderberg 1995). participated in Viking raids westwards in the The establishment of new centres were not

/ imvånnnen 93(1998) 122 Fredrik Svanberg the only physical change in the landscape of Capelle, T. 1968. Der Melalhchmuck von Haithabu. Stu­ dien zur wikingischen Metallkunst. Die Ausgrabun­ mid western Scania around AD 1000. A re- gen in Haithabu, Band 5. Neumunster. arrangement of settlements and burial grounds Capelle, T. & Vierck, H. 1971. Modeln der in a new structure was also in progress. In this Merowinger- und Wikingerzeit. Fruhmittelalter­ context it is not possible to examine the com­ liche Studien 5, 1971. pp. 42-100, Taf. 9-16. Mun­ plicated transformations of settlement struc­ ster. — 1975. Weitere Modeln der Merowinger- und ture in any detail. However, it appears that Wikingerzeit. Fruhmitlelalterlische Studien 9, pp. most Medieval villages in the area can trace 110-142. Munster. their origins to about this time, while the excav­ Cinthio, H. 1980. The Löddeköpinge Investigation ated Viking Age settlements often seem to be III. The Early Medieval Cemetery. Meddelanden abandoned in the same period (cf. Söderberg från Lunds universitets historiska museum 1979-80, pp. 113-123. Lund. 1994). Duczko, W. 1983. Slaviskt och gotländskt smide i ädla Anglert has divided the 53 Scanian rune­ metaller. Gutar och vikingar, Jansson, I. (ed.), pp. stones of the so-called Post-Jdlinge type, dated 329-356. Stockholm. around AD 1000, into three groups, and pre­ — 1985. The Filigree and Granubition Work of the Viking Period. Birka V. Stockholm. sents convincing arguments for regarding the Ersgård, L. 1997. Det starka landskapet. En studie av first of these as representing older interests Leksandsbygden i Dalarna från yngre järnålder till than the second (Anglert 1995, pp. 36 ff). nyare tid. Riksantikvarieämbetet, arkeologiska un­ The summarized material conveys a picture dersökningar, skrifter nr 21. Stockholm. of a society under reconstruction, where a new Gurevitj, A. 1979. Feodalismens uppkomst i Västeuropa. Stockholm. order gradually supersedes older traditions. Holmberg, R. 1977. Den skånska öresundskustens This incorporates the establishment of a dif­ medeltid. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia. Series in ferent royal power in new centres as well as de­ 8", No 11. Lund. vdopments of local authority and the rights of Hårdh, B. 1976. Wikingerzeitlische Depotfunde aus Siid­ schweden. Katalog und Tafeln. Acta Archaeologica higher social strata in a somewhat feudal fash­ Lundensia. Series in 4" No 9. Lund. ion. The Christianization was one important as­ Jansson, I. 1991. Är 970/971 och vikingatidens kro­ pect of these changes, since the Church was nologi. Mammen. Grav, kunst og samfund i ideologically and praetically suited to another vikingetid. Iversen, M. ed.Viborg Stiftsmuseums order than "the old society". The transforma­ raekke bind 1. Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskabs Skrifter 38, pp. 267-294. Aarhus. tions meant a very marked physical restruetur- Jonsson, K. 1987. Viking-Age Hoards and Late Anglo- ing of functions and settlements in the land­ Saxon Coins. A Study in honour of Bror Emil HiUle- scape. brand's Anglosachsiska mynl. Stockholm. Jönsson, K. 1980. Rapport från Iwhyggehearkeologisk un­ The author thanks Mats Anglert, Birgitta Hulthén, dersökning av Stävie kyrka, Stävie sn. Skånes hem­ Birgitta Hårdh,Joakim Thomasson and Bengt Söder­ bygdsförbund. Lund. berg for comments on the manuscript. English re­ Jörgensen, L. 8c Pedersen, L. 1996. Vikinger ved vised by Theodosia Tomkinson. Tiss0. Gamle og nye fund fra el handels- og hånd- vaerkscenter. Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark, pp. 22-36. Kebenhavn. Krongaard Kristensen, H. 1990. Spor efter guld- References smede fra vikingetiden i Viborg. Kuml 1988-89, j\nglert, M. 1995. Kyrkor och herraväUte. Från kristnande pp. 335-346. Aarhus. till sockenbildning i Skåne. Lund Studies in Me­ Larsson, L. 1982. Gräber und Siedlungsreste der Jun­ dieval Archaeology 16. Lund. geren Eisenzeit bei Önsvala im Siidwestlischen Arbman, H. 1933. Några guldsmedsmatriser från Schonen, Schweden. Acta Archaeologica vol. 52. vikingatid och äldre medeltid. Fornvännen. pp. 1981, pp. 129-211. Köbenhavn. 341-346. Stockholm. Larsson, L. & Hårdh, B. 1998. Uppåkra - ett Callmer, J. 1995. Hantverksproduktion, samhälls­ hövdinga- eller kungasäte. Fornvännen 92 Stock­ förändringar och bebyggelse. Iakttagelser från holm. östra Sydskandinavien ca. 600-1100 e. Kr. In Resi, Lindkvist, T. 1990. Plundring, skatter och den feodala H. G. (ed.). Produksjon og samfunn. Beretningfra 2. statens framväxt. Organisatoriska tendenser i Sverige nordiske jernaUlersymposium på Granavolden 7.-10. under övergången från vikingatid lill tidig medellid. mai 1992. Varia 30, pp. 39-72. Oslo. Opuscula Historica Upsaliensia 1. Uppsala.

Fornvännnen 93(1998) Exclusive Jewellery, Borgeby and ... 123

Mårtensson, A. W. 1997. Borgeby. Skalk nr 2 1997. dals og Politikens Danmarkshistorie Bind 3. pp. 10-16. Hojbjerg. Köbenhavn. Nilsson, T. 1985. Drottenskyrkan och dess föregång­ Schietzel, K& Crumlin-Pedersen, O. 1980. Havnen i are. Nya arkeologiska rön i Lund. Kulturen 1985. Hedeby. Skalk nr 3 1980. pp. 4-10. Hojbjerg. pp. 173-182. Lund. Skovmand, R. 1942. De danske skattefund fra Näsman, U. 1991. Mammen 1871. Ett vikingatida de­ vikingetiden og den aeldste middelalder indtil påfynd. Mammen. Grav, kunst og samfund i omkring 1150. Aarb0gerfor nordisk oUlkyndighed og vikingetid. Iversen, M. (ed.).Viborg Stiftsmuseums historie 1942. Köbenhavn. raekke bind 1. Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskabs Skrifter Stenberger, M. 1958. Die Schatzfunde Gotlands der 38, pp. 217-260. Aarhus. Wikingerzeit, 1. Text. Stockholm. — 1991a. Grav og 0kse. Mammen og den danske Stjernquist, B. 1996. Uppåkra, a central place in vikingetids våbengrave. Mammen. Grav, kunst og Skåne During the Iron Age. Lund Archaeological samfund i vikingetid. Iversen, M. (ed.). Viborg Review 1995, pp. 89-122. Lund. Stiftsmuseums raekke bind 1. Jysk Arkaeologisk Strömberg, M. 1961. Untersuchungen zur jungeren Selskabs Skrifter 38. pp. 163-180. Aarhus. Eisenzeit in Schonen. Völkerwanderungszeit- Ohlsson, T. 1976. The Löddeköpinge Investigation Wikingerzeit. 1: Textband, 2: Katalog und Tafeln. 1. The Settlement at Vikhögsvägen. Meddelanden Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series in 4°. No 4. från Lunds universitets historiska museum Lund. 1975-1976, pp. 59-161. Lund. Svanberg, F. 1998. Cultural diversity in Present Scania — 1980. The Löddeköpinge Investigation 2. The and Blekinge ca AD 800-1000. Lund Archaeological Northern Part of the Village Area. Meddelanden Review 1997. Lund. från Lunds universitets historiska museum Söderberg, B. 1994. Bytomtsarkeologi i Skåne - näg­ 1979-1980. pp. 68-111. Lund. ra exempel från UV Syds arbetsområde. Arkeologi Paulsen, P. 1936. Der Gotdschatz von Hiddensee. Fuhrer i Sverige 3. Pettersson, A.-M. (ed.), pp. 41-66. zur Urgeschichte 13. Leipzig. Stockholm. Pettersson, C. B. 1996. Önnerup 4:3. Fjelie sn RAÄ — 1995. Gårdstånga. Boplats- och bebyggelselämningar 12. Arkeologisk slutundersökning. Skåne på Uing- från stenåMer lill nyare lid. Riksantikvarieämbetet den. Sydgasundersökningarna 1983-1985. Räf, E. UV Syd Rapport 1995:7. Lund. (ed.).UVSyd Rapport 1996:58. pp. 25-54. Lund. Wamers, E. 1985. Insularer Metallschmuck in Roesdahl, E. 1977. Fyrkal. En jysk vikingeborg, 2. Old- wikingerzeillichen Gräbern Nordeuropas. Unter­ sagerne og gravpladscn. Nordiske Fortidsminder suchungen zur skandinavischen Westexpansion. Offa Bind 4. Kebenhavn. Biicher band 56. Neumunster. — 1981. En tusindårig guldfugl. Hikuin 7. pp. Weibull, L. 1923. Necrologium Lundense. Lunds 205-208. Hojbjerg. domkyrkas nekrologium. Monumenta Scaniae His­ — 1991. The Vikings. London. torica. Lund. — (ed.). 1993. Viking og Hvidekrist. Norden og F.uropa Wilson, D. 1955. An Early Viking Age Grave from 800-1200. Köbenhavn. Källby, Lund. MeddeUmden från Lunds universitets Rosborn, S. 1986. Borgeby. Medeltidsborgen vid Lödde å. historiska museum 1955, pp. 105-126. Lund. Malmö. — 1995. Vikingatidens konst. Lund. Sawyer, P. 1988. Da Danmark blev Danmark. Gylden-

Sammanfattning

Ett unikt arkeologiskt fynd från Borgeby slott i vikingatida guld- och silversmeds verkstad. I en Skåne diskuteras i artikeln. I Borgeby fanns un­ av gjutformarna har en patris för runda spän­ der medeltiden en betydelsefull borganlägg­ nen i Hiddensee-stil gjutits. I artikeln demon­ ning och vissa forskare har diskuterat möj­ streras hur denna stil kan knytas till trelleborg- ligheten av att där kan ha funnits en trelleborg arna, Sigtuna och Hedeby och i förlängningen under sen vikingatid. Det aktuella fyndet består det sena 900-talets sydvästskandinaviska främst av delar av gjutformar, deglar och löd- kungar. Som en konsekvens dras slutsatsen att ningskavaletter, som kan associeras med en sen- Borgeby tidvis bör ha tillhört en av Jdlinge-

Fomvännnen 93 (1998) 124 Fredrik Svanberg kungarna eller någon av dennes närmaste stor- kring det närbelägna Löddeköpinge. I ar- män under perioden ifråga. Om inte en trdle- tikelns avslutande avsnitt diskuteras Borgeby i borg funnits på platsen bör det åtminstone ha ett regionalt historiskt sammanhang och knyts rört sig om en extraordinär gårdsanläggning. I då till samhällsförändringar och den nya ett lokalt sammanhang har Borgeby kon- kungamakten i området kring Lund kring år trollerat en viktig landsväg, trafiken på 1000. Kävlingeån och utbytes- och handelsaktiviteter

Fomvännnen 93 (1998)