Policy-Brief-The-Rise-And-Root-Causes
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Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Federico Sperotto
Human Rights Brief Volume 17 | Issue 1 Article 3 2009 Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Federico Sperotto Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Sperotto, Federico. "Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict." Human Rights Brief 17, no. 1 (2009): 19-23. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Human Rights Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sperotto: Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict by Federico Sperotto* introduCtion ounter-insurgency is the dominant aspect in the United States-led Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in CAfghanistan, and, since the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) has assumed growing respon- sibility throughout insurgents’ sanctuaries, also a mission for Europeans. According to the U.S. military, insurgency represents an intermediate step in the spectrum of conflict, which ranges from stable peace to general war.1 The frame in which military opera- tions are conducted is known as irregular warfare, a violent struggle among state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence over a population.2 This form of conflict is charac- terized by three principle activities: insurgency, counter-insur- gency, and unconventional warfare, referring to the avoidance of Association of the Courtesy of the Revolutionary Afghanistan. -
Biografia Do Presidente Da República De Moçambique Filipe Jacinto
Biografia do Presidente da República de Moçambique Filipe Jacinto Nyusi nasceu a 9 de Fevereiro de 1959, em Namau, Distrito de Mueda, Província de Cabo-Delgado. É filho de Jacinto Nyusi Chimela e Angelina Daima, camponeses, já falecidos. De 1976 a 1980, frequentou a Escola Secundária da FRELIMO, em Mariri, Província de Cabo- Delgado, onde concluiu o primeiro ciclo do ensino secundário. Em 1982, concluiu o segundo ciclo, na Escola Secundaria Samora Machel, na Cidade da Beira, Província de Sofala. Em 1990, frequentou o curso de Engenharia Mecânica, pela Academia Militar – VAAZ de Brno, na República Checa, onde lhe foi conferido o título de Mestre em Engenharia e galardoado com menção honrosa. Em 1992, Filipe Nyusi iniciou sua carreira profissional na Empresa Portos e Caminhos de Ferro de Moçambique, em Nampula. Entre 1992 e 1993 foi operário e assistente do Chefe de Serviço de Oficinas Gerais. De 1993 a 1995 exerceu a função de Director Ferroviário; De 1995 à 2007 Director Executivo do CFM-Norte. Em 1999 fez a Pós-graduação, em Gestão Sénior pela Universidade Vitoria, em Manchester, no Reino Unido. Em 2003, pela India Institute of Management (IMM), em Amadbad, Estado de Gujarat, na India, é certificado em Educação de Gestão. Outros cursos e estágios profissionais, de curta duração, na Suazilândia, África do Sul e Estados Unidos de América. De 2002 a 2008, foi docente, em regime de tempo parcial, na Universidade Pedagógica em Nampula, no Departamento de Matemática. Durante três anos, foi membro do Núcleo do Ensino Superior de Ciência e Tecnologia, na Província de Nampula. De 2007 a 2008 exerceu as funções de Administrador Executivo da Empresa Portos e Caminhos de Ferro de Maputo, no pelouro de Exploração Empresarial, Em 2008 é nomeado Ministro da Defesa Nacional. -
Meserole Brookings CV 2021
CHRISTOPHER O. MESEROLE 1775 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington DC 20036 (202) 797-6180 | [email protected] POSITIONS Director of Research and Policy, Brookings AI & Emerging Tech Initiative (2020-) Deputy Director, Brookings AI & Emerging Tech Initiative (2019-2020) Fellow, Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2017-) Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2016-2017) Pre-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2015-2016) AFFILIATIONS Co-Facilitator, GIFCT CAPPI Working Group (2020-) Co-PI, Brookings High-Level Working Group on Disinformation (2019-2020) Member, Christchurch Call Advisory Network (2019-) Adjunct Professor, Georgetown University (2019-) Member, Research Advisory Council, RESOLVE Network (2019-) Member, Digital Freedom Forum, CNAS (2019-) EDUCATION A.B., highest honors in field, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, 2002 M.Div., S.T.M, Yale University, NeW Haven, CT, 2009, 2010 Ph.D., University of Maryland, College Park, MD, 2017 RESEARCH Artificial intelligence, emerging technology, international security; digital INTERESTS authoritarianism; counterterrorism and countering violent extremism; nonparametric machine learning, interpretable machine learning, differential privacy and homomorphic encryption, decentralized ledger technology WRITING “Exporting Digital Authoritarianism,” Brookings Institution, September 2019. (With Alina Polyakova.) “HoW Big Tech Can Fight White Supremacist Terrorism,” Foreign Affairs, August 2019. (With Daniel Byman.) “Terrorist Definitions and Designation -
India - Mozambique Relations
India - Mozambique Relations India enjoys warm and substantive ties with Mozambique. Trading links between Mozambique and the western states of India go back several Centuries, and pre-date the colonial era. These ancient people-to-people links have been further built upon in modern times, to forge a strong bilateral relationship based on regular political contacts, ever-deepening economic engagement, and a well-integrated Indian community in Mozambique. Political Relations Independent India’s strong support for the Mozambican freedom struggle established the basis for warm political ties between the leaderships of both countries. Diplomatic relations between India and Mozambique were established as soon as Mozambique became independent in 1975, and India was among the first countries to establish its diplomatic mission in Mozambique. Mozambique opened its Mission in New Delhi in 2001. Since the independence of Mozambique, there has been fairly regular high-level contact between the leaderships of the two countries. All four Mozambican Presidents have visited India – President Samora Machel in April 1982, President Joaquim Chissano in May 1988 and again in May 2003, President Armando Guebuza September-October 2010, and President Filipe Nyusi in August 2015. From the Indian side, Prime Ministerial visits have taken place twice – Smt. Indira Gandhi in August 1982 and Shri Narendra Modi in July 2016. The nature and regularity of political exchanges between India and Mozambique has seen a sharp uptick in the last two years. The highlights have been the visits of President Filipe Nyusi in August 2015 and of Prime Minister Modi in July 2016. On his visit to India in August 2015 (which was his first visit to any Asian country), President Nyusi was accompanied by four of his Ministers, responsible for Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, Mineral Resources, and Transport & Communication. -
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset Iris Malone∗ Abstract Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while others do not? Only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.” I develop a new theory that argues this variation occurs because of an information problem. States decide how much counterinsurgency effort to allocate for repression on the basis of observable characteristics about an armed group's initial capabilities, but two scenarios make it harder to get this decision right, increasing the risk of civil war. I use fieldwork interviews with intelligence and defense officials to identify important group characteristics for civil war and apply machine learning methods to test the predictive ability of these indicators. The results show that less visible armed groups in strong states and strong armed groups in weak states are most likely to lead to civil war onset. These findings advance scholarly understanding about why civil wars begin and the effect of uncertainty on conflict. ∗Department of Political Science, 100 Encina Hall West, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. ([email protected], web.stanford.edu/~imalone). 1 Introduction Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while most do not? Using an original dataset, I show that only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.”1 Only 8% of armed groups surpassed the higher \civil war" threshold of 1000 fatalities per year. -
Cabo Ligado Mediafax
OBSERVATORY CONFLICT CONFLICT CABO LIGADO 14 May 2021 Cabo Ligado Monthly: April 2021 Cabo Ligado — or ‘connected cape’ — is a Mozambique conflict observatory launched by ACLED, Zitamar News, and Mediafax. VITAL STATS • ACLED records 20 organized political violence events in April, resulting in 45 reported fatalities • The vast majority of incidents and fatalities recorded took place in Palma district, where the contest for control of Palma town and outlying areas continued throughout the month • Other events took place in Pemba, Macomia, and Muidumbe districts VITAL TRENDS • Over a month after the initial insurgent attack on Palma town on 24 March, the area around the town is still under threat from insurgents, with clashes reported on 30 April and into May • Attacks on the Macomia coast also continued in May, targeting fishermen pursuing their livelihoods in the area IN THIS REPORT • Analysis of the Tanzania’s role in the Cabo Delgado conflict in the wake of late President John Pombe Magufuli’s death and Samia Suluhu Hassan’s ascension to the Tanzanian presidency Evaluation of child vulnerability in Cabo Delgado following the first confirmed sightings of children under arms in insurgent operations. • Update on international involvement in the Cabo Delgado conflict with a focus on the proposed Southern African Development Community intervention that leaked in April APRIL SITUATION SUMMARY April 2021 was a relatively quiet month in the Cabo Delgado conflict, as both sides appeared to pause to evaluate their positions following the insurgent occupation of Palma town that ran from 24 March to 4 April. From the government’s perspective, the occupation was a disaster. -
2019 China Military Power Report
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 Office of the Secretary of Defense Preparation of this report cost the Department of Defense a total of approximately $181,000 in Fiscal Years 2018-2019. This includes $12,000 in expenses and $169,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2019May02 RefID: E-1F4B924 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 A Report to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, as Amended Section 1260, “Annual Report on Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China,” of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115-232, which amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, Section 1202, Public Law 106-65, provides that the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report “in both classified and unclassified form, on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China. The report shall address the current and probable future course of military-technological development of the People’s Liberation Army and the tenets and probable development of Chinese security strategy and military strategy, and of the military organizations and operational concepts supporting such development over the next 20 years. -
The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. -
Mozambique Page 1 of 6
Mozambique Page 1 of 6 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Mozambique Mozambique Country: Mozambique Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Aggregate Score: 56 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Overview: Filipe Nyusi of the ruling Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) took office as president in January 2015 after winning the October 2014 election. FRELIMO had signed a cease-fire accord with the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO)—the country’s former rebel movement and main opposition party—ahead of the elections, ensuring a peaceful environment for the balloting. However, tensions rose again during 2015, both between the two parties and within FRELIMO itself. Violent skirmishes between FRELIMO and RENAMO forces erupted over the course of the year. After RENAMO’s efforts to secure regional autonomy through a constitutional amendment failed in November, party leader Afonso Dhlakama promised to take control of six northern and central provinces by force if necessary. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 22 / 40 (−1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 6 / 12 The president, who appoints the prime minister, is elected by popular vote for up to two five-year terms. Members of the 250-seat, unicameral Assembly of the Republic are also https://freedomhouse.org/print/48079 8/25/2016 Mozambique Page 2 of 6 elected for five-year terms. The national government appoints the governors of the 10 provinces and Maputo City. Despite the existence of municipal governments and, since 2009, elected provincial assemblies, power remains highly centralized, particularly in the hands of the president. Acceding to RENAMO demands, the Assembly of the Republic passed several amendments to electoral legislation in February 2014, enabling greater participation by opposition parties and civil society representatives on national, provincial, and district-level election commissions. -
Nampula Tragedy: Presidential Guard Blocked Gate, Stopping People Leaving
Editor: Joseph Hanlon | Publisher: Edson Cortez | News Editor: Borges Nhamire Reporters: Aldemiro Bande, Magda Mendonça, Sheila Nhancale, Graciano Claudio, João Machassel _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Number 51 - 15 September 2019 Published by CIP, Centro de Integridade Pública (Public Integrity Centre), Rua Fernão Melo e Castro, nº 124, Maputo. [email protected] https://cipeleicoes.org/eng/ To subscribe in English tinyurl.com/sub-moz and in Portuguese http://eepurl.com/gnZXPz Material can be freely reproduced; please mention the source. _______________________________________________________________________________ Nampula tragedy: Presidential Guard blocked gate, stopping people leaving ctions of the Presidential Guard may be behind the Nampula tragedy, which killed 10 A people and injured 98, according to a Bulletin investigation, talking to people attending the event, including journalists and police officers. On Wednesday 11 September President Filipe people who were bored all wanted to leave at the Nyusi, standing for a second term as president, same time and the gate was closed again, causing gave a speech at a "showmicio" (free music "show" a crush. + "comicio" or meeting) at Nampula's 25 June Many journalists left in convoy cars. But even Football Stadium. It can accommodate 5,000 journalists on foot were not allowed to leave. "I was people seated, but many more were there, able to sneak out through the small gate near the standing on the field. Filipe Nyusi had just left the ticket window, because I was up against a stadium when thousands of people tried to leave at deadline," one journalist told us. the same time using a single open gate. Some fell Other Presidential candidates are protected by and were trampled to death. -
À Dissertation Subnitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillnent of the Requirernents for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Geographical fnpact on CoastaL-Defence Navies: The Entwining of Force Structure, Technology and Operational Environ¡oent By Michael S. Lindberg À Dissertation Subnitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillnent of the Requirernents for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Departnent of ceography University of Manitoba l{innipeg, Manitoba National LrbrarY Bibl¡othèque nationale l*I du Canada Acquisitions and Direct¡on des acquis¡tions et Bibl¡ograph¡c Services Branch des services bibliographiques 395 wellington Street 395, rue Weflington Ottawa, Ontario Onawa (Ontario) KlA ON4 K1A ON4 The author has granted an L'auteur a accordé une licence irrevocable non-exclusive licence irrévocable et non exclusive allowing the National Library of permettant à la Bibliothèque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationale du Canada de distribute or sell copies of reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa thèse in any form or format, making de quelque manière et sous this thesis available to interested quelque forme que ce soit pour persons. mettre des exemplaires de cette thèse à la disposition des personnes intéressées. The author retains ownership of L'auteur conserve la propriété du the copyright in his/her thesis. droit d'auteur qui protège sa Neither the thesis nor substantial thèse. Ni la thèse ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiels de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent être imprimés ou his/her permission. autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. ISBN 0-612- 13301-X C,anadä Nome Michael Scott I'indÏ'cr¡' D;,"l ose select the one subiect which most neorly describes the contenl of your dissertotion. -
End Smear Campaign Against Bishop Lisboa
First UA:132/20 Index: AFR 41/2914/2020 Mozambique Date: 26 August 2020 URGENT ACTION END SMEAR CAMPAIGN AGAINST BISHOP LISBOA Bishop Don Luis Fernando Lisboa of Pemba city, in Northern Mozambique, has been the subject of an ongoing smear campaign to undermine and delegitimize his vital human rights work in the province of Cabo Delgado. President Nyusi, and government affiliates, have directly and indirectly singled out Bishop Lisboa in their critique of dissidents. The authorities must ensure a safe and enabling environment for Bishop Lisboa to continue his human rights work without fear of intimidation, harassment and any reprisals. TAKE ACTION: WRITE AN APPEAL IN YOUR OWN WORDS OR USE THIS MODEL LETTER President Filipe Jacinto Nyusi President of the Republic of Mozambique Address: Avenida Julius Nyerere, PABX 2000 Maputo – Mozambique Hounorable President Filipe Nyusi, I am writing to you concerning the ongoing smear campaign against human rights defender (HRD), Bishop Don Luis Fernando Lisboa, of Pemba city. On 14 August, in a press conference you gave in Pemba city, the capital of the Cabo Delgado province, you lamented those ‘foreigners’, who freely choose to live in Mozambique, of using human rights to disrespect the sacrifice of those who keep this young homeland. This statement triggered an onslaught of attacks on social media against Bishop Lisboa and his human rights work, with many users accusing Bishop Lisboa of associating with terrorists and insurgents. Furthermore, on 16 August, Egidio Vaz, a well-known government affiliate referred to Bishop Lisboa on his social media platform as “a criminal [who] should be expelled from Mozambique”.