DOCSLIB.ORG

Center for European Policy Analysis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Center for European Policy Analysis Center for European Policy Analysis March 6, 2013 Issue Brief No. 126: Russia’s Winding Path of Modernization By Jaroslav Kurfürst ne year into Vladimir Putin’s third it clear that this was a scenario they had long presidential term, the Russian public planned. The announcements merely confirmed Oarena has undergone a notable what everyone had been suspecting for years, transformation. Among others, numerous but it was the way in which the message was legislative measures restricting civil liberties were delivered that made part of Russian society adopted and the number of trials centering on feel that everything had been decided and that defendants’ political beliefs and civic engagement the swapping of the government posts was a increased significantly. The restrictions also foregone conclusion. The fact that their vote was targeted foreign entities supporting the Russian taken for granted ahead of the parliamentary non-government sector. In fact, the 2013 Human and presidential elections mobilized social Rights Watch World Report concluded that forces, which had previously mainly rallied the country went through the worst political against corruption and around environmental crackdown in its post-Soviet history.1 And this issues. The last straw was the conduct and trend is set to continue. results of the parliamentary elections held on December 4th, 2011. According to the In 2012, Russia went through the final report published by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s worst political crackdown in its post- (OSCE) international observation mission, Soviet history. the elections had been manipulated in favor of the ruling United Russia party.2 Immediately after the elections, with a The September 2011 United Russia party section of Russian society convinced that they conference can be singled out as a defining had been rigged and should have turned out moment for the course the country has taken. It differently, the first major protests took place. was there that then-President Dmitry Medvedev It was a spontaneous public reaction driven announced that he would not be running in the by a feeling of inability to influence public 2012 presidential election and that he would affairs. The protestors coordinated their actions back the candidacy of former president and through social networks and were initially then-Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. Vladimir themselves surprised by the sheer scale of the Putin immediately reacted by promising that, if demonstrations. Protests occurred regularly until elected, he would appoint Dmitry Medvedev to the presidential election in March 2012 and, as the post of prime minister. Both politicians made 2 OSCE/ODIHR Election observation mission, Final report: 1 Human Rights Watch, World Report 2013. Available here: Elections to the State Duma, Russian Federation, January 12, http://bit.ly/XSJP77. 2012. Available here: http://bit.ly/14t5lPM. Jaroslav Kurfürst is Director General of the Europe Section at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic. 1 Center for European Policy Analysis that vote too was claimed to be rigged, they did Vladimir Putin took over responsibility for the not break off afterward either.3 As soon as he war in Chechnya even prior to his election, began his third term of office, President Putin and then proceeded to address the erosion of launched an offensive against protesters, the non- central state institutions’ authority, paving the parliamentary political opposition, as well as civic way for the centralization of political power in and political activism. He also took a series of his first presidential term of office. In 2004, he restrictive steps to counter initiatives supporting cancelled the governor elections and made the Russian civil society from abroad, mainly from posts president-appointed instead.4 Putin also the United States and Europe. Yet, measures pursued an offensive policy of strengthening the to centralize and consolidate power through state’s influence over the media. Under threat of increasingly firmer control of the public space criminalization, two of the most prominent media were nothing new and had in fact been imposed moguls — Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinsky throughout Vladimir Putin’s two previous terms at — abandoned Russia, leaving the mainstream the Kremlin. media to gradually pass into the hands of the state or state-owned companies. Consolidation and Its Ever-expanding Interpretation (2000–2008) The next step was to stifle the influence wielded over the political sphere by Russia’s economic When Vladimir Putin became president for the oligarchy. The most high-profile case was the first time in 2000, he entered the Kremlin with 2003 arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky — head of a clear aim of consolidating power in Russia. the oil company Yukos — and the subsequent The country, at the time, had been worn down nine-year prison sentence he was handed in by reforms and weakened by the banking crisis 2005. This case served as a warning to other of 1998, the erosion of central institutions, politically engaged oligarchs and ushered in a and the illness and flagging energy of the most new kind of relationship between the majority of powerful figure in its highly centralized political the most influential figures of Russian business system — then-President Boris Yeltsin. Russia and the Kremlin — effectively a symbiosis. felt humiliated by the North Atlantic Treaty Further, in 2006 the government passed a law Organization’s (NATO) enlargement and the that complicated the operation and registration action the Alliance had taken against the regime of non-governmental organizations, and thus of Slobodan Milosevic, carried out despite its bolstered the state’s influence over that sector as opposition. The Kremlin also felt threatened by well. the rise of Islamism and separatism in the North Caucasus. So at that point, the call for greater Modernization as a Program (2008–2012) consolidation of the country was backed by a broad public consensus and Vladimir Putin set out Dmitry Medvedev — supported by Vladimir Putin to implement the wishes of the Russian society. — won the 2008 presidential election with 70.3 percent of the votes. In the same year, Russia’s 3 OSCE/ODIHR Election observation mission, Final report: 4 However, a law restoring the governor elections entered into Presidential Elections, Russian Federation. May 11, 2012. force in May 2012. As of January 2013, the Duma is working to Available here: http://bit.ly/W5aLQH. weaken the law again, increasing the influence of the Kremlin in the process. 2 Center for European Policy Analysis 1993 Constitution was amended for the first time, From Elections to Demonstrations extending the presidential mandate to six years, to come into effect as of the 2012 presidential The December 2011 parliamentary elections election. Initially, President Medvedev’s four-year and the March 2012 presidential election were term gave some hope to the more liberal-minded accompanied by mass demonstrations in an parts of Russian society. When he took the helm, unprecedented show of public protest, especially the country had benefitted from an eight-year among the emerging middle class. Demonstrators Growth Domestic Product (GDP) spurt of around demanded an annulment of the rigged elections, seven percent, and the middle class was gradually an investigation of cases of manipulation, as well emerging.5 President Medvedev quickly declared as greater freedom and a stronger participatory that the modernization of Russia was a top democracy in Russia. The sheer scale of the priority and even announced a “Partnership for protests notwithstanding, what they lacked was Modernization” with several European countries. political leaders with a clear agenda. A number of figures emerged at the forefront of the demonstrations, but Measures to centralize and consolidate they had different motivations, power through increasingly firmer control and represented very diverse of the public space were nothing new. political and civic programs. These included Alexey Navalny’s nationalist anti-corruption Taking stock of his presidency, however, these activists, individual personalities like the writer hopes of modernization did not really materialize. Boris Akunin, the ultra-left political forces of Medvedev began his presidency with military Eduard Limonov or Sergei Udaltsov, and liberals action against Georgia in August 2008, and the in the vein of former Prime Ministers Boris subsequent occupation of Abkhazia and South Nemtsov and Mikhail Kasyanov. The only unifying Ossetia. And then, in 2009, the global financial principle among the leaders speaking at the crisis swept across Russia. The country’s economy demonstrations was their negative view of the was able to withstand the storm relatively ruling tandem. It was enough to bring people well, on account of massive state intervention out in the streets of Russian cities, especially with existing guarantee funds and huge foreign given the frustration with the elections. However, currency reserves accrued in previous years.6 it was far too little to offer the wider public a Nevertheless, the crisis did take its toll on the sustainable alternative vision and the hope for remainder of Medvedev’s presidential term and credible leadership. even though steady economic growth of over three percent was restored as early as 2010, From Demonstrations to Restrictive Laws his time in office is perceived as a period of The demonstrations in Russia took place against stagnation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
    Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan).
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
    Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs March 5, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000, according to many observers. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) became dominated by government- approved parties, gubernatorial elections were abolished, and the government consolidated ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The Putin government showed low regard for the rule of law and human rights in suppressing insurgency in the North Caucasus, according to critics. Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s longtime protégé, was elected president in 2008; President Medvedev immediately designated Putin as prime minister and continued Putin’s policies. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed military operations against Georgia and recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions condemned by most of the international community. In late 2011, Putin announced that he would return to the presidency and Medvedev would become prime minister. This announcement, and flawed Duma elections at the end of the year, spurred popular protests, which the government addressed by launching a few reforms and holding pro-Putin rallies. In March 2012, Putin was (re)elected president by a wide margin. The day after Putin’s inauguration in May 2012, the legislature confirmed Medvedev as prime minister.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 Russia and Democracy
    RUSSIA AND 2 DEMOCRACY By Jeremy Kinsman, 2013 INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE he Russian struggle to transform from a totalitarian system to a homegrown T democracy has been fraught with challenges. Today, steps backward succeed and compete with those going forward. Democratic voices mingle with the boorish claims of presidential spokesmen that the democratic phase in Russia is done with, in favour of a patriotic authoritarian hybrid regime under the strong thumb of a charismatic egotist. Meanwhile, excluded by Russian government fat from further direct engagement in support of democratic development, Western democracies back away, though they are unwilling to abandon solidarity with Russia’s democrats and members of civil society seeking to widen democratic space in their country. Russia’s halting democratic transition has now spanned more than a quarter of a century. The Russian experience can teach much about the diffculties of transition to democratic governance, illuminating the perils of overconfdence surrounding the way developed democracies operated with regard to other countries’ experiences 20 years ago. This Russian case study is more about the policies of democratic governments than about the feld practice of diplomats. It is a study whose amendment in coming years and decades will be constant. RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALISM As the Handbook insists, each national trajectory is unique. Russia’s towering exceptionalism is not, as US scholar Daniel Treisman (2012) reminds us, because the country has a particularly
    [Show full text]
  • PUTIN BETS on REPRESSION by David Satter
    September 2012 PUTIN BETS ON REPRESSION By David Satter David Satter is an FPRI senior fellow. His most recent book, It Was a Long Time Ago and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past will be released next month in paperback from the Yale University Press. He is also the director of “Age of Delirium,” a documentary film about the fall of the Soviet Union based on his book of the same name. In his first four months in office, Putin has done little about Russia’s social and economic problems but he has made it clear that he intends to rely on repression to deal with growing opposition. The most famous case is that of the Pussy Riot punk rock band whose members, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Yekaterina Samutsevich and Maria Alyokhina, were sentenced to two years in prison for performing a song in the Christ the Savior Cathedral asking for the help of the Virgin in removing Putin. The case attracted worldwide attention because of the use of a prison sentence to punish a nonviolent political protest. The fate of the women, however, was not an isolated incident. A series of repressive measures and the intensified persecution of opposition figures show that Putin has made a decision to rely on forcible measures. As a result, the political crisis in Russia is likely to worsen because repression may succeed only in energizing the opposition. In the face of the largest demonstrations since the fall of the Soviet Union, Putin has introduced a number of measures intended to impose limits on the opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region
    Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by Walter Kegö & Alexandru Molcean Stockholm Paper February 2012 Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by Walter Kegö & Alexandru Molcean Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu Russian Organized Crime: Recent Trends in the Baltic Sea Region is published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. Through its Silk Road Studies Program, the Institute runs a joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research coopera- tion, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. The opinions and conclusions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Security and Development Policy or its sponsors. © Institute for Security and Development Policy, 2012 ISBN: 978-91-86635-27-5 Printed in Singapore Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel. +46-841056953; Fax. +46-86403370 Email: [email protected] Distributed in North America by: The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Paul H.
    [Show full text]
  • P7 TA-PROV(2012)0352 Political Use of Justice in Russia
    P7_TA-PROV(2012)0352 Political use of justice in Russia European Parliament resolution of 13 September 2012 on the political use of justice in Russia (2012/2789(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to its previous reports and resolutions on Russia, in particular its resolutions of 15 March 20121 on the outcome of the presidential elections in Russia, of 16 February 20122 on the upcoming presidential election in Russia, of 14 December 20113 on the State Duma elections and of 7 July 20114 on the preparations for the Russian State Duma elections in December 2011, – having regard to the ongoing negotiations for a new agreement providing a new comprehensive framework for EU-Russia relations, as well as to the ‘Partnership for Modernisation’ initiated in 2010, – having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which states that everyone shall be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law, – having regard to the Constitution of Russia, in particular Article 118 thereof, which states that justice in the Russian Federation shall be administered by courts alone, and Article 120 thereof, which provides that judges are independent and are subordinate only to the Russian Constitution and the federal law, – having regard to the Statement of 17 August 2012 by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton on the sentencing of ‘Pussy Riot’ punk band members in Russia, – having regard to the request by the Russian Prosecutor-General to vote on early dismissal of the Just Russia Member of the Duma Gennady Gutkov on 12 September 2012, – having regard to Rule 110(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgian Lessons Georgian Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests
    Georgian Lessons Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Janusz Bugajski E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Bugajski November 2010 ISBN 978-0-89206-606-3 CSIS CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy066063zv*:+:!:+:! CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Georgian Lessons Conflicting Russian and Western Interests in the Wider Europe A Report of the CSIS New European Democracies Project and the Lavrentis Lavrentiadis Chair in Southeast European Studies author Janusz Bugajski November 2010 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world.
    [Show full text]
  • A Threat to National Security
    ILYA YASHIN A THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT 1 Ilya Yashin, the author of “Threat to National Security,” says the goal of his report about the Chechen IN troduction..................................................................................................................................2 President is “to open Russian society’s eyes to the fact that Ramzan Kadyrov, with the connivance of the country’s authorities and secret services, has become a figure that CHAPTER 1. RAGS TO RICHES.........................................................................................4 poses a threat to Russia’s national security.” His report 1.1 ETHNIC CLEANSING tells about the regime established by Ramzan Kadyrov in Chechnya, reveals his crimes and corrupt schemes and 1.2 THE FIRST CHECHEN WAR shows how he impacts the current Russian political system. 1.3 SWITCHING SIDES TO JOIN THE FEDERAL FORCES We believe that Ramzan Kadyrov is not only Russia’s 1.4 THE ASSASSINATION OF AKHMAD KADYROV internal threat – he has definitely become a global danger. 1.5 THE POweR STRUGGLE IN CHECHNYA Kadyrov is known not only by his public intimidation of Russian pro-democracy opposition leaders, human rights CHAPTER 2. THE CHECHEN KHANATE...............................................................12 activists and journalists, he’s also known for his countless violations of freedoms and human rights in his republic. CONTENTS 2.1 THE REGIME OF PERSONAL POweR There are not only suspicions, but also clear traces, of his 2.2 ARMING THE UNDERGROUND involvement in the assassinations of Anna Politkovskaya, Natalia Estemirova and Boris Nemtsov. There are also 2.3 KADYROV AND ISLAM known cases when Kadyrov’s opponents were murdered 2.4 RAMZAN’S CULT OF PERSONALITY not only outside Chechnya, but also outside of Russia.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the R
    Renting Elected Office: Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 David Szakonyi All rights reserved ABSTRACT Renting Elected Office: Why Businesspeople Become Politicians in Russia David Szakonyi Why do some businesspeople run for political office, while others do not? Sending directors into elected office is one of the most powerful but also resource-intensive ways firms can influence policymaking. Although legislative bodies are populated with businesspeople in countries worldwide, we know little about which firms decide to invest in this unique type of nonmarket strategy. In response, I argue that businesspeople run for elected office when (1) they cannot trust that the politicians they lobby will represent their interests and (2) their firms have the resources avail- able to contest elections. My theory predicts the probability of politician shirking (reneging on their promises) depends on whether rival firms have representatives in parliament and political parties are capable of enforcing informal quid pro quo agreements. Evidence to test my arguments comes from an original dataset of 8,829 firms connected to candidates to regional legislatures in Russia from 2004-2011. I find that both greater oligopolistic competition and weaker political parties incen- tivize businessperson candidacy, while the ability to cover campaign costs depends on the level of voter income and firm size. Do firms with directors holding elected political office then benefit from political connections? Using the same dataset but restricting the analysis to elections in single-member districts, I next employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the causal effect of gaining political ties, comparing outcomes of firms that are directed by candidates who either won or lost close elections to regional legislatures.
    [Show full text]
  • “Systemic” and “Non-Systemic” Left in Contemporary Russia
    “SYSTEMIC” AND “NON-SYSTEMIC” LEFT IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA MOSCOW 2019 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Alexandra Arkhipova graduated from the Historical-Philological Department of the Russian State University for the Humanities (RSUH). She got her PhD in philology from the RSUH in 2003, and now she is an associate professor at the RSUH’s Centre for Typological and Semiotic Folklore Studies. She also works as a senior researcher at the Research Laboratory for Theoretical Folklore Studies of the School of Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANEPA) and at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences. She is the author of over 100 articles and books on folkloristics and cultural anthropology, including Jokes about Stalin: Texts, Comments, Analysis (2009, in Russian; co-authored with M. Melnichenko) and Stirlitz went along the corridor: How we invent jokes (2013, in Russian). She co-edited (with Ya. Frukhtmann) the collection of articles Fetish and Taboo: Anthropology of Money in Russia (2013) and Mythological Models and Ritual Behaviour in the Soviet and Post-Soviet Sphere (2013). She has been studying protests in Russia since 2011. She edited a multi-author book We Are Not Mute: Anthropology of Protest in Russia (2014). Ekaterina Sokirianskaia graduated from the Department of Foreign Languages of the Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia (Herzen University) and completed her postgraduate study at the Department of Philosophy of the St. Petersburg State University. She holds Master’s and PhD degrees in political science from the Central European University. She is the director at the Conflict Analysis and Prevention Centre.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing the Composition of Russia's New Cabinet and Presidential
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION DIRECTORATE B POLICY DEPARTMENT BRIEFING THE COMPOSITION OF RUSSIA’S NEW CABINET AND PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATION, AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE Abstract The new Russian government represents a compromise between Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. Although the latter had to step aside last September and relinquish the presidency, he was given more latitude to assemble the cabinet of ministers than in 2008. The new Russian power configuration following the recent reshuffle is more complex than it was previously. There are in fact now more centres of decision-making. The division of labour between the president and the prime minister will not necessarily correspond to the letter of the constitution. One of the key questions at the moment is the role that the president’s new aides and advisors will play. The emergence of a 'parallel cabinet' in the Kremlin would complicate the decision-making system and would leave Dmitry Medvedev in a weaker position. The situation in Moscow is rapidly changing. The authorities appear to be sending conflicting signals. While Dmitry Medvedev had made some concessions in December on the election of the governors and the registration of political parties, we note that in the last several weeks he has been tempted to backpedal. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/FWC/2009-01/Lot1/38 June 2012 PE 457.132 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This briefing was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs following a proposal by the Policy Department, DG EXPO. AUTHOR: Arnaud DUBIEN, Senior Research Fellow, IRIS, Belgium ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE: Julien CRAMPES Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department WIB 06 M 075 rue Wiertz 60 B-1047 Brussels Editorial Assistant: Elina STERGATOU LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Editorial closing date: 13 June 2012.
    [Show full text]