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Governing Body 323Rd Session, Geneva, 12–27 March 2015 GB.323/INS/5/Appendix III
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE Governing Body 323rd Session, Geneva, 12–27 March 2015 GB.323/INS/5/Appendix III Institutional Section INS Date: 13 March 2015 Original: English FIFTH ITEM ON THE AGENDA The Standards Initiative – Appendix III Background document for the Tripartite Meeting on the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention, 1948 (No. 87), in relation to the right to strike and the modalities and practices of strike action at national level (revised) (Geneva, 23–25 February 2015) Contents Page Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 1 Decision on the fifth item on the agenda: The standards initiative: Follow-up to the 2012 ILC Committee on the Application of Standards .................. 1 Part I. ILO Convention No. 87 and the right to strike ..................................................................... 3 I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 3 II. The Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention, 1948 (No. 87) ......................................................................... 3 II.1. Negotiating history prior to the adoption of the Convention ........................... 3 II.2. Related developments after the adoption of the Convention ........................... 5 III. Supervision of obligations arising under or relating to Conventions ........................ -
1 Building Bridges: the Challenge of Organized
BUILDING BRIDGES: THE CHALLENGE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Robin D. G. Kelley New York University [email protected] What roles can labor unions play in transforming our inner cities and promo ting policies that might improve the overall condition of working people of color? What happens when union organizers extend their reach beyond the workplace to the needs of working-class communities? What has been the historical role of unions in the larger struggles of people of color, particularly black workers? These are crucial questions in an age when production has become less pivotal to working-class life. Increasingly, we've witnessed the export of whole production processes as corporations moved outside the country in order to take advantage of cheaper labor, relatively lower taxes, and a deregulated, frequently antiunion environment. And the labor force itself has changed. The old images of the American workingclass as white men residing in sooty industrial suburbs and smokestack districts are increasingly rare. The new service-based economy has produced a working class increasingly concentrated in the healthcare professions, educational institutions, office building maintenance, food processing, food services and various retail establishments. 1 In the world of manufacturing, sweatshops are coming back, particularly in the garment industry and electronics assembling plants, and homework is growing. These unions are also more likely to be brown and female than they have been in the past. While white male membership dropped from 55.8% in 1986 to 49.7% in 1995, women now make up 37 percent of organized labor's membership -- a higher percentage than at any time in the U.S. -
Of Unionization in the Workplace
A MACKINAC CENTER REPORT THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES of Unionization in the Workplace CHRISTOPHER C. DOUGLAS, PH.D. The Mackinac Center for Public Policy is a nonpartisan research and educational institute dedicated to improving the quality of life for all Michigan citizens by promoting sound solutions to state and local policy questions. The Mackinac Center assists policymakers, scholars, businesspeople, the media and the public by providing objective analysis of Michigan issues. The goal of all Center reports, commentaries and educational programs is to equip Michigan citizens and other decision makers to better evaluate policy options. The Mackinac Center for Public Policy is broadening the debate on issues that have for many years been dominated by the belief that government intervention should be the standard solution. Center publications and programs, in contrast, offer an integrated and comprehensive approach that considers: All Institutions. The Center examines the important role of voluntary associations, communities, businesses and families, as well as government. All People. Mackinac Center research recognizes the diversity of Michigan citizens and treats them as individuals with unique backgrounds, circumstances and goals. All Disciplines. Center research incorporates the best understanding of economics, science, law, psychology, history and morality, moving beyond mechanical cost‑benefit analysis. All Times. Center research evaluates long-term consequences, not simply short-term impact. Committed to its independence, the Mackinac Center for Public Policy neither seeks nor accepts any government funding. The Center enjoys the support of foundations, individuals and businesses that share a concern for Michigan’s future and recognize the important role of sound ideas. The Center is a nonprofit, tax‑exempt organization under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under a Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations*
Industrial Relations Law Journal VOLUME 6 1984 NUMBER 4 Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under A Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations* William J. Guzickt This Article examines the recent growth of agreements, negotiated between employers and unions, which provide that an employer shall re- main neutral when unions seek to organize non-unionfacilities andsubsid- iariesowned by the employer. After analyzing the causes of recent decline in union membership, the author argues that this decline has spurredthe growth of neutrality agreements. Such agreements are not violative of the National Labor Relations Act nor of employer free speech rights, but rather are legally binding and may be enforced by arbitrationand injunc- tion. Neutralityagreements are therefore an appropriateextension of col- lective bargaining and can contribute to an emerging attitude of cooperation between labor and management. INTRODUCTION Over the next generation, I predict, society's greatest opportunities will lie in tapping human inclinations toward collaboration and compro- mise rather than stirring our proclivities for competition and rivalry. If lawyers are not leaders in marshaling cooperation and designing mech- anisms which allow it to flourish, they will not be at the center of the most creative social experiments of our time.' President Derek C. Bok Harvard University March, 1983 * The author wishes to thank Professor Paul C. Weiler, Harvard Law School, for his assistance in the preparation of this Article. t Law Clerk to the Honorable Roszel C. Thomsen, United States District Judge for the District of Maryland. A.B., A.M., Economics, Brown University, 1980; J.D., Harvard Law School, 1983. 1. The President's Report 1981-1982, Harvard University 19 (Mar. -
Resolution #1 CUPE NATIONAL WILL
Resolution #1 CUPE NATIONAL WILL: Amend Article 11 of the National Strike Fund regulations to allow for all Local Unions to be entitled to claim assistance from the Strike Fund for up to 100% of the Local Union’s share of the cost of the arbitrator or chairperson of a board of arbitration and up to 90% of the cost of representation before such arbitrator or board. Assistance regarding arbitration costs will no longer be limited to Local Unions which are “prohibited by legislation from striking.” BECAUSE: ● The arbitration process can place a significant financial burden on Local Unions, particularly smaller Local Unions. ● Conservative governments are increasingly willing to use charter-violating legislation to force workers into arbitration and thus subjected to sizeable legal fees. Submitted by Local 3903 ____________________ Maija Duncan Chairperson _____________________ Gizem Çakmak Recording Secretary Resolution #2 CUPE NATIONAL WILL: Amend Article 5 of the National Strike Fund regulations to ensure that Local Union members can receive strike pay when they are not holding a current contact or on active payroll, but have paid dues within the past 12 months. BECAUSE: ● The National Strike Fund regulations must reflect the reality of contractual and precarious workers within unionized workplaces. ● Particularly within the post-secondary sector, workers hold contracts for specific terms with the reasonable expectation that they will receive work again within the next academic year. ● A worker should not be prevented from performing strike activities and showing solidarity with their fellow workers merely because they do not have an active contract at the time of a strike or lockout. -
One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada. -
Local Officers' Resource Manual
Dear Colleagues: Congratulations on your election. You take office at one of the most critical moments in the history of our country and union. This moment calls for bold leadership as our union responds to three intersecting crises. We are living in an era of extreme economic inequality and Corporate Power. We have seen the largest redistribution of wealth in our nation’s history and the lowest unionized workforce in decades. In 2020 we also faced the threat, destruction, and tragedy of the COVID-19 pandemic. Amidst the devastation of COVID-19, we have found ourselves confronting the plague of racism in America, which has been rampaging in our communities since long before the pandemic. I have been proud of the actions our union has taken to dismantle anti-Black racism and we have so much more work to do. I know that together we are up to the task of confronting these challenges. We can continue building our union’s power through new organizing, bargaining strong contracts, and building independent political power behind a working class agenda. As unprecedented as the COVID-19 pandemic is, CWAers have been on the front lines every day, keeping people informed, connected, and safe during this difficult time. And if we are to make progress in tearing down racism in this country and in our union, we must listen to the experiences of Black CWA members and all Black workers. Every white union member, Black union member, Latino union member, and every ally must fight and organize for Black lives. Unions have a duty to fight for power, dignity and the right to live for every working-class person in every place. -
Collective Agreement Nestle Canada Inc. and Milk And
COLLECTIVE AGREEMENT NESTLE CANADA INC. AND MILK AND BREAD DRIVERS, DAIRY EMPLOYEES, CATERERS AND ALLIED EMPLOYEES, LOCAL UNION NO. 647 AFFILIATED WITH THE INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF TEAMSTERS LONDON 401 Factory Contract Term: Ratification to September 4th, 2023 0 Carl Davis Secretary-Treasurer Business Representative Martin Cerqua President & Principal Officer Business Representative Jeff Beer Trustee Business Representative 1 As a proud member of the Teamsters for nearly 33 years, I am a firm believer in our Union values for equality, justice and fairness for all workers in Canada. Teamsters Canada, believe that everyone deserves a decent quality of life. That's why we work to protect what matters to you, your job, your health and your family. Our goals are to promote our collective rights and to protect the common good. Your Collective Agreement allows you to achieve these goals. Through concrete actions in your workplace and your community, we are building a country where we can live with respect and dignity. Francois Laporte President, Teamsters Canada Follow our campaigns: teamsters.ca 2 A MESSAGE FROM YOUR PRESIDENT & PRINCIPAL OFFICER Congratulations on your new Collective Agreement. Teamsters Local No. 647 goal has always been simple; to use our collective bargaining power to fight for equality, fairness and job security in an ever-changing economy and workplace. Going forward there will be many obstacles and issues. However, I am confident that working together with our members we will succeed regardless what challenges come our way. In Solidarity; Martin Cerqua President Teamsters Local # 64 7 3 COLLECTIVE AGREEMENT BETWEEN NESTLE CANADA INC. (hereinafter referred to as "The Company) AND MILK AND BREAD DRIVERS, DAIRY EMPLOYEES, CATERERS AND ALLIED EMPLOYEES, LOCAL UNION NO. -
The Power Resources Approach: Developments and Challenges
The Power Resources Approach: Developments and Challenges Stefan Schmalz, Friedrich Schiller University, Germany Carmen Ludwig, Justus Liebig University, Germany Edward Webster, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa Introduction Instead of dismissing labour as a product of the past, the study of labour has been revitalised over the past two decades by approaches that emphasise the ability of organised labour to act strategically. This new branch of research on trade union renewal has challenged the discourse of a general decline of organised labour, focusing instead on innovative organising strategies, new forms of participation and campaigning in both the Global North and the Global South (Turner, Katz and Hurd, 2001; Clawson, 2003; Milkman, 2006; Agarwala, 2013; Murray, 2017). The focus of these studies has not been the institutional setting of labour relations or the overall impact of major trends like globalisation on labour, but rather the strategic choice in responding to new challenges and changing contexts. In the discussion on trade union renewal, the power resources approach (PRA) has emerged as a research heuristic. The PRA is founded on the basic premise that organised labour can successfully defend its interests by collective mobilisation of power resources. This idea has significantly shaped the way scholars are dealing with the issue of union revitalisation and labour conflict, as studies from different world regions have examined union renewal as a process of utilising existing power resources while attempting to develop new ones (Von Holdt and Webster, 2008; Chun, 2009; Dörre, 2010a; McCallum, 2013; Julian, 2014; Melleiro and Steinhilber, 2016; Lehndorff, Dribbusch and Schulten, 2017; Ludwig and Webster, 2017; Xu and Schmalz, 2017). -
Guarding Capital: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2004 Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre Anthony Roland DeStefanis College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation DeStefanis, Anthony Roland, "Guarding capital: Soldier strikebreakers on the long road to the Ludlow massacre" (2004). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539623451. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-d7pf-f181 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GUARDING CAPITAL: Soldier Strikebreakers on the Long Road to the Ludlow Massacre A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Anthony Roland DeStefanis 2004 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPROVAL SHEET This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Anthony Roland DeStefanis Approved by the Committee, October 2004 Cindy Hahamovitch, Chair r Judith Ewell Scott R. Nelson David Montgdmeiy Yale University, (Emeritus ii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements v Abstract vii Introduction 2 Chapter I.