Georgia's Ruling Party Offers Memorandum to Ensure Peaceful
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Georgia Between Dominant-Power Politics, Feckless Pluralism, and Democracy Christofer Berglund Uppsala University
GEORGIA BETWEEN DOMINANT-POWER POLITICS, FECKLESS PLURALISM, AND DEMOCRACY CHRISTOFER BERGLUND UPPSALA UNIVERSITY Abstract: This article charts the last decade of Georgian politics (2003-2013) through theories of semi- authoritarianism and democratization. It first dissects Saakashvili’s system of dominant-power politics, which enabled state-building reforms, yet atrophied political competition. It then analyzes the nested two-level game between incumbents and opposition in the run-up to the 2012 parliamentary elections. After detailing the verdict of Election Day, the article turns to the tense cohabitation that next pushed Georgia in the direction of feckless pluralism. The last section examines if the new ruling party is taking Georgia in the direction of democratic reforms or authoritarian closure. nder what conditions do elections in semi-authoritarian states spur Udemocratic breakthroughs?1 This is a conundrum relevant to many hybrid regimes in the region of the former Soviet Union. It is also a ques- tion of particular importance for the citizens of Georgia, who surprisingly voted out the United National Movement (UNM) and instead backed the Georgian Dream (GD), both in the October 2012 parliamentary elections and in the October 2013 presidential elections. This article aims to shed light on the dramatic, but not necessarily democratic, political changes unleashed by these events. It is, however, beneficial to first consult some of the concepts and insights that have been generated by earlier research on 1 The author is grateful to Sten Berglund, Ketevan Bolkvadze, Selt Hasön, and participants at the 5th East Asian Conference on Slavic-Eurasian Studies, as well as the anonymous re- viewers, for their useful feedback. -
Center for European Policy Analysis
Center for European Policy Analysis March 6, 2013 Issue Brief No. 126: Russia’s Winding Path of Modernization By Jaroslav Kurfürst ne year into Vladimir Putin’s third it clear that this was a scenario they had long presidential term, the Russian public planned. The announcements merely confirmed Oarena has undergone a notable what everyone had been suspecting for years, transformation. Among others, numerous but it was the way in which the message was legislative measures restricting civil liberties were delivered that made part of Russian society adopted and the number of trials centering on feel that everything had been decided and that defendants’ political beliefs and civic engagement the swapping of the government posts was a increased significantly. The restrictions also foregone conclusion. The fact that their vote was targeted foreign entities supporting the Russian taken for granted ahead of the parliamentary non-government sector. In fact, the 2013 Human and presidential elections mobilized social Rights Watch World Report concluded that forces, which had previously mainly rallied the country went through the worst political against corruption and around environmental crackdown in its post-Soviet history.1 And this issues. The last straw was the conduct and trend is set to continue. results of the parliamentary elections held on December 4th, 2011. According to the In 2012, Russia went through the final report published by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s worst political crackdown in its post- (OSCE) international observation mission, Soviet history. the elections had been manipulated in favor of the ruling United Russia party.2 Immediately after the elections, with a The September 2011 United Russia party section of Russian society convinced that they conference can be singled out as a defining had been rigged and should have turned out moment for the course the country has taken. -
GEORGIA (Acting Through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia) U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes Due 2026 ISSUE PRICE: 99.422%
GEORGIA (acting through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia) U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes due 2026 ISSUE PRICE: 99.422% The U.S.$500,000,000 2.750% Notes due 2026 (the "Notes") to be issued by Georgia, acting through the Ministry of Finance of Georgia (the "Issuer" or "Georgia"), will mature on 22 April 2026 (the "Maturity Date") and, unless previously purchased and cancelled, will be redeemed at their principal amount on that date. The Notes will bear interest from, and including, 22 April 2021 at the rate of 2.750% per annum payable semi-annually in arear on 22 April and 22 October in each year, commencing on 22 October 2021. This Offering Circular comprises neither a prospectus for the purposes of Part VI of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (as amended) (the "FSMA"), a prospectus for the purposes of Regulation (EU) 2017/1129 as it forms part of domestic law by virtue of the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 (the "UK Prospectus Regulation"), nor listing particulars given in compliance with the listing rules made under Part VI of the FSMA by the UK Financial Conduct Authority (the "FCA") pursuant to the FSMA. Application has been made for the Notes to be admitted to the official list of the FCA (the "Official List") and to trading on the main market (the "Market") of the London Stock Exchange plc (the "London Stock Exchange"). The Notes are being offered (i) in offshore transactions in reliance on, and as defined in, Regulation S (the "Regulation S Notes") under the U.S. -
Pre-Election Monitoring of October 8, 2016 Parliamentary Elections Second Interim Report July 17 - August 8
International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy Pre-Election Monitoring of October 8, 2016 Parliamentary Elections Second Interim Report July 17 - August 8 Publishing this report is made possible by the generous support of the American people, through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The views expressed in this report belong solely to ISFED and may not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID, the United States Government and the NED. 1. Introduction The International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy (ISFED) has been monitoring October 8, 2016 elections of the Parliament of Georgia and Ajara Supreme Council since July 1, with support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The present report covers the period from July 18 to August 8, 2016. 2. Key Findings Compared to the previous reporting period, campaigning by political parties and candidates has become more intense. ISFED long-term observers (LTOs) monitored a total of 114 meetings of electoral subjects with voters throughout Georgia, from July 18 through August 7. As the election campaigning moved into a more active phase, the number of election violations grew considerably. Failure of relevant authorities to take adequate actions in response to these violations may pose a threat to free and fair electoral environment. During the reporting period ISFED found 4 instances of intimidation/harassment based on political affiliation, 2 cases of physical violence, 3 cases of possible vote buying, 4 cases of campaigning by unauthorized persons, 8 cases of misuse of administrative resources, 4 cases of interference with pre- election campaigning, 4 cases of use of hate speech, 7 cases of local self-governments making changes in budgets for social and infrastructure projects; 3 cases of misconduct by election commission members. -
Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia’S Political Development
1 The Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia’s Political Development Tbilisi 2007 2 General editing Ghia Nodia English translation Kakhaber Dvalidze Language editing John Horan © CIPDD, November 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or oth- erwise, without the prior permission in writing from the proprietor. CIPDD welcomes the utilization and dissemination of the material included in this publication. This book was published with the financial support of the regional Think Tank Fund, part of Open Society Institute Budapest. The opinions it con- tains are solely those of the author(s) and do not reflect the position of the OSI. ISBN 978-99928-37-08-5 1 M. Aleksidze St., Tbilisi 0193 Georgia Tel: 334081; Fax: 334163 www.cipdd.org 3 Contents Foreword ................................................................................................ 5 Archil Abashidze .................................................................................. 8 David Aprasidze .................................................................................21 David Darchiashvili............................................................................ 33 Levan Gigineishvili ............................................................................ 50 Kakha Katsitadze ...............................................................................67 -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
The Relevance of the Actual Values of the Political Actors of Georgia with the Ideologies Declared by Them
The Relevance of the Actual Values of the Political Actors of Georgia with the Ideologies Declared by Them Dr. Maia Urushadze1, Dr. Tamar Kiknadze2 1Caucasus International University 2Head of the Doctoral Program in Political Science, Caucasus International University Abstract The permanent ideological impact of the propaganda narratives of powerful political entities on the international community is perceived as one of the most important challenges of the 21st century. The international agenda is full of controversial interpretations, produced by powerful international political actors. As a result, the international media agenda is getting like the battlespace for the struggle of interpretations, where the ruthless kind of "frame-games" between the strongest global agenda-setting political entities takes place. The information field is open for all countries, including the small states, where political parties are not strong enough to have their propaganda to resist the ideological pressure from outside. Due to this, the societies of these countries are still easily influenced by the narratives of global political actors creating a suitable psychological environment for internal conflicts in societies. We consider Georgia among these states. Therefore, our research aimed to study the relevance of the actual values of local (Georgian) political actors with the ideologies declared by them. In this regard, our primary objective was to understand the specifics of strategic communication of local political actors, then, to compare their narratives with the rhetoric of international actors, and finally, to determine the strength of local society's resistance to these narratives. We hope that in this way we can assess the long-term impact of global actors’ propaganda communication could have on a small country. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol, Coordinator Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs March 5, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33407 Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests Summary Russia made uneven progress in democratization during the 1990s, but this limited progress was reversed after Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999-2000, according to many observers. During this period, the State Duma (lower legislative chamber) became dominated by government- approved parties, gubernatorial elections were abolished, and the government consolidated ownership or control over major media and industries, including the energy sector. The Putin government showed low regard for the rule of law and human rights in suppressing insurgency in the North Caucasus, according to critics. Dmitry Medvedev, Putin’s longtime protégé, was elected president in 2008; President Medvedev immediately designated Putin as prime minister and continued Putin’s policies. In August 2008, the Medvedev-Putin “tandem” directed military operations against Georgia and recognized the independence of Georgia’s separatist South Ossetia and Abkhazia, actions condemned by most of the international community. In late 2011, Putin announced that he would return to the presidency and Medvedev would become prime minister. This announcement, and flawed Duma elections at the end of the year, spurred popular protests, which the government addressed by launching a few reforms and holding pro-Putin rallies. In March 2012, Putin was (re)elected president by a wide margin. The day after Putin’s inauguration in May 2012, the legislature confirmed Medvedev as prime minister. -
2 Russia and Democracy
RUSSIA AND 2 DEMOCRACY By Jeremy Kinsman, 2013 INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE he Russian struggle to transform from a totalitarian system to a homegrown T democracy has been fraught with challenges. Today, steps backward succeed and compete with those going forward. Democratic voices mingle with the boorish claims of presidential spokesmen that the democratic phase in Russia is done with, in favour of a patriotic authoritarian hybrid regime under the strong thumb of a charismatic egotist. Meanwhile, excluded by Russian government fat from further direct engagement in support of democratic development, Western democracies back away, though they are unwilling to abandon solidarity with Russia’s democrats and members of civil society seeking to widen democratic space in their country. Russia’s halting democratic transition has now spanned more than a quarter of a century. The Russian experience can teach much about the diffculties of transition to democratic governance, illuminating the perils of overconfdence surrounding the way developed democracies operated with regard to other countries’ experiences 20 years ago. This Russian case study is more about the policies of democratic governments than about the feld practice of diplomats. It is a study whose amendment in coming years and decades will be constant. RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALISM As the Handbook insists, each national trajectory is unique. Russia’s towering exceptionalism is not, as US scholar Daniel Treisman (2012) reminds us, because the country has a particularly -
Georgia by Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 Million GNI/Capita, PPP: US$7,510
Georgia By Michael Hikari Cecire Capital: Tbilisi Population: 3.7 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$7,510 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores NIT Edition 2016 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2017 Electoral 4.75 5.25 5.25 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Process Civil Society 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Independent 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Media National Democratic 5.75 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 Governance Local Democratic 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.25 5.25 5.25 Governance Judicial Framework and 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.75 Independence Corruption 5.00 5.00 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Democracy 4.79 4.93 4.93 4.86 4.82 4.75 4.68 4.64 4.61 4.61 Score NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia's Political Development
1 The Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Political Forum: 10 Questions on Georgia’s Political Development Tbilisi 2007 2 General editing Ghia Nodia English translation Kakhaber Dvalidze Language editing John Horan © CIPDD, November 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or oth- erwise, without the prior permission in writing from the proprietor. CIPDD welcomes the utilization and dissemination of the material included in this publication. This book was published with the financial support of the regional Think Tank Fund, part of Open Society Institute Budapest. The opinions it con- tains are solely those of the author(s) and do not reflect the position of the OSI. ISBN 978-99928-37-08-5 1 M. Aleksidze St., Tbilisi 0193 Georgia Tel: 334081; Fax: 334163 www.cipdd.org 3 Contents Foreword ................................................................................................ 5 Archil Abashidze .................................................................................. 8 David Aprasidze .................................................................................21 David Darchiashvili............................................................................ 33 Levan Gigineishvili ............................................................................ 50 Kakha Katsitadze ...............................................................................67