Russian Political, Economic, and Security Issues and U.S. Interests
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The New Cold War: Russia's Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens
\\jciprod01\productn\M\MAT\28-1\MAT110.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-OCT-15 15:11 Vol. 28, 2015 Russia’s Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens 51 The New Cold War: Russia’s Ban on Adoptions by U.S. Citizens by Cynthia Hawkins DeBose* and Ekaterina DeAngelo** Table of Contents I. Introduction ....................................... 52 R II. Historical Background of American and Russian Intercountry Adoption ............................. 54 R A. Development of Intercountry Adoption in the United States .................................. 54 R B. Development of Intercountry Adoption Between Russia and the United States ........ 56 R III. Russian Intercountry Adoption Laws .............. 58 R A. Laws Governing Intercountry Adoptions in Russia ......................................... 58 R B. Recent Changes to the Laws Governing American Adoptions of Russian Orphans ..... 61 R 1. The United States–Russia Adoption Agreement................................. 61 R 2. The Russian Law Banning American Adoptions and Controversy over the Ban . 63 R a. The American Adoption Ban and Its Effect on Intercountry Adoption of Russian Orphans ...................... 63 R b. Arguments in Support of and in Opposition to the American Adoption Ban in Russia .......................... 65 R * Professor of Law, Stetson University College of Law (SUCOL). B.A. Wellesley College; J.D. Harvard Law School. Thank you to Alicia Tarrant (SUCOL, 2016) for her invaluable research assistance and Roman Faizorin (SUCOL, 2018) for his Russian to English translation of Russian source materi- als. This project was supported by a SUCOL Faculty Research Grant. ** Assistant Attorney General of Texas, Environmental Protection Divi- sion. Ufa Law Institute of the Interior Ministry of Russian Federation, 2007; J.D. Stetson University College of Law, 2013. -
What Is Russia Trying to Defend? ✩ Andrei Yakovlev
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Russian Journal of Economics 2 (2016) 146–161 www.rujec.org What is Russia trying to defend? ✩ Andrei Yakovlev Institute for Industrial and Market Studies, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia Abstract Contrary to the focus on the events of the last two years (2014–2015) associated with the accession of Crimea to Russia and military conflict in Eastern Ukraine, in this study, I stress that serious changes in Russian domestic policy (with strong pres sure on political opposition, state propaganda and sharp anti-Western rhetoric, as well as the fight against “foreign agents’) became visible in 2012. Geopolitical ambitions to revise the “global order” (introduced by the USA after the collapse of the USSR) and the increased role of Russia in “global governance” were declared by leaders of the country much earlier, with Vladimir Putin’s famous Munich speech in 2007. These ambitions were based on the robust economic growth of the mid-2000s, which en couraged the Russian ruling elite to adopt the view that Russia (with its huge energy resources) is a new economic superpower. In this paper, I will show that the con cept of “Militant Russia” in a proper sense can be attributed rather to the period of the mid-2000s. After 2008–2009, the global financial crisis and, especially, the Arab Spring and mass political protests against electoral fraud in Moscow in December 2011, the Russian ruling elite made mostly “militant” attempts to defend its power and assets. © 2016 Non-profit partnership “Voprosy Ekonomiki”. Hosting by Elsevier B.V. -
A HRC 27 2 AUV Final For
A/HRC/27/2 Advance unedited version Distr.: General 22 December 2014 Original: English Human Rights Council Twenty-seventh session Agenda item 1 Organizational and procedural matters Report of the Human Rights Council on its twenty-seventh session Vice-President and Rapporteur: Ms. Kateřina Sequensová (Czech Republic) GE.14- A/HRC/27/2 Contents Chapter Paragraphs Page Part One: Resolutions, decisions and President’s statements adopted by the Human Rights Council at its twenty-seventh session ............................................................................................... 4 I. Resolutions ....................................................................................................................................... 4 II. Decisions .......................................................................................................................................... 5 III. President’s statements ...................................................................................................................... 6 Part Two: Summary of proceedings ........................................................................................ 1–1032 7 I. Organizational and procedural matters .................................................................... 1–37 7 A. Opening and duration of the session ............................................................... 1–3 7 B. Attendance ...................................................................................................... 4 7 C. Agenda and programme of work -
From Assistance to Engagement—A Model for a New Era in U.S
From Assistance to Engagement A Model for a New Era in U.S.-Russian Civil Society Relations CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES A Report of the CSIS Human Rights & Security Initiative 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 author Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Sarah E. Mendelson E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org September 2009 CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES From Assistance to Engagement A Model for a New Era in U.S.-Russian Civil Society Relations A Report of the CSIS Human Rights & Security Initiative author Sarah E. Mendelson September 2009 About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmakers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, DC. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. Former U.S. -
Center for European Policy Analysis
Center for European Policy Analysis March 6, 2013 Issue Brief No. 126: Russia’s Winding Path of Modernization By Jaroslav Kurfürst ne year into Vladimir Putin’s third it clear that this was a scenario they had long presidential term, the Russian public planned. The announcements merely confirmed Oarena has undergone a notable what everyone had been suspecting for years, transformation. Among others, numerous but it was the way in which the message was legislative measures restricting civil liberties were delivered that made part of Russian society adopted and the number of trials centering on feel that everything had been decided and that defendants’ political beliefs and civic engagement the swapping of the government posts was a increased significantly. The restrictions also foregone conclusion. The fact that their vote was targeted foreign entities supporting the Russian taken for granted ahead of the parliamentary non-government sector. In fact, the 2013 Human and presidential elections mobilized social Rights Watch World Report concluded that forces, which had previously mainly rallied the country went through the worst political against corruption and around environmental crackdown in its post-Soviet history.1 And this issues. The last straw was the conduct and trend is set to continue. results of the parliamentary elections held on December 4th, 2011. According to the In 2012, Russia went through the final report published by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s worst political crackdown in its post- (OSCE) international observation mission, Soviet history. the elections had been manipulated in favor of the ruling United Russia party.2 Immediately after the elections, with a The September 2011 United Russia party section of Russian society convinced that they conference can be singled out as a defining had been rigged and should have turned out moment for the course the country has taken. -
Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction
RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom -
The Situation of Minority Children in Russia
The Situation of Children Belonging to Vulnerable Groups in Russia Alternative Report March 2013 Anti- Discrimination Centre “MEMORIAL” The NGO, Anti-Discrimination Centre “MEMORIAL”, was registered in 2007 and continued work on a number of human rights and anti-discrimination projects previously coordinated by the Charitable Educational Human Rights NGO “MEMORIAL” of St. Petersburg. ADC “Memorial‟s mission is to defend the rights of individuals subject to or at risk of discrimination by providing a proactive response to human rights violations, including legal assistance, human rights education, research, and publications. ADC Memorial‟s strategic goals are the total eradication of discrimination at state level; the adoption of anti- discrimination legislation in Russia; overcoming all forms of racism and nationalism; Human Rights education; and building tolerance among the Russian people. ADC Memorial‟s vision is the recognition of non-discrimination as a precondition for the realization of all the rights of each person. Tel: +7 (812) 317-89-30 E-mail: [email protected] Contributors The report has been prepared by Anti-discrimination Center “Memorial” with editorial direction of Stephania Kulaeva and Olga Abramenko. Anti-discrimination Center “Memorial” would like to thank Simon Papuashvili of International Partnership for Human Rights for his assistance in putting this report together and Ksenia Orlova of ADC “Memorial” for allowing us to use the picture for the cover page. Page 2 of 47 Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 4 Summary of Recommendations ..................................................................................................... 7 Overview of the legal and policy initiatives implemented in the reporting period ................. 11 Violations of the rights of children involving law enforcement agencies ............................... -
Russia Bans U.S. Adoptions
Dear Class Member, This is the lesson we will address this week: Jan. 6. We will meet in Fellowship Hall. See you on Sunday....bring your prayers, questions, ideas, thoughts of how we can make a difference Blessings, Fran Russia Bans U.S. Adoptions Claiming that Americans routinely mistreat adoptees from his country, Russian president Vladimir Putin supported a law that would halt the adoption of Russian children by U.S. families. Both houses of the Russian Parliament voted overwhelmingly to approve the measure, citing 19 deaths of Russian children by their American adoptive parents since the 1990s. The bill was named for Dima Yakovlev, a toddler whose blind grandmother claimed was illegally adopted by Americans who first forged her signature on adoption documents and then left him for hours in a broiling hot car, leading to his death. The adoptive father was found not guilty of involuntary manslaughter. A few lawmakers claimed that some Russian children were adopted by Americans to be used for organ transplants and to become sex toys or cannon fodder for the U.S. Army. In 2010, an American woman sent her adopted son back to Russia alone on a plane, claiming that the then-7-year-old boy had violent episodes that made the family fear for its safety. Lawmakers also expressed the concern that foreign adoptions discourage Russians from adopting children. Russian law allows foreigners to adopt only if a Russian family has not expressed interest in a child being considered for adoption, but “a foreigner who has paid for an adoption always gets a priority compared to potential Russian adoptive parents,” said Russian children’s rights ombudsman Pavel Astakhov. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Putin and Russia in 2018–24 What Next? Putin and Russia in 2018–24: What Next?
Research Paper Andrew Wood Russia and Eurasia Programme | March 2018 Putin and Russia in 2018–24 What Next? Putin and Russia in 2018–24: What Next? Summary • Following his re-election on 18 March 2018, by a respectable but not wholly earned margin of victory, Vladimir Putin will embark on what will, under present constitutional arrangements, be his final six-year term in office. • Putin’s Russia is ruled by an opaque and shifting power structure centred on the Kremlin. It is now devoid of authoritative institutions beyond that framework that would enable Russia to develop into a fully functional or accountable state. The main objective of the incumbent regime is to protect its hold on power. It will therefore continue, between now and 2024, to follow the three main policy guidelines set by Putin in 2012: to do without significant structural economic reforms because of the political risks attached to them; to control the population; and to pursue ‘great power’ ambitions. • Notwithstanding some modest economic recovery latterly, all indications are that economic performance will be mediocre at best in the coming years. A context of ‘neo-stagnation’ is anticipated. The domestic interests of the population at large will continue to take second place to the security and military expenditure favoured by the leadership. Managing the relationship between the regions and the federal centre will take imagination and care. • The ‘vertical of power’ of Putin’s vision is not the coherent structure that its name suggests. Shifting ‘understandings’ of what is permitted or required determine patterns of behaviour, not clear laws or independent courts. -
Re-Evaluating the Public Sphere in Russia: Case Studies of Two Ngos
Re-Evaluating the Public Sphere in Russia: Case Studies of Two NGOs THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Alex Gregory Radsky Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2013 Master's Examination Committee: Morgan Liu, Advisor Nick Breyfogle Copyright by Alex Radsky 2013 Abstract This thesis explores two Russian non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the Union of Committees of Soldiers’ Mothers (UCSMR) and the Interregional Association of Human Rights Organizations AGORA (Agora). These two case studies apply the public sphere as a theoretical lens in an innovative way in order to rethink Russian civil society. The interactions of these two NGOs with state institutions show that Russia’s NGOs are important social actors who are actively negotiating and contesting the borders between civil and political action. Operating on the border of state and society, these two NGOs’ depicts a blurry boundary between social actors and a non-unitary state. In order to challenge the boundaries between the political and the civic, Agora and UCSMR’s negotiate through a process of creating public spheres, or pluralizing the voices contesting a certain institution or idea. In these cases, the UCSMR has brought the discourse of human rights to the military and Agora has done the same within the legal system. This contested negotiation occurs in an overlapping field of state institutions, individuals, and social organizations through both cooperation and contestation. These public spheres encompass multiple layers of the state, and play an important role in negotiating the boundaries of political action in Russian society. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER