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The White Guard PDF Book
THE WHITE GUARD PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Mikhail Afanasevich Bulgakov | 304 pages | 06 Jul 2006 | Vintage Publishing | 9780099490661 | English | London, United Kingdom The White Guard PDF Book Sure he had and s It was indeed a very amusing book. LitCharts Teacher Editions. When the shooting stars Use my words as bullets, Crimson with hate. I think that I was looking for something similar to Grossman's Life and Fate , but I just couldn't really find it here, and the introduction set up the book so well, too. This is a very interesting piece of text about the theatre and life within theatre. Nothing is ever perceived clear as to what is actually going on, in terms of leadership. Jul 26, Jayaprakash Satyamurthy rated it it was amazing. While The White Guard , Bulgakov's first novel, doesn't have the same surreal or supernatural elements as his later works, such as The Master and Margarita or Heart of a Dog , those qualities are presaged in the dream sequences and lyrical descriptions of the city of Kiev. More Details Born in Kiev in , the eldest of what was to become a family of seven children, Bulgakov belonged not only by blood — his father was a professor of theology at Kiev's theological seminary — but also by inclination to the ancient regime. While the main story revolves around the members of the Ukrainian Turbin family, the essence of the story is much more far reaching and captures the seemingly endless turbulence of both the City and the nation. During the strike Finnish police forces were effectively disbanded, as they had been closely associated with the occupying Russian authorities. -
The Finnish Civil War and Partisan Bias: an Experimental Study of Expressive Voting
The Finnish Civil War and partisan bias: an experimental study of expressive voting Noora Pirneskoski Department of Economics Hanken School of Economics Helsinki 2019 HANKEN SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS Department of: Type of work: Economics Master’s thesis Author: Noora Pirneskoski Date: 9.4.2019 Title of thesis: The Finnish Civil War and partisan bias: an experimental study of expressive voting Abstract: My study contributes to the literature on expressive voting by demonstrating how the voting behavior of partisans differs from market choices of decisive individuals. The experiment follows a similar experiment protocol as Robbett and Matthews (2018), but with a completely new subject pool and context. By randomly assigning the respondents in a group of 1 or 5 individuals, the experiment tries to establish whether the self-identified descendants of the partisans of the Finnish Civil War give more expressive answers when voting in comparison to decisive individuals. My experiment successfully replicates the main findings of Robbett and Matthews (2018). The results show that the answers of the voters become significantly more partisan in comparison to those of decisive individuals. Moreover, the same result is found both for questions relating to the Civil War as well as contemporary politics. However, the likelihood of a correct answer did not seem to change between treatment and control. My results demonstrate that, alongside material preferences, affirmation of partisan identity can be a major driver for voter behavior. Further, the persistence of the partisan gap regarding both contemporary and the Civil War related facts suggests inheritability of voter choice over generations. The results show that there are benefits to further investigating expressive voting behavior with experimental methods and widening views on how political partisanship is understood. -
The Frailty of Authority. Borders, Non-State Actors and Power
The Frailty of Authority Borders, Non-State Actors and Power Vacuums in a Changing Middle East Lorenzo Kamel THE FRAILTY OF AUTHORITY BORDERS, NON-STATE ACTORS AND POWER VACUUMS IN A CHANGING MIDDLE EAST edited by Lorenzo Kamel in collaboration with Edizioni Nuova Cultura First published 2017 by Edizioni Nuova Cultura For Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) Via Angelo Brunetti 9 - I-00186 Rome www.iai.it Copyright © 2017 Edizioni Nuova Cultura - Rome ISBN: 9788868128289 Cover: by Luca Mozzicarelli Graphic Composition: by Luca Mozzicarelli The unauthorized reproduction of this book, even partial, carried out by any means, including photocopying, even for internal or didactic use, is prohibited by copyright. Table of contents List of contributors ........................................................................................................................................ 7 List of abbreviations ..................................................................................................................................... 9 Preface, by Nicolò Russo Perez ............................................................................................................... 11 Introduction, by Lorenzo Kamel ............................................................................................................ 15 1. Early Warning Signs in the Arab World That We Ignored – And Still Ignore by Rami G. Khouri .................................................................................................................................. -
Helsinki Workers' House and Katajanokan Kasino During the Civil
9 January 2018 Two Houses with Changing Masters – Helsinki Workers’ House and Katajanokan Kasino during the Civil War of 1918 - Photographic exhibition at Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino Helsinki Congress Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino are holding a joint photographic exhibition on the history of Helsinki in 1918, especially through the history of two buildings. The exhibition opens at Paasitorni on 18 January and runs until June 2018. From August until December 2018, the exhibition will be on display at Katajanokan Kasino. The exhibition is open to everyone during the opening hours of Paasitorni and Katajanokan Kasino. A hundred years after the Civil War, the Two Houses with Changing Masters exhibition offers the audience a poignant glimpse of the tragic events of 1918. Paasitorni (Helsinki Workers’ House) was designed by architect Karl Lindahl and it has been owned by the Helsinki Workers’ Association since its completion in 1908. Katajanokan Kasino was built as a club for Russian officers probably in 1913. It is owned through Katajanokka Officers’ Club by the Finnish Officers’ Union, the Helsinki Reservist District and the Finnish Reserve Officers’ Federation. Opening on 18 January 2018, the Two Houses with Changing Masters exhibition features 20 historical photographs depicting the events of 1918 and the Civil War in Helsinki, in which the Helsinki Workers’ House and Katajanokan Kasino played a key role. The name of the exhibition refers to the changing occupants of the two houses. Paasitorni, or the Helsinki Workers’ House became the base for the Red Guard despite the objection of the Workers’ Association, and on 26 January 1918, the Red Guard lit up a red lantern in the tower to mark the beginning of the revolution. -
INTERNATIONALISM from BELOW Volume 4 (Part 1) COMMUNISTS
INTERNATIONALISM FROM BELOW Volume 4 (Part 1) COMMUNISTS, NATIONS-STATES AND NATIONALISM DURING THE 1916-21 INTERNATIONAL REVOLUTIONARY WAVE Allan Armstrong 1 1. INTRODUCTION i) The four waves of twentieth century international revolution ii) The effects of the ebbing revolutionary tides iii) Political ‘memory loss’ after the end of the International Revolutionary Wave of 1916-21 2. THE FIRST ATTEMPT TO SET UP A POST-NATIONAL WORLD ORDER A. DIFFERENT TIMELINES OF REVOLUTION i) April 1916 to March 1921 or ‘October’ 1917 to August 1991? ii) Past and current attempts to create a ‘post-national’ world order iii) Old challenges re-emerge in new guises iv) Timelines in the 1916-21 International Revolutionary Wave B. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES – LATVIA i) Latvia ii) The LSDP and the ‘National Question’ in Latvia iii) The revolutionary timeline in Latvia C. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES - FINLAND i) The revolutionary timeline in Finland ii) From February to August 1917 - rapid progress along the Finnish revolutionary timeline iii) An ‘internationalism from below’ alternative? iv) From August 1917 to May 1918 - the Finnish revolutionary timeline is broken 2 D. OTHER CENTRES, OTHER TIMELINES – UKRAINE i) The two revolutionary timelines in Ukraine ii) Timeline 1 - the Russian revolution in Ukraine iii) The Ukrainian Left after the February Revolution iv) Timeline 2 - the Ukrainian revolution up to July 4th, 1917 and the missed ‘internationalism from below’ opportunity v) Two timelines collide - towards the October Revolution vi) From October 25th (OS) to February 7th (NS) - Ukrainian revolutionary timeline fractured as Russian social imperialism turns to ‘Bayonet Bolshevism’ 3. 1918 – THE LOST YEAR OF THE REVOLUTION? A. -
Populism and the Erosion of Horizontal Accountability in Latin
PSX0010.1177/0032321717723511Political StudiesRuth 723511research-article2017 Article Political Studies 1 –20 Populism and the Erosion of © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: Horizontal Accountability in sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723511DOI: 10.1177/0032321717723511 Latin America journals.sagepub.com/home/psx Saskia Pauline Ruth Abstract This article explores which factors enable or hinder populist presidents in Latin America to pursue a radical strategy of institutional change and induce the erosion of horizontal checks and balances. Applying an actor-centred approach, the article focuses focusing on specific constellations in the political arena that shape populist presidents’ incentives and their ability to engage in institutional change. Three conditions are considered to be most decisive: the absence of unified government between the executive and the legislature, the existence of a ‘power vacuum’ in the political arena and the distribution of public support. Using configurational analyses, different causal paths explaining the presence or absence of the erosion of horizontal accountability are identified. Keywords populism, Latin America, horizontal accountability, liberal democracy Accepted: 18 May 2017 Comparative research on the consequences of populism in public office only recently arose (Levitsky and Loxton, 2013: 1042; Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, 2012b; Rovira Kaltwasser and Taggart, 2016). This was long overdue since the ambiguity of the rela- tionship between populism and democracy has been one of the most recurring and debated aspects in the normative literature on populism across its entire history (see Canovan, 1999; Laclau, 2005; Laclau and Mouffe, 1985). Until recently, this relationship has mainly been investigated through in-depth case studies and small-N research (e.g. -
Sami Suodenjoki, Popular Songs As Vehicles for Political Imagination
Sami Suodenjoki, Popular Songs as Vehicles for Political Imagination Sami SUODENJOKI POPULAR SONGS AS VEHICLES FOR POLITICAL IMAGINATION: The Russian Revolutions and the Finnish Civil War in Finnish Song Pamphlets, 1917–1918* The rule of rogues is now ended, as our country is ruled by the government of men, by the People’s Delegation, and therefore we rejoice! Yet a battle still lies before us until the hiding places, the nooks are empty, until the bourgeoisie, its rabble of villains, is disarmed and harmless. With these verses from “The Finnish Spring,” the songwriter David Lauri Leivo called workers to arms in March 1918, during the first deci- sive battles of the Finnish Civil War. The militant verses were included in a small collection of songs titled Lahtarikenraali Mannerheimin husaarit (The Hussars of Butcher-General Mannerheim). This eight-page pamphlet * The author acknowledges the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. 228 Ab Imperio, 2/2019 circulated in southern Finland, which was controlled by the socialist Red Guards.1 By means of moral polarization, mockery of the bourgeois enemy, and glorification of the proletarian struggle against oppression, the song pamphlet reflected and boosted the revolutionary mood among the Reds. Because the pamphlet marked out Leivo as a Red sympathizer, the question naturally arises of what happened to him when the Whites crushed the so- cialist revolutionaries only a month later. His verses also raise more general questions about the role of popular songs in revolutionary mobilization and political propaganda. In this article, I explore how printed songs published in 1917 and 1918 reflected and in turn affected the ongoing revolutionary situation and politi- cal imagination in Finland. -
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War
Who Were the “Greens”? Rumor and Collective Identity in the Russian Civil War ERIK C. LANDIS In the volost center of Kostino-Otdelets, located near the southern border of Borisoglebsk uezd in Tambov province, there occurred what was identified as a “deserters’ revolt” in May 1919. While no one was killed, a group of known deserters from the local community raided the offices of the volost soviet, destroying many documents relating to the previous months’ attempts at military conscription, and stealing the small number of firearms and rubles held by the soviet administration and the volost Communist party cell. The provincial revolutionary tribunal investigated the affair soon after the events, for while there was an obvious threat of violence, no such escalation occurred, and the affair was left to civilian institutions to handle. The chairman of the volost soviet, A. M. Lysikov, began his account of the event on May 18, when he met with members of the community following a morning church service in order to explain the recent decrees and directives of the provincial and central governments.1 In the course of this discussion, he raised the fact that the Council of Workers’ and Peasants’ Defense in Moscow had declared a seven-day amnesty for all those young men who had failed to appear for mobilization to the Red Army, particularly those who had been born in 1892 and 1893, and had been subject to the most recent age-group mobilization.2 It was at this moment that one of the young men in the village approached him to ask if it was possible to ring the church bell and call for an open meeting of deserters in the volost, at which they could collectively agree whether to appear for mobilization. -
Revolution and Freedom*
Revolution and Freedom* Hannah Arendt (Edited by Adriano Correia)** My subject today is, I’m afraid, almost embarrassingly topical. Revolutions have become everyday occurrences since, with the liquidation of imperialism, one people after the other has risen “to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of Nature and of nature’s God entitle them”. Just as the most lasting result of imperialist expansion was the export of the European nation-state idea to the four corners of the earth, so the liquidation of imperialism under the pressure of nationalism has led to the export, as it were, of the idea of revolution all over the globe. For all the revolutions, no matter how violently anti-Western their rhetoric may be, stand under the sign and have fallen into the tradition of revolution in the West. This state of affairs was preceded by the series of revolutions after the First World War on the European continent itself. Since then, and even more markedly after the Second World War, nothing seems more certain than that a revolutionary change of the form of government, as distinguished from a mere alteration of administration, will follow defeat in war between the great powers – short, of course, of total annihilation. But it is of some importance to note that even before technological developments made wars between the great powers literally a life and death struggle, and hence self-defeating, at least for the time being, wars had become politically a matter of life and death. This was by no means a matter of course. -
External Interventions in Somalia's Civil War. Security Promotion And
External intervention in Somalia’s civil war Mikael Eriksson (Editor) Eriksson Mikael war civil Somalia’s intervention in External The present study examines external intervention in Somalia’s civil war. The focus is on Ethiopia’s, Kenya’s and Uganda’s military engagement in Somalia. The study also analyses the political and military interests of the intervening parties and how their respective interventions might affect each country’s security posture and outlook. The aim of the study is to contribute to a more refined under- standing of Somalia’s conflict and its implications for the security landscape in the Horn of Africa. The study contains both theoretical chapters and three empirically grounded cases studies. The main finding of the report is that Somalia’s neighbours are gradually entering into a more tense political relationship with the government of Somalia. This development is character- ized by a tension between Somalia’s quest for sovereignty and neighbouring states’ visions of a decentralized Somali state- system capable of maintaining security across the country. External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Mikael Eriksson (Editor) FOI-R--3718--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se November 2013 FOI-R--3718--SE Mikael Eriksson (Editor) External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Cover: Scanpix (Photo: TT, CORBIS) 1 FOI-R--3718--SE Titel Extern intervention i Somalias inbördeskrig: Främjande av säkerhet och nationella intressen? Title External intervention in Somalia’s civil war: security promotion and national Interests? Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3718--SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2013 Antal sidor/Pages 137 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet/Ministry of Defence Projektnr/Project no A11306 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning Försvarsanalys/Defence Analysis Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk. -
Finnish Socialism, Nationalism and Russian Ideological Intervention in the Finnish Civil War
The Finnish Battle for Identity: Finnish Socialism, Nationalism And Russian Ideological Intervention in the Finnish Civil War Alexander Maavara Shortly before he returned to Russia in 1917, Vladimir Lenin expressed his support for Finland, or, as he referred to it: “one of the most advanced republican countries,” to receive independence from the Russian Empire.1 Lenin hoped that an independent Finland, which had "developed democracy relatively peacefully and won over a majority of the people to socialism,"2 would come to support the Russian proletariat in the global revolution. Lenin’s prediction proved incorrect as Finland erupted into a civil war shortly after gaining its independence in December 1917. The civil war was fought between the Finnish Whites and Reds, ending with over 30,000 dead and the defeat of the Reds, despite the pre-war popularity and support of socialism. Lenin had falsely assumed that Finland’s developed socialism corresponded with an equally developed militant revolutionary culture that would allow the Finnish socialists to easily seize power. This assumption led to the Finnish Reds becoming heavily dependent on Russian revolutionary ideology and material support. This dependence would allow the Finnish Whites to mobilize Finnish nationalism and frame the conflict as a War of Liberation against Russification, leaving a hostile nation on the Soviet Union’s border. Lenin’s misstep was grounded in a misinterpretation of how Finland’s position in the Russian Empire led to the evolution of a different socialist culture than existed in Russia itself. The Grand Duchy of Finland held privileged autonomy, maintaining its own legislature (the Diet) and executive (the Senate), while foreign relations were controlled by Russia. -
Democratic Republic of Congo
APRIL 2016 Democratic Republic of Congo: A Review of 20 years of war Jordi Calvo Rufanges and Josep Maria Royo Aspa Escola de Cultura de Pau / Centre Delàs d’Estudis per la Pau DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: A REVIEW OF 20 YEARS OF WAR April 2016 D.L.: B-16799-2010 ISSN: 2013-8032 Authors: Jordi Calvo Rufanges and Josep Maria Royo Aspa Support researchers: Elena Fernández Sandiumenge, Laura Marco Gamundi, Eira Massip Planas, María Villellas Ariño Project funded by the Agència Catalana de Cooperació al Desenvolupament INDEX 04 Executive summary 05 1. Introduction 06 2. Roots of the DRC conflict 09 3. Armed actors in the east of the DRC 15 4. Impacts of armamentism 19 5. Military spending 20 6. The political economy of the war 23 7. Current political and social situation 25 8. Gender dimension of the conflict 27 9. Conclusions 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY 34 ANNEX 34 Table 1: Exports of defense equipment from the EU to DRC (2001-2012) 35 Table 2: Arms sales identified in RDC (1995-2013) 36 Table 3: Transfer of small arms and light weapons from the EU to RDC (1995-2013) 37 Table 4: Transfers of small arms and light weapons to DRC (rest of the world) (2004-2013) 38 Table 5: Transfers of significant weapons in RDC and neighboring countries 39 Table 6: Internal arms deviations in the DRC conflict 40 Table 7. Identification of arms sources found in the conflict in DRC 41 Table 8: Exports of small arms and light weapons to Burundi (1995-2013) 42 Table 9: Exports of small arms and light weapons to Rwanda (1995 - 2013) LIST OF TABLES, GRAPHS AND MAPS 06 Map 2.1.