The Development Response to Violent Extremism and Insurgency
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Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Federico Sperotto
Human Rights Brief Volume 17 | Issue 1 Article 3 2009 Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Federico Sperotto Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/hrbrief Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Sperotto, Federico. "Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict." Human Rights Brief 17, no. 1 (2009): 19-23. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Human Rights Brief by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Sperotto: Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict Counter-Insurgency, Human Rights, and the Law of Armed Conflict by Federico Sperotto* introduCtion ounter-insurgency is the dominant aspect in the United States-led Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) in CAfghanistan, and, since the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) has assumed growing respon- sibility throughout insurgents’ sanctuaries, also a mission for Europeans. According to the U.S. military, insurgency represents an intermediate step in the spectrum of conflict, which ranges from stable peace to general war.1 The frame in which military opera- tions are conducted is known as irregular warfare, a violent struggle among state and non-state actors for legitimacy and influence over a population.2 This form of conflict is charac- terized by three principle activities: insurgency, counter-insur- gency, and unconventional warfare, referring to the avoidance of Association of the Courtesy of the Revolutionary Afghanistan. -
Charting a New Course: Women Preventing Violent Extremism
Charting a New Course I 2301 Constitution Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20037 www.usip.org © 2015 by the Endowment of the United States Institute of Peace. All rights reserved. First published 2015 To request permission to photocopy or reprint materials for course use, contact the Copyright Clearance Center at www.copyright.com. For print, electronic media, and all other subsidiary rights e-mail [email protected] Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standards for Information Science—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. II Charting a WOMEN PREVENTING VIOLENT EXTREMISM New Course 2 Acknowledgments 3 Introduction 7 Why Gender Matters 9 Women on the Front Lines by Alistair Millar 11 Exercise: Act Like a Woman/ Act Like a Man 12 Blindspots by Jayne Huckerby 13 Exercise: Spheres of Influence 15 Women and the Dynamics of Extremist Violence 17 Listen to the Women Activists by Sanam Naraghi-Anderlini 19 Exercise: Gendered Motivations 20 When Women are the Problem by Mia Bloom 21 Exercise: Multiple Interpretations: Who is Right? 22 Motivations of Female Fighters by Nimmi Gowrinathan 25 Engaging Communities in Preventing Violent Extremism 27 Building Resilience to Violent Extremism by Georgia Holmer 29 Exercise: Allies and Challengers 30 Charting New Ways with New Partners by Edit Schlaffer 31 Resource: Active Listening Techniques 32 Everyday Technologies Can Help Counter Violence and Build Peace by Nancy Payne 33 Resource: Enabling Technologies for Preventing Violent Extremism 34 Increasing Understanding through Words by Alison Milofsky 35 Resource: Debate versus Dialogue 36 Acronyms 36 Resources 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS he creation of the thought for action kit, “Charting a New Course: Women TPreventing Violent Extremism,” has been a team effort. -
Strategic Cooperation Between Japan and UNODC -The Joint Plan of Action
Strategic Cooperation between Japan and UNODC -The joint plan of action- The Government of Japan (hereafter referred to as Japan) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (hereafter referred to as UNODC) have a long history of collaboration in countering illicit narcotic drugs, in crime prevention and criminal justice reform, as well as in countering terrorism. Japan has also been a leading provider of core support to the operations of UNODC. Japan and UNODC share mutual interest in further enhancing cooperation. During the first Strategic Policy Dialogue between Japan and UNODC, held in Yokohama on 2 June 2013 in the margins of the 5th Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD V), they identified regional, thematic and other areas for strategic cooperation, and developed a joint plan of action. They also agreed to hold Strategic Policy Dialogue at the senior level annually in Tokyo or Vienna (alternately). Japan and UNODC reviewed the progress of the implementation of the plan of action during the Strategic Policy Dialogue recently held, and amended it as follows. 1. Regional Cooperation (1) Africa Japan welcomes the participation of UNODC in the TICAD V in June 2013 and the TICAD VI in August 2016 in the TICAD process. Through the follow-up of TICAD VI, Japan and UNODC will enhance substantive and operational collaboration in Africa, in particular, in areas related to peace and security such as strengthening of criminal justice systems, countering transnational organized crime (illicit trafficking of narcotic drugs, firearms, and persons), corruption and cybercrime as well as combating terrorism, violent extremism and piracy. -
Meserole Brookings CV 2021
CHRISTOPHER O. MESEROLE 1775 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington DC 20036 (202) 797-6180 | [email protected] POSITIONS Director of Research and Policy, Brookings AI & Emerging Tech Initiative (2020-) Deputy Director, Brookings AI & Emerging Tech Initiative (2019-2020) Fellow, Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2017-) Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2016-2017) Pre-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution (2015-2016) AFFILIATIONS Co-Facilitator, GIFCT CAPPI Working Group (2020-) Co-PI, Brookings High-Level Working Group on Disinformation (2019-2020) Member, Christchurch Call Advisory Network (2019-) Adjunct Professor, Georgetown University (2019-) Member, Research Advisory Council, RESOLVE Network (2019-) Member, Digital Freedom Forum, CNAS (2019-) EDUCATION A.B., highest honors in field, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, 2002 M.Div., S.T.M, Yale University, NeW Haven, CT, 2009, 2010 Ph.D., University of Maryland, College Park, MD, 2017 RESEARCH Artificial intelligence, emerging technology, international security; digital INTERESTS authoritarianism; counterterrorism and countering violent extremism; nonparametric machine learning, interpretable machine learning, differential privacy and homomorphic encryption, decentralized ledger technology WRITING “Exporting Digital Authoritarianism,” Brookings Institution, September 2019. (With Alina Polyakova.) “HoW Big Tech Can Fight White Supremacist Terrorism,” Foreign Affairs, August 2019. (With Daniel Byman.) “Terrorist Definitions and Designation -
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset
Uncertainty and Civil War Onset Iris Malone∗ Abstract Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while others do not? Only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.” I develop a new theory that argues this variation occurs because of an information problem. States decide how much counterinsurgency effort to allocate for repression on the basis of observable characteristics about an armed group's initial capabilities, but two scenarios make it harder to get this decision right, increasing the risk of civil war. I use fieldwork interviews with intelligence and defense officials to identify important group characteristics for civil war and apply machine learning methods to test the predictive ability of these indicators. The results show that less visible armed groups in strong states and strong armed groups in weak states are most likely to lead to civil war onset. These findings advance scholarly understanding about why civil wars begin and the effect of uncertainty on conflict. ∗Department of Political Science, 100 Encina Hall West, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305. ([email protected], web.stanford.edu/~imalone). 1 Introduction Why do some armed groups escalate their campaigns to civil war, while most do not? Using an original dataset, I show that only 25% of the 960 armed groups formed between 1970 and 2012 became violent enough to surpass the 25-battle death threshold, often used to demarcate \civil conflict.”1 Only 8% of armed groups surpassed the higher \civil war" threshold of 1000 fatalities per year. -
Australia Muslim Advocacy Network
1. The Australian Muslim Advocacy Network (AMAN) welcomes the opportunity to input to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Freedom of Religion or Belief as he prepares this report on the Impact of Islamophobia/anti-Muslim hatred and discrimination on the right to freedom of thought, conscience religion or belief. 2. We also welcome the opportunity to participate in your Asia-Pacific Consultation and hear from the experiences of a variety of other Muslims organisations. 3. AMAN is a national body that works through law, policy, research and media, to secure the physical and psychological welfare of Australian Muslims. 4. Our objective to create conditions for the safe exercise of our faith and preservation of faith- based identity, both of which are under persistent pressure from vilification, discrimination and disinformation. 5. We are engaged in policy development across hate crime & vilification laws, online safety, disinformation and democracy. Through using a combination of media, law, research, and direct engagement with decision making parties such as government and digital platforms, we are in a constant process of generating and testing constructive proposals. We also test existing civil and criminal laws to push back against the mainstreaming of hate, and examine whether those laws are fit for purpose. Most recently, we are finalising significant research into how anti-Muslim dehumanising discourse operates on Facebook and Twitter, and the assessment framework that could be used to competently and consistently assess hate actors. A. Definitions What is your working definition of anti-Muslim hatred and/or Islamophobia? What are the advantages and potential pitfalls of such definitions? 6. -
Report on Official Visit of the OSCE PA
AD HOC COMMITTEE ON COUNTERING TERRORISM OFFICIAL VISIT TO NORWAY 14-15 January 2020 NOTE-TO-THE-FILE Introduction On the 14th-15th of January 2020, the OSCE PA Ad Hoc Committee on Countering Terrorism (CCT) conducted an official visit to Norway. The 20-member delegation, which consisted of CCT members as well as representatives from the OSCE Transnational Threats Department and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean, was led by OSCE PA President George Tsereteli. The visit, initiated by CCT Chair Mr. Abid Q. Raja and organized by the Norwegian Parliament (Stortinget), was also attended by OSCE PA Secretary General Roberto Montella. 1 After being welcomed by the President of the Norwegian Parliament, the delegation paid tribute to the victims of the 22nd July 2011 terror attacks in both Utøya Island and Oslo. During the two- day programme, the delegation also had the opportunity to meet with the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Climate and Environment, the Governing Mayor of Oslo, several members of the Labour Party and the Worker’s Youth League, as well as with representatives of the Norwegian Police Security Service, Norwegian Correctional System, the 22nd July Commission, the 22nd July Parliamentary Committee, the 22nd July Support Group and academia. Notably, many interlocutors had first-hand experience of the 22nd July 2011 tragic events. Ultimately, the visit provided an excellent opportunity to get familiar with the national counter terrorism system and learn more about Norway’s multifaceted response to the 22nd July attacks, which included legislative reform, emergency response preparedness, the prevention of terrorism and radicalization, and the role of public health services. -
Transnational Crimes Among Somali-Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking
The author(s) shown below used Federal funding provided by the U.S. Department of Justice to prepare the following resource: Document Title: Transnational Crimes among Somali- Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking Author(s): Stevan Weine, Edna Erez, Chloe Polutnik Document Number: 252135 Date Received: May 2019 Award Number: 2013-ZA-BX-0008 This resource has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. This resource is being made publically available through the Office of Justice Programs’ National Criminal Justice Reference Service. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Transnational Crimes among Somali-Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking Stevan Weine, Edna Erez, and Chloe Polutnik 1 This resource was prepared by the author(s) using Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. This project was supported by Award No. 2013-ZA-BX-0008, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice. 2 This resource was prepared by the author(s) using Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. -
Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 4 Number 4 Volume 4, No. 4, Winter 2011: Perspectives on Radicalization and Article 4 Involvement in Terrorism Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism Alpaslan Özerdem Coventry University, [email protected] Sukanya Podder Coventry University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the Portfolio and Security Analysis Commons pp. 63-80 Recommended Citation Özerdem, Alpaslan and Podder, Sukanya. "Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism." Journal of Strategic Security 4, no. 4 (2012) : 63-80. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.4.4.3 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol4/iss4/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Disarming Youth Combatants: Mitigating Youth Radicalization and Violent Extremism Abstract In the complex of motivating variables that define the push and pull factors behind recruitment and participation in civil conflict, "radicalization"—or "violent extremism"—is not conceived as a very strong motive, as is the case with studies on terrorism. As part of disarming youth combatants,the linkages between reintegration outcomes and possible rerecruitment into radical and extremist violence must be better understood to mitigate such risks. In our analysis, the policies guiding reintegration of child soldiers and youth should be better attuned to the relationship between recruitment motivations and reintegration outcomes, and must be approached from a political lens rather than a purely technical one. -
The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. -
Policy Options and Regulatory Mechanisms for Managing Radicalization on the Internet
Policy options and regulatory mechanisms for managing radicalization on the Internet Paris, 30 September 2016 “[…] I firmly believe that in a free democratic society, freedom of speech and expression is one of the most prized freedoms which must be defended and upheld at any cost and this should be particularly so in the land of Voltaire. It is indeed unfortunate that in the world of today, when science and technology have advanced the frontiers of knowledge and mankind is beginning to realize that human happiness can be realized only through inter-dependence and cooperation, the threshold of tolerance should be going down. It is high time man should realize his spiritual dimension and replace bitterness and hatred by love and compassion, tolerance and forgiveness.” Justice Prafullachandra Bhagwati Dan Shefet (Individual Specialist) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to thank the following for their support, valuable advice and input throughout the drafting of the Report: Dr. Indrajit Banerjee and his team in UNESCO’s Knowledge Societies Division The UNESCO Delegates and Ministries of Justice/Interior of countries that have participated in the Country Survey. Alexander Linden, Honorary advisor to the French Supreme Court Janice Duffy, Researcher, Australia Pavan Duggal, Supreme Court Lawyer, India Tom Høyem, Former Minister in Denmark under Poul Schlüter Francesca Musiani, Researcher at the CNRS Institute for Communication Sciences and Member of the French National Assembly’s Commission on the Law and Rights in the Digital Era Sami Mahbouli, Lawyer at The Tunisian Supreme Court and Columnist Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, Former Minister of Justice under Angela Merkel Marc Randazza, First Amendment Attorney, United States Viswa Sadasivan, CEO of Strategic Moves (Consultancy agency in Singapore) and former member of the Singaporean Parliament Mr K. -
Defining the Concept of 'Violent Extremism'
Geneva Paper 24/19 1 Defining the Concept of ‘Violent Extremism’ Delineating the attributes and phenomenon of violent extremism Geneva Paper 24/19 Mathias Bak, Kristoffer Nilaus Tarp, and Dr. Christina Schori Liang August 2019 GCSP Written by Mathias Bak*, Kristoffer Nilaus Tarp, and Dr. Christina Schori Liang. *Corresponding author: [email protected] The authors would like to thank Arsla Jawaid and Sanam Anderlini for invaluable comments and inputs. Defining the Concept of ‘Violent Extremism’ Delineating the attributes and phenomenon of violent extremism Geneva Paper 24/19 Mathias Bak*, Kristoffer Nilaus Tarp, and Dr. Christina Schori Liang August 2019 *Corresponding author: [email protected] The authors would like to thank Arsla Jawaid and Sanam Anderlini for invaluable comments and inputs. Written by Mathias Bak*, Kristoffer Nilaus Tarp, and Dr. Christina Schori Liang. *Corresponding author: [email protected] The authors would like to thank Arsla Jawaid and Sanam Anderlini for invaluable comments and inputs. 4 Defining the Concept of ‘Violent Extremism’ GCSP Geneva Paper 24/19 5 The Geneva Centre for Security Policy The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) is an international foundation established in 1995, with 52 member states, for the primary purpose of promoting peace, security and international cooperation through executive education, applied policy research and dialogue. The GCSP trains government officials, diplomats, military officers, international civil servants and NGO and private sector staff in pertinent fields of international peace and security. The Geneva Papers and l’Esprit de Genève With its vocation for peace, Geneva is the city where states, international organisations, NGOs and the academic community, working together, have the possibility of creating the essential conditions for debate and concrete action.