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Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs March 5, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000, according to many observers. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) became dominated by government- approved parties, gubernatorial elections were abolished, and the government consolidated ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The Putin government showed low regard for the rule of law and human rights in suppressing insurgency in the North Caucasus, according to critics. Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s longtime protégé, was elected president in 2008; President Medvedev immediately designated Putin as prime minister and continued Putin’s policies. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed military operations against Georgia and recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions condemned by most of the international community. In late 2011, Putin announced that he would return to the presidency and Medvedev would become prime minister. This announcement, and flawed Duma elections at the end of the year, spurred popular protests, which the government addressed by launching a few reforms and holding pro-Putin rallies. In March 2012, Putin was (re)elected president by a wide margin. The day after Putin’s inauguration in May 2012, the legislature confirmed Medvedev as prime minister. -
2 Russia and Democracy
RUSSIA AND 2 DEMOCRACY By Jeremy Kinsman, 2013 INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE he Russian struggle to transform from a totalitarian system to a homegrown T democracy has been fraught with challenges. Today, steps backward succeed and compete with those going forward. Democratic voices mingle with the boorish claims of presidential spokesmen that the democratic phase in Russia is done with, in favour of a patriotic authoritarian hybrid regime under the strong thumb of a charismatic egotist. Meanwhile, excluded by Russian government fat from further direct engagement in support of democratic development, Western democracies back away, though they are unwilling to abandon solidarity with Russia’s democrats and members of civil society seeking to widen democratic space in their country. Russia’s halting democratic transition has now spanned more than a quarter of a century. The Russian experience can teach much about the diffculties of transition to democratic governance, illuminating the perils of overconfdence surrounding the way developed democracies operated with regard to other countries’ experiences 20 years ago. This Russian case study is more about the policies of democratic governments than about the feld practice of diplomats. It is a study whose amendment in coming years and decades will be constant. RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALISM As the Handbook insists, each national trajectory is unique. Russia’s towering exceptionalism is not, as US scholar Daniel Treisman (2012) reminds us, because the country has a particularly -
PUTIN BETS on REPRESSION by David Satter
September 2012 PUTIN BETS ON REPRESSION By David Satter David Satter is an FPRI senior fellow. His most recent book, It Was a Long Time Ago and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past will be released next month in paperback from the Yale University Press. He is also the director of “Age of Delirium,” a documentary film about the fall of the Soviet Union based on his book of the same name. In his first four months in office, Putin has done little about Russia’s social and economic problems but he has made it clear that he intends to rely on repression to deal with growing opposition. The most famous case is that of the Pussy Riot punk rock band whose members, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Yekaterina Samutsevich and Maria Alyokhina, were sentenced to two years in prison for performing a song in the Christ the Savior Cathedral asking for the help of the Virgin in removing Putin. The case attracted worldwide attention because of the use of a prison sentence to punish a nonviolent political protest. The fate of the women, however, was not an isolated incident. A series of repressive measures and the intensified persecution of opposition figures show that Putin has made a decision to rely on forcible measures. As a result, the political crisis in Russia is likely to worsen because repression may succeed only in energizing the opposition. In the face of the largest demonstrations since the fall of the Soviet Union, Putin has introduced a number of measures intended to impose limits on the opposition. -
Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region
Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by Walter Kegö & Alexandru Molcean Stockholm Paper February 2012 Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by Walter Kegö & Alexandru Molcean Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region is published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research coopera- tion, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. The opinions and conclusions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Security and Development Policy or its sponsors. © Institute for Security and Development Policy, 2012 ISBN: 978-91-86635-27-5 Printed in Singapore Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel. +46-841056953; Fax. +46-86403370 Email: [email protected] Distributed in North America by: The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H. -
P7 TA-PROV(2012)0352 Political Use of Justice in Russia
P7_TA-PROV(2012)0352 Political use of justice in Russia European Parliament resolution of 13 September 2012 on the political use of justice in Russia (2012/2789(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to its previous reports and resolutions on Russia, in particular its resolutions of 15 March 20121 on the outcome of the presidential elections in Russia, of 16 February 20122 on the upcoming presidential election in Russia, of 14 December 20113 on the State Duma elections and of 7 July 20114 on the preparations for the Russian State Duma elections in December 2011, – having regard to the ongoing negotiations for a new agreement providing a new comprehensive framework for EU-Russia relations, as well as to the ‘Partnership for Modernisation’ initiated in 2010, – having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which states that everyone shall be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law, – having regard to the Constitution of Russia, in particular Article 118 thereof, which states that justice in the Russian Federation shall be administered by courts alone, and Article 120 thereof, which provides that judges are independent and are subordinate only to the Russian Constitution and the federal law, – having regard to the Statement of 17 August 2012 by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton on the sentencing of ‘Pussy Riot’ punk band members in Russia, – having regard to the request by the Russian Prosecutor-General to vote on early dismissal of the Just Russia Member of the Duma Gennady Gutkov on 12 September 2012, – having regard to Rule 110(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure, A. -
Georgian Lessons Georgian Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests
Georgian Lessons Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Janusz Bugajski E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Bugajski November 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-606-3 CSIS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066063zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies author Janusz Bugajski November 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. -
A Threat to National Security
ILYA YASHIN A THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT 1 Ilya Yashin, the author of “Threat to National Security,” says the goal of his report about the Chechen IN troduction..................................................................................................................................2 President is “to open Russian society’s eyes to the fact that Ramzan Kadyrov, with the connivance of the country’s authorities and secret services, has become a figure that CHAPTER 1. RAGS TO RICHES.........................................................................................4 poses a threat to Russia’s national security.” His report 1.1 ETHNIC CLEANSING tells about the regime established by Ramzan Kadyrov in Chechnya, reveals his crimes and corrupt schemes and 1.2 THE FIRST CHECHEN WAR shows how he impacts the current Russian political system. 1.3 SWITCHING SIDES TO JOIN THE FEDERAL FORCES We believe that Ramzan Kadyrov is not only Russia’s 1.4 THE ASSASSINATION OF AKHMAD KADYROV internal threat – he has definitely become a global danger. 1.5 THE POweR STRUGGLE IN CHECHNYA Kadyrov is known not only by his public intimidation of Russian pro-democracy opposition leaders, human rights CHAPTER 2. THE CHECHEN KHANATE...............................................................12 activists and journalists, he’s also known for his countless violations of freedoms and human rights in his republic. CONTENTS 2.1 THE REGIME OF PERSONAL POweR There are not only suspicions, but also clear traces, of his 2.2 ARMING THE UNDERGROUND involvement in the assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya, Natalia Estemirova and Boris Nemtsov. There are also 2.3 KADYROV AND ISLAM known cases when Kadyrov’s opponents were murdered 2.4 RAMZAN’S CULT OF PERSONALITY not only outside Chechnya, but also outside of Russia. -
Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the R
Renting Elected Office: Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 David Szakonyi All rights reserved ABSTRACT Renting Elected Office: Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Why do some businesspeople run for political office, while others do not? Sending directors into elected office is one of the most powerful but also resource-intensive ways firms can influence policymaking. Although legislative bodies are populated with businesspeople in countries worldwide, we know little about which firms decide to invest in this unique type of nonmarket strategy. In response, I argue that businesspeople run for elected office when (1) they cannot trust that the politicians they lobby will represent their interests and (2) their firms have the resources avail- able to contest elections. My theory predicts the probability of politician shirking (reneging on their promises) depends on whether rival firms have representatives in parliament and political parties are capable of enforcing informal quid pro quo agreements. Evidence to test my arguments comes from an original dataset of 8,829 firms connected to candidates to regional legislatures in Russia from 2004-2011. I find that both greater oligopolistic competition and weaker political parties incen- tivize businessperson candidacy, while the ability to cover campaign costs depends on the level of voter income and firm size. Do firms with directors holding elected political office then benefit from political connections? Using the same dataset but restricting the analysis to elections in single-member districts, I next employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the causal effect of gaining political ties, comparing outcomes of firms that are directed by candidates who either won or lost close elections to regional legislatures. -
“Systemic” and “Non-Systemic” Left in Contemporary Russia
“SYSTEMIC” AND “NON-SYSTEMIC” LEFT IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA MOSCOW 2019 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Alexandra Arkhipova graduated from the Historical-Philological Department of the Russian State University for the Humanities (RSUH). She got her PhD in philology from the RSUH in 2003, and now she is an associate professor at the RSUH’s Centre for Typological and Semiotic Folklore Studies. She also works as a senior researcher at the Research Laboratory for Theoretical Folklore Studies of the School of Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA) and at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences. She is the author of over 100 articles and books on folkloristics and cultural anthropology, including Jokes about Stalin: Texts, Comments, Analysis (2009, in Russian; co-authored with M. Melnichenko) and Stirlitz went along the corridor: How we invent jokes (2013, in Russian). She co-edited (with Ya. Frukhtmann) the collection of articles Fetish and Taboo: Anthropology of Money in Russia (2013) and Mythological Models and Ritual Behaviour in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Sphere (2013). She has been studying protests in Russia since 2011. She edited a multi-author book We Are Not Mute: Anthropology of Protest in Russia (2014). Ekaterina Sokirianskaia graduated from the Department of Foreign Languages of the Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia (Herzen University) and completed her postgraduate study at the Department of Philosophy of the St. Petersburg State University. She holds Master’s and PhD degrees in political science from the Central European University. She is the director at the Conflict Analysis and Prevention Centre. -
Briefing the Composition of Russia's New Cabinet and Presidential
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT BRIEFING THE COMPOSITION OF RUSSIA’S NEW CABINET AND PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATION, AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE Abstract The new Russian government represents a compromise between Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. Although the latter had to step aside last September and relinquish the presidency, he was given more latitude to assemble the cabinet of ministers than in 2008. The new Russian power configuration following the recent reshuffle is more complex than it was previously. There are in fact now more centres of decision-making. The division of labour between the president and the prime minister will not necessarily correspond to the letter of the constitution. One of the key questions at the moment is the role that the president’s new aides and advisors will play. The emergence of a 'parallel cabinet' in the Kremlin would complicate the decision-making system and would leave Dmitry Medvedev in a weaker position. The situation in Moscow is rapidly changing. The authorities appear to be sending conflicting signals. While Dmitry Medvedev had made some concessions in December on the election of the governors and the registration of political parties, we note that in the last several weeks he has been tempted to backpedal. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/FWC/2009-01/Lot1/38 June 2012 PE 457.132 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This briefing was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs following a proposal by the Policy Department, DG EXPO. AUTHOR: Arnaud DUBIEN, Senior Research Fellow, IRIS, Belgium ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE: Julien CRAMPES Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department WIB 06 M 075 rue Wiertz 60 B-1047 Brussels Editorial Assistant: Elina STERGATOU LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Editorial closing date: 13 June 2012.