The Sons Supported the Soviet Union
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The Attlee Governments
Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensa- tion, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confi- dence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin, outraged at their plotting and disloyalty. Bevin apparently hated Morrison, and thought of him as ‘a scheming little bastard’.3 Certainly he thought Morrison’s conduct in the past had been ‘devious and unreliable’.4 It was to be particularly irksome for Bevin that it was Morrison who eventually replaced him as Foreign Secretary in 1951. The Attlee government not only generated great excitement on the left at the time, but since has also attracted more attention from academics than any other period of Labour history. Foreign policy is a case in point. The foreign policy of the Attlee government is attractive to study because it spans so many politically and historically significant issues. To start with, this period was unique in that it was the first time that there was a majority Labour government in British political history, with a clear mandate and programme of reform. Whereas the two minority Labour governments of the inter-war period had had to rely on support from the Liberals to pass legislation, this time Labour had power as well as office. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
VIEWS of COMMUNISM and BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1916-1950 Presented By
109 731 III 3 I fill \IIIIEIII‘ "T, fif‘r This is to certify that the thesis entitled THOSE BLOODY REDS: ERNEST BEVIN'S PUBLIC VIEWS OF COMMUNISM AND BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1916-1950 presented by Shelley_Grange has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. degree in History MMWL Major professor Date October 5, I983 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution BEIURNING MATERIALS: MSU Place in book drop to LIBRARIES remove this checkout from —:—- your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. THOSE BLOODY REDS: ERNEST BEVIN'S PUBLIC VIEWS OF COMMUNISM AND BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY 1945—1950 By Shelley Grange A Thesis Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of History 1983 ABSTRACT THOSE BLOODY REDS: ERNEST BEVIN'S PUBLIC VIEWS OF COMMUNISM AND BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY 1945-1950 By Shelley Grange Ernest Bevin served as Britain's foreign secretary from 1945 to 1951, years marked by international tension commonly labelled the "Cold War." This thesis examines Bevin's public views of Communism and how those views were reflected in Britain's Cold War foreign policy. Secondary sources were studied on Bevin's life prior to 1945 and on British Labour, its foreign policy traditions and historical relationship with British and international Communism. The thesis drew primarily from daily issues of the London Times and Daily Herald, House of Commons Debates and Labour Party Conference Reports —— almost all from July 1945 to July 1950. -
Anti-Fascism and Democracy in the 1930S
02_EHQ 32/1 articles 20/11/01 10:48 am Page 39 Tom Buchanan Anti-fascism and Democracy in the 1930s In November 1936 Konni Zilliacus wrote to John Strachey, a leading British left-wing intellectual and a prime mover in the recently founded Left Book Club, inviting him to ponder ‘the problem of class-war strategy and tactics in a democracy’. Zilliacus, a press officer with the League of Nations and subse- quently a Labour Party MP, was particularly worried about the failure of the Communist Party and the Comintern to offer a clear justification for their decision to support the Popular Front and collective security. ‘There is no doubt’, Zilliacus wrote, ‘that those who are on the side of unity are woefully short of a convincing come-back when the Right-Wing put up the story about Com- munist support of democracy etc. being merely tactical camou- flage.’1 Zilliacus’s comment raises very clearly the issue that lies at the heart of this article. For it is well known that the rise of fascism in the 1930s appeared to produce a striking affirmation of sup- port for democracy, most notably in the 1936 election victories of the Spanish and French Popular Fronts. Here, and elsewhere, anti-fascism was able to unite broad political coalitions rang- ing from liberals and conservatives to socialists, communists and anarchists. But were these coalitions united more by a fear of fascism than by a love of democracy — were they, in effect, marriages of convenience? Historians have long disagreed on this issue. Some have emphasized the prior loyalty of Communist supporters of the Popular Front to the Stalinist regime in the USSR, and have explained their new-found faith in democracy as, indeed, a mere ‘tactical camouflage’ (a view given retrospec- tive weight by the 1939 Nazi–Soviet Pact). -
Against the Cold War
Against the Cold War Against the Cold War The History and Political Traditions of Pro-Sovietism in the British Labour Party 1945-89 Darren G Lilleker I.B. Tauris Publishers LONDON • NEW YORK Published in 2004 by Tauris Academic Studies. an imprint of I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www..ibtauris.com In the United States of America and in Canada distributed by St Martins Press, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 Copyright © Darren G Lilleker, 2004 The right of Darren Lilleker to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior writ- ten permission of the publisher. International Library of Political Studies 11 ISBN 1 85043 471 9 EAN 978 1 85043 471 9 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress catalog card: available Printed and bound in Great Britain by MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin from camera-ready copy edited and supplied by the author Contents Acknowledgements vi Introduction 1 1. Building a Pro-Soviet Fifth Column 19 2. From Emancipatory Revolution to Grand Alliance 42 3. -
Hugh Gaitskell, the Labour Party and Foreign Affairs 1955-63
HUGH GAITSKELL, THE LABOUR PARTY AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1955-63 by SIMON RIPPINGALE A thesis submitted to the University of Plymouth in partial fulfilment for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Humanities & Cultural Interpretation Faculty of Arts & Education July 1996 Univer0: .)-· ~ u th Li ~;·:. .~ - Item No Cf OOliQ202-) - --1 ~~-~k"l+2. · 6gs RJP Simon Rippingale Hugh Gaitskell. the Labour Party and Foreign Affairs 1955-63 Abstract Hugh Gaitskell was leader of the Labour Party between 1955-63. The Cold War was at a critical level and bi-partisanship in international affairs was expected. With Gaitskell's accession this appeared to end, marked in particular by the disputes over Suez, the independent nuclear deterrent and Britain's 11rr lication to join the European Economic Community. Simultaneously, he was challenged by the Left over nearly every aspect of Labour's foreign and defence policy. Despite these major controversies, Gaitskell's influence over international affairs remains a neglected area of research, and he is remembered more for the domestic controversies over nationalisation, his ill-fated attempt to revise Clause Nand defeat at the 1960 Scarborough conference. This thesis addresses that imbalance by examining Gaitskell's contribution to foreign affairs and the following inter-related areas: bi-partisanship; policy formulation; internal divisions and the power struggle between Left and Right. In addition, it also considers how the structure of the Labour Party benefited the leadership during this turbulent period. The conclusions revise Gaitskell's reputation as a figure of unyielding principle, and demonstrates that his leadership was marked by a mixture of finesse and blunder. -
EP Thompson, La Conciencia Crítica De La Guerra Fría. Democracia
UNIVERSIDAD DE GRANADA DEPARTAMENTO DE HISTORIA CONTEMPORÁNEA E. P. Thompson, la conciencia crítica de la Guerra Fría. Democracia, pacifismo y diplomacia ciudadana. AUTOR: José Ángel Ruiz Jiménez. DIRECTOR: Dr. Mario López Martínez. Enero 2005 1 AGRADECIMIENTOS. Quisiera expresar mi sincera gratitud a Michael Randle (University of Bradford), Johan Galtung (TRANSCEND), Lynne Jones (Cambridge University), Kate Soper (North London University), Alan Gilbert (University of Denver), Robert Bideleux y David Eastwood (University of Wales Swansea), Lyonell Trippett (London CND), Gabriel Jackson (historiador jubilado de la docencia afincado en Barcelona), Dorothy Thompson, Mary Kaldor (Helsinki Citizen´s Assembly), Rafael Grasa (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona), Vicent Martínez Guzmán (Universidad de Castellón), y Todd Landman, Kevin Boyle y Kenneth Newton (University of Essex) por concederme entrevistas e incluso, en ocasiones, dedicarme su tiempo en posteriores tertulias que me fueron tan agradables como instructivas. Su ayuda resultó fundamental para esclarecer muchos de los aspectos más complicados de la investigación. También quisiera agradecer a Joanna Pietraszczyk (Universidad de Lodz), sus desinteresados esfuerzos por facilitarme información y materiales muy valiososos sobre el impacto del pacifismo en el Este de Europa durante la Guerra Fría. Debo mencionar especialmente a Mario López, que ha mostrado gran paciencia, interés y simpatía hacia mi trabajo a lo largo de estos años, prestando un apoyo contínuo durante su redacción y realizando -
Experts of the World Economy: European Stabilization and the Reshaping of International Order, 1916-51
Experts of the World Economy: European Stabilization and the Reshaping of International Order, 1916-51 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Martin, James R. 2016. Experts of the World Economy: European Stabilization and the Reshaping of International Order, 1916-51. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33840741 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Experts of the World Economy: European Stabilization and the Reshaping of International Order, 1916- 51 A dissertation presented by James Robert Martin To The Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts September 2016 © 2016 James Robert Martin All rights reserved. ! Dissertation Adviser: David R. Armitage James Robert Martin Experts of the World Economy: European Stabilization and the Reshaping of International Order, 1916-51 ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the origins of the earliest international schemes to manage the world economy between the middle of the First World War and the conclusion of the Second. It follows the emergence of a transnational network of economic experts, affiliated with the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization, who attempted to create a new form of international administration in response to the challenges of stabilizing Europe after the First World War. -
Ernest Bevin and the Cold War 1945-1950
ERNEST BEVIN AND THE COLD WAR 1945-1950 John Saville The social legislation of the Labour governments after 1945-the creation of the welfare state as it is commonly thought of-has become an import- ant mythology for the working-class political movement in Britain. The exaggerated claims made at the time by many of Labour's intellectuals- that Britain by 1950 had entered upon a post-capitalist phase of dwelop- mentl -have, of course, long been discarded but the general consciousness among a majority of the politically committed that the years after the end of the Second World War somehow represented a qualitative breakthrough are still widely current. In 1983 a marxist could write-in an article devoted to a much too uncritical account of Maynard Keynes: Keynes died in 1946, while the postwar Labour government was just beginning its work: the programme of reforms which were to provide an agreed framework for government for the next 25 years and which can be seen as inaugurating the 'Keynesian era'. The successes of that government-in institutional change, in what seemed decisive and irreversible social advance, in economic management- became a model for socialist practice.2 Most of these statements are untrue or, incorrect in their implications. It is certainly correct that the social legislation introduced after 1945 was in advance, considerably in advance in most cases, of practice in capitalist democracies elsewhere but within two decades the levels of social pro- vision in France, Germany and the Scandinavian countries were already higher than in Britain; and what is now widely appreciated is that the Attlee governments made remarkably little change to the institutional structure of Britain. -
Reminiscences of the Nehru Age
REMINISCENCES OF THE NEHRU AGE M. O. Mathai Reproduced by Sani H. Panhwar (2021) To Priya, two, and Kavitha, five— two lively neighbourhood children who played with me, often dodging their parents, during the period of writing this book Contents Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 1 Nehru and I .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 2 Attack on me by the Communists .. .. .. .. .. .. 15 3 Personal Embarrassment of a Rebel .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 4 Obscurantists to the Fore .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 5 Mahatma Gandhi .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 23 6 Lord Mountbatten and "Freedom at Midnight" .. .. .. .. .. 35 7 Earl Mountbatten of Burma .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 41 8 Churchill, Nehru and India .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 9 Nehru's Meeting with Bernard Shaw .. .. .. .. .. .. 51 10 C. Rajagopalachari .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 56 11 The Position of the President of India .. .. .. .. .. 58 12 Rajendra Prasad and Radhakrishnan .. .. .. .. .. 60 13 The Prime Minister and His Secretariat .. .. .. .. .. 65 14 The Prime Minister's House .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 70 15 Use ofAirForceAircraft bythe PM .. .. .. .. .. .. 73 16 Rafi Ahmed Kidwai .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 76 17 Feroze Gandhi .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 18 The National Herald and Allied Papers .. .. .. .. .. 83 19 Nehru and the Press .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 86 20 Nehru's Sensitivity to his Surroundings .. .. .. .. .. 90 21 Nehru's Attitude to Money .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 22 G. D. Birla .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 23 Nehru and Alcoholic Drinks .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 104 24 Sarojini Naidu .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . -
British Political Pseudonyms
BRITISH POLITICAL PSEUDONYMS Suggested additions and corrections always welcome 20th CENTURY Adler, Ruth Ray Waterman Ajax Montagu Slater [in Left Review, which he helped create & edited in 1934] Ajax Junior Guy A Aldred (in the Agnostic Journal). Allen, C Chimen Abramsky [CP National Jewish Committee] Allen, Peter Salme Dutt [née Murrik aka Pekkala; married to Rajani Palme Dutt] Anderson, Irene Constance Haverson [George Lansbury's granddaughter, Comintern courier] Andrews, R F Andrew Rothstein [CPGB] Arkwright, John Randall Swingler [CP writer] Ashton, Teddy Charles Allen Clarke. 1863-1935. [Lancashire dialect novelist and socialist] Atticus William MacCall [pioneer anarchist, reviewer for The National Reformer] Aurelius, Marcus Walter Padley [author of Am I My Brother’s Keeper? Gollancz 1945; Labour MP and President of USDAW] Avis Alfred Sherman (before he became a close advisor to Margaret Thatcher, he had been in the CP in the 1940s, and used this name to write on Jewish issues) Barclay, P J John Archer (Trotskyist civil servant) Baron, Alexander Alec Bernstein [novelist] Barrett, George George Ballard [anarchist] Barrister, A Mavis Hill [Justice in England, LBC, 1938] Thurso, Berwick Morris Blythman [Scottish radical poet, singer-songwriter] B V James Thomson [Radical poet and reviewer] Bell, Lily Mrs Bream Pearce [in Keir Hardie’s Labour Leader] Bennet or Bennett Goldfarb [ECCI rep. to GB & Ireland; Head of Anglo-American Secretariat, C.I.; married Rose Cohen, CPGB. Both shot in 1937] Aka Lipec, Petrovsky, Breguer, Humboldt Berwick, -
No Lasting Peace: Labor, Communism and the Cominform, Australia and Great Britain, 1945-50
No lasting peace: Labor, Communism and the Cominform, Australia and Great Britain, 1945-50 This is the Published version of the following publication Deery, Phillip and Redfern, Neil (2005) No lasting peace: Labor, Communism and the Cominform, Australia and Great Britain, 1945-50. Labour history : a journal of Labour and social history (88). pp. 63-86. ISSN 0023-6942 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15472/ No lasting peace: Labor, Communism and the Cominform, Australia and Great Britain, 1945‐50. Introduction When the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) held their national congresses in 1945 they were both in positions of unprecedented strength. World War 11 had given their members, trade union influence, and overall prestige a dramatic boost. In Australia, parliamentary representation was achieved in April 1944 when a communist barrister, Fred Paterson, won the seat of Bowen in the Queensland state election.1 In Britain, Willie Gallacher, the Party’s sole Member of Parliament (MP) since 1935, was joined by Phil Piratin, returned for Stepney in the General Election of July 1945. Both Party’s membership soared: the Australian from 3,569 in 1938 to 22,052 in 1944;2 the British from 15, 781 in 1938 to 45,435 in 1945.3 Electoral support and membership figures disguised the extent of trade union influence. The Australian Party had majorities or near‐majorities on numerous state and provincial Trades and Labour Councils, had its resolutions adopted at the 1945 Congress of the Australian Council of Trade Unions and was able to dictate the policies of trade unions which covered every basic industry at the federal level except the AWU.4 The British Party did not enjoy this level of influence, but the election of Bert Papworth to the General Council of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) demonstrated its growing importance in the trade unions.